Crisis Of Democracy Research Articles

Democratic Crisis in the 21st Century and Research Challenges in Public Administration

Resumo A pesquisa no campo da administração pública encontra-se permanentemente desafiada a refletir sobre a complexa relação que envolve a administração e democracia. O retorno ao cenário nacional e internacional de forças políticas situadas no campo da extrema direita, que recorrem às regras do jogo democrático como ferramentas contra a clássica democracia liberal, coloca desafios teórico-epistemológicos adicionais ao campo. Quais os desafios e perspectivas da produção do saber no campo da administração, particularmente no que diz respeito à articulação entre modelos de gestão e democracia, considerando projetos de sociedade e modelos de desenvolvimento? Esse debate requer a mobilização de conhecimento crítico, o redesenho de objetos de estudo, do significado da participação, o aprofundamento do caráter interdisciplinar da pesquisa, além de explicitar a dimensão política da relação entre res publica e democracia.

POLITICAL REPRESENTATION AND THE CRISIS OF DEMOCRACY

The phenomenon of strengthening autocratic tendencies in the development of political regimes in the modern era is considered. This phenomenon testifies to the newly increased urgency of the problem of the crisis of democracy. One of the ways to rethink democracy in the new conditions is appealing to philosophical methodology, in particular, an appeal to the concept of political representation. The classical theory of representation by K. Schmitt and the alternative concept of aesthetic political representation (Frank R. Ankersmit) are considered. The approach proposed by Frank R. Ankersmit has the preferred heuristic possibilities in terms of legitimizing impersonal power in a representative democracy. The importance of the theory of representation for overcoming crisis phenomena in the development of democracy is shown.

Democracy in Israel: Are There Any Reasons for Concern?

The author examines the current state of democratic governance in the State of Israel. The research focuses on the changes that have taken place in the party and civil environment of the state in the last decade, as well as their impact on Israeli democracy. It also reveals the negative impact of the right-wing nature of the ruling elite on the liberal side of Israeli democratic rule. The paper states the decline of democracy in various regions of the world, in the State of Israel, which is considered the only democratic country in the Middle East. Based on this, the author examines the current state of democratic governance in Israel. The research focuses on the changes that have occurred in the party and civil environment of the state in the last decade, as well as their impact on Israeli democracy. There is a tendency towards the growth of right-wing sentiments both within the political elite and the Israeli society itself, which is the result of a long-term transformation of the political landscape of Israel and is closely related to the security issue. In addition, other reasons for the rise of right-wing sentiments are given, namely: the peculiarities of Israel’s demographic development, the failure of the peace process with the Palestinians, the changing role of religious parties in election campaigns, etc. The paper analyzes several government laws, as well as already approved laws of a legal nature: the boycott law, the Nakba Law, the law on ‘transparency,’ the law on the nation state. The recent legislative initiative of the newly elected Israeli government to limit the powers and role of the Supreme Court is subjected to a separate analysis: the reasons for the nomination of the law are revealed, its main provisions are given, possible consequences of the adoption of this law are established and their assessment in the context of the emerging democratic crisis in Israel. As a result of the above, the negative impact of the right-wing nature of the ruling elite on the liberal side of Israeli democratic rule is revealed. Two key vectors of the current government’s anti-liberal policy have been identified: firstly, changing the system of checks-and-balances within which institutions now function in favor of the political majority principle; secondly, the principles of ethno-nationalism as the basis of all spheres of Israeli society in the long term. In conclusion, the author gives forecasts of the further development of the processes considered in the work in case of preservation and further deepening of the current internal political course of the Government of Israel.

Civic Education in a Time of Democratic Crisis

This volume features frontiers of scholarship in the political, social, and behavioral sciences that are advancing civic education. The volume begins with an analysis of recent efforts to create a shared agenda for civic learning against a backdrop of politicization in education. Additional articles provide theoretical and empirical support for the knowledge, skills, and dispositions necessary for students to become engaged civic actors and problem solvers; other contributions offer illustrations of civic learning in action. A cross-cutting theme is the role that cultural contexts and environments play in helping to ensure meaningful student learning in the United States’ multiethnic democracy. The volume concludes with recommendations for research, policy, and practice that can further advance a type of civic education that invigorates and preserves our democratic traditions and prepares students to address the political, socioeconomic, and ecological challenges that loom ever larger on the horizon.

War in Ukraine: A power play between Democracy and Authoritarianism

This article provides an analytical discussion of the crisis of democracy and the rise of authoritarianism in the context of the Russia-Ukraine War. Some of the fundamental aspects of the post-Cold War international order are addressed in this respect, including emerging powers, anti-Westernism, authoritarianism, and new threats in international relations. It is argued that the post-Cold War period brought both stability and instability to the global world order. On the one hand, the United States' victory in the ideological conflict between the East and the West led to the dominance of the Western system and its influence in the Middle East and Central Eastern European region with the call for democracy. On the other hand, the growing intervention of the US in intra-state disputes through the deployment of NATO has become a major concern to Russia and many other nations along the eastern border. This intensified anti-Western sentiment in emerging countries, with the rise of many Authoritarian governments. Many of the conflicts that the world has witnessed since the end of the Cold War are the result of such anti-Western feelings. This resulted at the beginning of a new era of war and conflict on a global scale. Russia's war in Ukraine is one of the recent examples. Russia is attempting to maintain its sphere of influence to avoid joining NATO and the West, regardless of the cost or repercussions of the war. As a result of these conflicts between great powers, several new powers emerged, resulting in a multi-polar world order. Today, it is emphasized that the ability and willingness of great powers to cooperate in addressing these dangers will determine the course of the world.

Polish local democracy in crisis? Non-competitive elections and the supply of candidates for councillors

Competitive elections are the basis of democracy; without them there is no freedom of choice. Elections without competition are associated with the façade nature of elections in undemocratic systems. There are, however, exceptions to the belief that in a democratic system every election must be competitive. We can also observe them in Poland, particularly in small communes with up to 20,000 inhabitants. They take two forms: non-competitive elections of commune leaders and councillors. The latter case is known in the literature under the legal term of filling seats without voting. In 2018, as many as 8% of Polish councillors obtained their mandate without votes. In 2018 compared to 2014, the number of such cases increased by 77% and compared to 2010, the increase was nearly 300%. In extreme cases, local elections become a ritual with a known result, and the voter loses the ability to influence their representatives. At the same time, from 2002 to 2018, the number of candidates for municipal councils fell by 38%. Both phenomena may be a signal of problems that harm Polish local democracy. The article analyses them through the prism of the mechanisms for selecting candidates for councillors.

The COVID-19 Pandemic Between Bio-Ethics, Bio-Law and Bio-Politics: A Case Study on The Italian Experience of The DuPre Commission

The aim of this qualitative study was to consider the question of whether the Italian political management of the pandemic respected the European bio-ethical and bio-juridical approaches in light of the principles of autonomy, dignity, integrity and vulnerability. As no specific consolidated literature exists on the subject, the Italian situation was taken into consideration, specifically the work of a spontaneous commission (DuPre) that collected the reflections of academics and researchers interested in discussing political decisions for the management of the emergency, which was the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. The analysis took into account the contributions of scholars during two conferences (without proceedings), which were transcribed and examined. From the texts processed with a thematic analysis, three main themes emerged: ‘pandemic as a state of exception, sovereignty and crisis of democracy’, ‘the value of doubt and refutation’ and ‘elimination of informed consent between persuasion and blackmail’. In this paper, the final bio-political considerations on the European approach and the management of the COVID-19 pandemic in Italy are presented.

Features of the socio-political consolidation of Russian society and the state in the conditions of a special military operation: sociological analysis

In the article, the author examines the risks and reserves of socio-political consolidation of Russian society and the state in the conditions of sanctions and a special military operation in Ukraine. The study is based on the analysis of a wide range of literature, sources of official information and statistics, the results of sociological research of Russian and international organizations. The analysis of global trends allowed us to fix the destructive nature of the consolidation processes of society and government taking place in most countries of the world. Their characteristic features are the decline in the level of trust of citizens, the growing alienation of the state and society, the crisis of democracy around the world. According to citizens, their governments, intentionally spreading false information, contribute to the disunity and division of the national civil society. In modern conditions, citizens of countries share a multipolar model of the world order. The plans of the political leaders of unfriendly states to tighten the sanctions policy against Russia and strengthen the provision of military assistance to Ukraine have not found active support of the population in a number of countries around the world. Russia is not an aggressor in the consciousness of the society of most states. In our country, the markers of socio-political consolidation of society and the state were the increase in the levels of trust of citizens in state structures and loyalty to the policy pursued by the authorities. The Russian state managed to contain a sharp decline in the quality of life of citizens and establish a dialogue in the information space. The key reserve for the socio-political consolidation of Russian society and the state is the formation of a unified national idea, ideology, stable moral guidelines based on the values of justice, peace, law and patriotism.

Populizm historyczny i kryzys demokracji. Węgry i Polska na tle Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

The Politics of Memory, Historical Populism and the Crisis of Democracy. Hungary and Poland Against the Backdrop of Central and Eastern Europe Firstly, the author analyzes those resources of historical memory that distinguish Hungary and Poland from the other states of Central and Eastern Europe. On the one hand, these resources most strongly associate them with the West, and on the other, they allow them to oppose it to justify their alternative development path. Secondly, he analyzes the cases of populists of various types across the region since 1989, highlighting those who campaigned with interpretations of the past to delegitimize political opponents, mainly from the left. Finally, and thirdly, he presents policies of memory of the right-wing governments of Hungary and Poland. In his opinion only they meet the criteria for the definition of historical populism. This term is what he calls a consistent governmental policy aimed at liberal elites and globalization as embodied by the West. It is conducted by changing the sense given to the entire past following the ideology of ethnocentrism and neo-traditionalism. This ideology is addressed to people-nation (lat. populus) to whom it assigns the role of an heir of a unique history and national tradition.

Reconceptualizing Democratic Innovation

Democratic innovation is one way the multiple crises of democracy can be addressed. The literature on democratic innovation has yet to adequately interrogate the role of social movements, and more specifically the movement of democratic imaginaries, in innovation, nor has it considered the specific mechanisms through which movements translate democratic imaginaries and practices into innovation. This article provides a preliminary roadmap for methodological and conceptual innovation in our understanding of the role of social movements in democratic innovation. It introduces the concept of democratic innovation repertoires and argues that: a) we need to broaden our conceptualization and analysis of democratic innovation to encompass the role of social movements; and b) we need to understand how the relationship between democratic movement imaginaries and the praxis that movements develop in their quest to “save” or strengthen democracy can shape democratic innovation beyond movement arenas after mobilizing “events” have passed.

Odgovornost etabliranih elit za vzpon populizma v Evropi

The article examines the role of the established elites in the process of the spread of populism in Europe. The author argues that populism is not so much a cause as a symptom of a crisis of democracy. The ineffectiveness and irresponsibility of the traditional political parties and the weakness of leadership by the established political elites have contributed significantly to the popularity of the populist messages. Populist political figures are taking advantage of the declining trust in political institutions, which is linked to their sub-optimal performance, especially in crisis situations.

Inclusivity (Online Discussions/Discussion Quality)

Inclusivity (Online Discussions/Discussion Quality)

Rationality (Online Discussions/Discussion Quality)

Rationality (Online Discussions/Discussion Quality)

Interactivity/Reciprocity (Online Discussions/Discussion Quality)

Interactivity/Reciprocity (Online Discussions/Discussion Quality)

The Brown Plague and the White Sickness: Fascism and the Crisis of Democracy in Karel Čapek’s The White Sickness and Albert Camus’s The Plague

This essay examines two crucial examples of twentieth-century plague writing through a psychoanalytic and political lens, arguing that psychic repression lies at the heart of both Karel Čapek’s play The White Sickness, written on the eve of the Nazi invasion of Czechoslovakia, and Albert Camus’s novel The Plague, published ten years later in 1947 but begun in 1942 during the German occupation of France. I shall argue that the nature of the calamity in both cases is political rather than biomedical: how could fascism triumph in an apparently stable democracy like interwar France or Czechoslovakia?

Hacking the crisis of democracy

<p><strong>Cilj. </strong>Cilj je rada razmotriti moguće uzroke krize demokracije koja zahvaća šire de- mokratske odnose i procese u sferama društvenosti, kulture, ekonomije i politike. Kriza demokracije posebno se razmatra u kontekstu tehnosfere koja počiva na moći umjetne inteligencije i umjetnog života. Rad otvara pitanje važnosti i uloge medijske pismenosti kao jednog od ključnih rješenja za krizu demokracije i eskalaciju dezinformacija u javnom diskursu.</p> <p><strong>Pristup/metodologija. </strong>Rad se temelji na sustavnom pregledu i analizi literature i dostupnih istraživanja koji kreiraju teorijski okvir za definiranje i razumijevanje pitanja krize demokracije i njezine povezanosti s problematikom tehnicizacije (datafikacije i algoritmizacije) društva i društvenih procesa, odnosno s izazovima dezinfodemije koja kroz marginalizaciju istine i nekritičko sagledavanje informacija otvara prostor za dolazak post-istine.</p> <p><strong>Rezultati. </strong>Ovim se radom želi potaknuti promišljanje struke, donositelja odluka, ali i šire javnosti o uravnoteživanju osjećaja (individualne i kolektivne) odgovornosti i mogućnosti stvarne kontrole, odnosno odgovornosti i djelovanja pojedinca i odgovornosti i djelovanja javnog i privatnog sektora. Također želi se potaknuti dijalog o nužnosti kreiranja strategije i programa za promicanje i razvoj medijske pismenosti i kritičkog mišljenja u svrhu ne samo suprotstavljanja dezinformacijama već i kritičkog razumije- vanja društvenih odnosa i distribucije društvene i političke moći.</p> <p><strong>Originalnost/vrijednost. </strong>Rad povezuje pitanja algoritmizacije, krize demokracije i medijske pismenosti. Medijska je pismenost temelj informiranog građanstva, pa tako i temelj demokratskog društva. Znanja, vještine i kompetencije medijske pismenosti u informacijskom društvu ne mogu se odnositi više samo na mogućnost pojedinca da se uspješno kreće „tradicionalnim“ informacijskim i medijskim prostorom, već se moraju referirati i na problematiku kretanja komputacijskim prostorom informacija za čiju su složenu, dinamičnu i disonantnu strukturu sve više odgovorni korporativni algoritmi ili algoritmi tzv. treće strane. Povezivanje triju pitanja možda nikada nije bilo nužnije nego u dobu obilježenom općom društveno-političkom sumnjom i apatijom i rastućom diskrepancijom između sve složenijih i sofisticiranijih tehnika (dez)informiranja i medijske (ne)pismenosti građana.</p>

Youth in conflict: space and subculture

ABSTRACT The steady decline of youth participation in society has been a concern for social scientists since the 1970s. Recent research has sought to move beyond concluding this signifies a ‘crisis of democracy’ or explaining the phenomenon by distinguishing between formal and extra-institutional types of participation by redirecting attention towards everyday life. Through a similar focus on the ‘everyday’, we seek to enrich our understanding of how youth participation manifests today, by drawing on the rich vein of (post)subcultural theory and the study of everyday youth practices. Specifically, we consider the meaning and role of space in the everyday lives and activism of youth in conflict with social institutions. The article draws on cross-national ethnographic data, from research with stigmatised groups of youth in Croatia, Finland, Spain and Slovakia, collected within the framework of the project. The findings affirm that space is a socially, politically and economically determined category that reflects existing social inequalities and power relations between social groups. At the same time, space is used by the young research participants, often through subcultural practices, for: self-integration; empowerment through the appropriation of public and private space; broadening the spectrum of their capabilities; and active participation aimed at achieving social change.

Fantasy and desire: EU post-normative power in the democratic crisis in Belarus

Fantasy and desire: EU post-normative power in the democratic crisis in Belarus

The crisis of writing about the crisis of democracy

The crisis of writing about the crisis of democracy

The Gendered Discourses of Illiberal Demographic Policy in Poland and in Russia

Despite being dissimilar cases, both Poland and Russia exhibit strong anti-liberal and democratic backsliding tendencies. Concomitantly, politicians are spreading a demographic moral panic, employing the argument that both nations are in danger of demise. There is scaremongering concerning below-replacement population growth rates and, in parallel, a tightening grasp on reproductive health rights and a growing fear of non-binary gender identities, people of color, and homosexuality. The political anti-gender mobilization in Poland in the 2010s and the gendered anti-Western and anti-gay conspiracy narratives in Russia are examples of this phenomenon. How are the policy responses to “demographic crises” constructed and gendered in political discourses today? What lies behind it and what is its role in illiberal politics? In this article, I discuss the current demographic discourses in Poland and in Russia. I argue that the politics of rallying against “demographic crises” surfaced on the wave of growing dominance of ultraconservative and nationalist discourses in East-Central Europe in response to perceived socio-economic pressures. I demonstrate how Polish and Russian politicians have been utilizing nativism, familialism, and “tradition” discourses for reasons of political legitimacy and expediency. Looking at political debates and concrete demographic strategies, I trace how the rhetoric of “democratic crises” is deployed to shore up illiberalism in both countries.