Crisis In Venezuela Research Articles

China-Venezuela Relations: China Dilemmatic Options towards Venezuela Crisis and the Role of China Community of Common Destiny Principles in Maintaining Cooperation

Oil prices directly impact Venezuela's circumstance due to 95% of their revenue come from oil export. Since 2013, oil prices drop significantly compared to the previous year. Thus, the crisis hits Venezuela severely. The impacts not only feel in domestic level but also in international level. China is Venezuela's bilateral partner that was impacted by the Venezuela crisis. Venezuela failed to fulfill their oil export to China to pay their loan in the oil-for-loan diplomacy scheme. Thus, their cooperation failed to fulfill the economic gain. However, China still shows the action that favorable Venezuela. Backing up non-intervention toward Venezuela in the UN, provide new loan and adjust the payment of the previous loan also diversify their investment in Venezuela. This paper argues that this action is no more for merely material gain. But it is the action that is based on the newly ideational aspect of China's foreign policy, which is the China Community of Common Destiny. Thus, this research will analyze how this rhetoric idea involves China's action towards Venezuela. Also, this research will address their relations and China's diplomatic option toward their relations with Venezuela in crisis circumstances.

Features and prospects of resolving the political crisis in Venezuela

The purpose of the research is to identify opportunities and prospects for resolving the political crisis in Venezuela proceeding from the current situation in the country. The specifics of the crisis processes in the socio-economic and political spheres, as well as the causes contributing to their deepening are considered. The authors analyze the conflict between the ruling regime and the opposition and the factors impeding the implementation of the political and economic measures pursued by the government to remove the country from the crisis. The authors research the actions performed by the authorities of the Chavist regime in promoting dialogue and seeking compromise both with the political opposition and other immediate parties to the conflict, including secret negotiations, and with the help of mediators. Particular attention is paid to the scenarios of crisis resolution in Venezuela developed by the author of the paper, named "negative", "positive", and "neutral". Each of the scenarios traces the actions of the main opposing forces, their capabilities to resolve the conflict in one or another direction, the involvement of regional and major world states and the possibilities of their implementation to date.

Vaccine hesitancy and religiosity in a sample of university students in Venezuela

ABSTRACT The ongoing humanitarian crisis in Venezuela has made it difficult to satisfactorily manage the COVID-19 pandemic in that nation. A vaccination program has begun, but its pace has been slow, as compared to vaccination in other countries. One considerable obstacle faced by vaccination efforts in Venezuela is vaccine hesitancy. Differences across religious groups regarding vaccine hesitancy in Venezuela have not been sufficiently explored. The present study consists of a sample of 230 university students in Venezuela, assessing their intention to get the COVID-19 vaccine. Their responses are compared across religious affiliations, and correlated with three variables: belief in vaccine conspiracy theories, religiosity, and acceptance of the theory of evolution. Results come out showing that Protestants are the religious group most hesitant to get the COVID-19 vaccine, followed by Catholics and the non-religious. Results also show that vaccine hesitancy is correlated with vaccine conspiracy theories and acceptance of the theory of evolution, but not with religiosity itself.

“Russian Bear” in the Spanish-Language Media Discourse

The article examines the role of the bear metaphor in the Spanish-language political discourse. The relevance of the study is due, firstly, to the intensification of cooperation between Russia and Latin American countries, the effectiveness of which can be influenced by stereotypes and political symbols. Secondly, the growing popularity of the use of zoomorphic metaphors by the mass media. One of the unofficial symbols of Russia, which is often addressed by both traditional media and social media, is the bear. The Russian Bear metaphor is now widely used in both Russian and foreign periodicals and cartoons. The purpose of this research is to identify the specifics of the representation of the image of Russia as a bear in the Ibero-American political mass-media discourse. The source for the analysis is a Spanish-language media discourse (cases: the 2014 Ukrainian crisis, the Venezuelan crisis, Russias military operation in Syria, Russias interference in the elections in Mexico). The scientific novelty of the study is that for the first time in the Russian-language scientific literature, the features of the use of the bear metaphor by Latin American media and social media are examined. The author concludes that the metaphor Russian Bear is used both in the internal political symbolic struggle and in the foreign policy discourse. The specifics of the use of the bear metaphor in Latin America are mainly determined by political orientations: for example, the left traditionally considers Russia as an ally, appealing to such meanings of the bear metaphor as strength, justice, and the ability to become a defender against aggressors. In turn, their opponents use a bear metaphor to label left-wing politicians as traitors to the national interest. In this context, the image of a Bear serves as a symbolic border guard. The bear metaphor can be used to create an image of an ally and defender, as well as an enemy. The Ibero-American media turn to the bear metaphor mainly in the headlines and subheadings of materials devoted to Russian foreign policy, which allows them to draw readers attention to the topic under consideration.

Факторы популярности протестных сообщений в Твиттере: кейс венесуэльского кризиса

Based on the material of the political crisis in Venezuela in 2019, the paper studies factors behind the popularity of protest messages (tweets) on Twitter. Methodologically, the study develops the notion of SIMCA (Social Identity Model for Collective Action). The theory suggests that factors in the social environment may mobilize a person through such psychological antecedents as anger, belief in ability to achieve the desired goals (efficacy belief) and protest identification. The project participants created a database including over 5.7 million tweets, based on which three sets of the most popular messages (tweets) have been selected. The three sets were named according to psychological antecedents: a) anger, b) belief in success (including international support), and c) protest identification. The analysis of the tweets demonstrates that the belief in the success of the protest campaign has the greatest mobilizing force.

Multimorbidity and Disability Among Venezuelan Migrants: A Population-Based Survey in Peru

The political and economic crisis in Venezuela has originated an unprecedented migration. As of November 2020, 1.04 million Venezuelans have moved to Peru. Understanding their health profile is needed to identify their needs, provide care and secure resources without affecting the healthcare of nationals. We quantified the burden of multimorbidity and disability in the Venezuelan population in Peru. We analyzed the 2018 Survey of Venezuelan Population Living in Peru; population-based with random sampling survey in six cities in Peru. Participants were asked about the presence of 12 chronic conditions (self-reported); this information was grouped into 0, 1 and ≥ 2 conditions (i.e., multimorbidity). Disability was also ascertained with a self-reported questionnaire adapted from the short version of the Washington Group on Disability Statistics. Socioeconomic variables were analyzed as potential determinants. Variables were described with frequencies and 95% confidence interval (95% CI), compared with Chi2 test, and association estimates were derived with a Poisson regression reporting prevalence ratio and 95% CI. Results accounted for the complex survey design. The analysis included 7554 migrants, mean age 31.8 (SD: 10.2), 46.6% were women, 31.7% migrated alone and 5.6% had refugee status. The prevalence of multimorbidity was 0.6% (95% CI 0.4–0.9%), and was often present in women (p < 0.001), people ≥ 50 years (p < 0.001) and those without recent job (p < 0.001). The prevalence of disability was 2.0% (95% CI 1.5–2.7%), and was common among people ≥ 50 years (p < 0.001) and those without recent job (p < 0.001). Migration alone and refugee status were not associated with multimorbidity or disability. The self-reported prevalence of multimorbidity and disability in Venezuelan migrants in Peru was low, and were not strongly influenced by migration status. While these results could suggest a healthy migrant effect, the healthcare system should be prepared to deliver acute and preventive care for these migrants, while also securing primary prevention to delay the onset of chronic conditions in this population.

Dinamika Politik dan Pemerintahan Venezuela di Bawah Kepemimpinan Presiden Nicolas Maduro

Venezuela is one of the Latin American countries that have a history of governance dynamics quite complex, ranging from coup attempts, dictatorial leadership to economic and social problems. In this study discussed the dynamics of politics and economics under the leadership of Nicolas Maduro and the policy steps taken in overcoming the problem of the economic crisis which led to the instability of the country. In this study using descriptive research methods and library research data collection techniques, and using the theory of decision-making process by Graham T. Allison to analyze the results of the study. In conclusion, Maduro's leadership tends to use organizational process models or decisions based on the work of the organization/party in determining the direction of policy, both domestic and foreign policy. This was due to the strong influence of Maduro supporters from the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) party, where the party was a supporter of the previous president, Hugo Chavez. Although Maduro inherited the Chavez leadership style that embraced the socialist system, Maduro was deemed unsuccessful in overcoming the problem of the Venezuelan crisis.

All the World’s a Stage: US Presidential Narcissism and International Conflict

Abstract How do leaders matter? What do leaders want? Grandiose narcissism provides a pathway to understanding how personality can impact a leader’s preference formation and foreign policy behavior. More narcissistic leaders will focus their efforts on maintaining their inflated self-image by selecting how they will fight on the world stage and who they will fight against. While most leaders will divert attention to easier won battles, more narcissistic leaders will prefer to fight against high-status states by themselves. This article introduces a new measure of US’ presidential narcissism, and finds support for the argument that more narcissistic US presidents prefer unilaterally initiating Great Power disputes using data from 1897–2008. A brief review of Theodore Roosevelt’s handling of the Venezuela Crisis of 1902–1903 is used as a plausibility probe of the theory’s causal mechanisms.

Un balance de la seguridad alimentaria y nutricional en Venezuela 2000-2020

Venezuela está atravesando procesos de decrecimiento económico lo que profundiza la crisis alimentaria y aumenta la violencia. Venezuela está viviendo la mayor crisis institucional, social, económica, política, moral, cultural de su historia, lo que incluye la pérdida de su capital humano por motivos de la emigración masiva y forzosa habida en los últimos años y también por la violencia, inseguridad ciudadana, por el incremento de la desigualdad social y la destrucción del Estado de Derecho. La crisis venezolana es una crisis de carácter multidimensional, la más profunda, compleja y larga de su historia moderna cuyas causas tienen que ver con la erosión continua de la institucionalidad, la pérdida progresiva de los valores democráticos, con el desdibujamiento del Estado y con el auge de un populismo autocrático que viola constantemente los principales derechos humanos. Ello sucede sin que en el país haya habido desastres naturales o conflictos bélicos. Los diversos programas sociales dirigidos a la soberanía alimentaria implementados durante las dos últimas décadas estuvieron atados a la volatilidad de los precios petroleros. Por otra parte, presentan un descuido extremo en cuanto a la calidad institucional de su gestión, se caracterizan por una acrecentada tendencia hacia la inefectividad y un agravamiento de la desprofesionalización de la administración pública. Ausencia de planificación y de evaluación desnudan las grandes y graves limitaciones de la gran mayoría de estos programas. Hoy en día el país está sumido en una crisis humanitaria compleja que ya lleva 5 años sin perspectivas claras de progreso.

Does Immigration Increase Concerns about the Provision of Public Services? Evidence from Colombia

Although South American countries have experienced unprecedented regional migration in the last decade, there is little research on the impact of these demographic changes on citizens’ political preferences. Does exposure to immigration affect native residents’ concerns about the provision of public services? To address this question, we use survey data from the AmericasBarometer in Colombia before and after the immigration wave generated by the 2015 political and economic crisis in Venezuela. We implement a difference-in-differences design to estimate the effect of distance from border crossings between Colombia and Venezuela on respondents’ concerns about the provision of healthcare and education after the large and rapid influx of immigrants. We find that—after 2015—respondents living closer to a border crossing are more likely to identify a lack of provision of health services but not of education as one of their primary concerns. These results can have relevant political implications since previous research has shown that a fiscal burden on public services can trigger anti-immigration attitudes in host communities.

Assessing Media Bias in Cross-Linguistic and Cross-National Populations

Media bias is a worldwide concern. Although automated methods exist for the analysis of various forms of media bias, language is still an important barrier toward spotting worldwide differences in reporting. In this paper, we propose a methodology based on word embeddings, lexicon translation, and document similarity to assess media bias in news articles published in different idioms. We model media bias under the perspective of subjective language use, i.e., the more subjective the content of a news article is, the more biased it is. Our core assumption is that news articles reporting the same events, but written in different languages, should have similar levels of subjectivity; otherwise, we may have spotted biased text. Our method consists of using translated versions of subjectivity lexicons that were originally constructed for measuring subjectivity in the Brazilian Portuguese language. We evaluate our approach on two labeled data sets to show that our method is valid and apply our methodology to analyze recent and largely resounded topics, such as the Venezuela crisis and Syrian war, on four distinct idioms: Portuguese, German, English, and Spanish.

REPRESENTASI FOTO VENEZUELA CRISIS DI KALANGAN PEWARTA FOTO PALEMBANG

The purpose of this study was to determine the meaning of the Venezuelan Crisis PhotoRepresentation dance among Palembang Photo Reporters. This research method is qualitative witha descriptive approach to interview, observation, documentation, literature study. Subjects in thisstudy consisted of actors and observers of the art of journalistic photography using Charles SandersPierce's semiotic theory as the theoretical basis of the research entitled Venezuelan Crisis photorepresentation among Palembang photo reporters. Judging from the meaning in the VenezuelaCrisis photo, it is a journalistic photo with the theme of sports news containing a very strongmessage. The meaning of the photo of Venezuela Crisis, there is an allusion to the meaning impliedin it which contains the values and images of the riots in the city of Venezuela in crisis. Based onthe research results, it is concluded that the Venezuela Crisis photo is a photo with a strong messagemeaning to be conveyed to the public to win the world-level photography championship in the worldpress.

Recent Patterns of Stunting and Wasting in Venezuelan Children: Programming Implications for a Protracted Crisis

This study aims to assess the patterns of wasting and stunting and their concurrence among vulnerable Venezuelan children. We performed an analysis of 46,462 anthropometric records captured by Caritas Venezuela between 2017 and 2019 and relating to children under 5 years old in the poorest parishes. Based on the WHO 2006 child growth standards, we identify 31.7% and 11.5% of the records from 2019 as stunted and wasted, respectively. Our unconditional analysis shows that stunting was more frequent among boys and shows an inverted U-shape association with age. The prevalence of stunting increases from 0.28 in 2017 to 0.32 in 2019. By contrast, the wasting prevalence decreases from 0.15 in 2017 to 0.11 in 2019. The concurrence of stunting and wasting slightly decreases over the same period from 0.045 to 0.039, all three trends being statistically significant. Using multilevel regression models, our conditional analysis shows that the odds of wasted children being stunted are 1.079 times greater than for non-wasted children. Similarly, the odds of stunted children being wasted are 1.085 times greater than for non-stunted children. While age is not statistically associated with stunting, it reduces the likelihood of being wasted. Furthermore, each additional month of age reduces by 1.16% the odds of facing the simultaneous concurrence of stunting and wasting instead of not facing it. The children's sex is also found to have a significant association with the probability of stunting and wasting. The odds of stunting and wasting amongst boys are found to be 1.19 and 1.084 times greater than for girls, respectively. We also found a significant and sizeable association between food insecurity and both stunting and wasting. Although lack of access to clean water is not associated with stunting, it is associated with higher levels of wasting. Protracted humanitarian crisis in Venezuela has brought considerable damage to child growth. Findings have policy and programming implications: stunting should be targeted as a humanitarian priority in protracted crisis, not only to mitigate the growth failure in children facing multiple nutritional deficiencies, but also as an approach for preventing persistent acute malnutrition.

Between a ‘Kingdom’ and a hard place: the Dutch Caribbean and the Venezuelan migration crisis

ABSTRACT The small island developing states (SIDS) of the Dutch Caribbean have categorized themselves as ill-equipped to provide adequate protection for vulnerable migrants and refugees from Venezuela. Their status as semi-autonomous states with sovereignty over migration matters but whose foreign policy is governed by the Kingdom of the Netherlands distinguishes them from other SIDS in the Caribbean also experiencing increasing arrivals. The paper analyses this issue relying on interviews with elites involved in the fields of human rights, justice and migration management; content analysis of media reports; as well as archival research. The research shows that a confluence of factors has impacted the islands’ response, including their small size, regional geo-politics, and a deficient refugee protection framework. The research also reveals a contest of responsibility for migrant protection between the local and Kingdom governments, which has jeopardized the capacity of the states of Aruba and Curaçao to effectively address the migrant crisis, with negative implications for undocumented migrants. The paper contributes to forced migration scholarship by providing data on the Dutch Caribbean, which along with other countries in the Southern Caribbean have been disproportionately impacted by the crisis relative to their size.

In times of crisis, the rise of CARICOM’s diplomacy: the case of the Venezuelan migrants within the Southern Caribbean

ABSTRACT This paper aims to serve as an exploration into the implications of the Venezuelan migration crisis into the South-Eastern Caribbean territories of Barbados, Grenada, Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago. This paper seeks to present an analytical report of the exercise of soft and economic diplomacy practiced by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) group. In the CARICOM Statement of January 2019, a call was made for ‘external forces to refrain from doing anything to destabilize the situation in Venezuela … which could have far reaching negative consequences for the wider region’. This paper seeks to use a geopolitical foresight methodology to examine these negative consequences ranging from the decimation of Caribbean trade as a result of military use of the Caribbean shipping routes, the continued ‘divide and rule’ over CARICOM by the United States Government as well as the decline in Caribbean Tourism receipts. A key question raised surrounds determining what is the capacity of several Caribbean Member States to simultaneously host Venezuelan migrants/refugees as well as participate in the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME)’s Free Movement of Labour Regime.

(De)constructing our migrant neighbours: regional and international impacts of the Venezuelan crisis in the Caribbean

ABSTRACT This introductory chapter presents a background to the Venezuelan migrant crisis impacting the Caribbean region. While migration is deeply embedded in Caribbean history and culture, the movement of Venezuelans into the region, characterized mainly by displaced migrants, presents new dynamics never experienced before. This chapter describes the emerging Venezuelan situation as a ‘crisis’ in light of Caribbean communities unpreparedness in terms of protocols, policy and capacity for dealing with the influx of displaced migrants. Within this context, the Editors thus make a case for the need for reconceptualization, empirical research and new frameworks for action among Caribbean migration scholars. The chapter ends with a summary of the seven articles contained in this special issue, demonstrating their multi- and interdisciplinary focus, as well as the various methodological tools employed by the authors in bringing indigenous, rights-based, gender sensitive perspectives to the Venezuelans displacement and its impact for the Caribbean region.

Le socialisme est égal à la mort, le marché est égal à la vie: discours anti-socialiste et pro marché dans les politiques socio-économiques de l'opposition vénézuélienne contemporaine.

While there has been much coverage in the media and in academic work on the crisis in Venezuela, little has been written about the Venezuelan Opposition, grouped in the Democratic Unity Coalition (MUD) and even less about their economic and social policies. This paper seeks to address this latter lacuna by providing a critical examination of three key MUD policy documents. Situating this analysis within a wider discussion on the relationship between democracy and neoliberalism, and using a framework derived from Wendy Brown’s book “In the Ruins of Neoliberalism”, the article argues that the Venezuelan Opposition is fundamentally neoliberal in ideological orientation. This means that it seeks to, paraphrasing Brown, critique and dismantle society, using anti-socialism as its principle trope to do so; attack “democracy understood as popular sovereignty and shared political power”, even while it uses democracy as its main discursive banner; and extend the personal protected sphere at the expense of the public. This may result, the article concludes, in a form of neoliberal authoritarianism rather than ‘restored’ democracy as the Opposition claims.

How effective are the different principal organs of the UN in aiding the Venezuela crisis?

How effective are the different principal organs of the UN in aiding the Venezuela crisis?

Toward sustainable human development in Venezuela : diagnosis, challenges and economic strategy

The Venezuelan crisis has become one of the most dramatic of Latin American history. Venezuela has had the worst economic contraction of the region, has been focus to a sharp increase in extreme poverty levels, and has become the country with the largest refugee crisis of the continent. As the situation deteriorated, data sources have also reduced drastically by the government, which renders it difficult to assess the complete depth of the country’s economic crisis and adds another layer of complexity. Despite the Venezuelan collapse being staggering, few academics studies have attempted to identify its causes. This article addresses this gap and aims to understand the drivers of Venezuelan economic downfall. We provide a comprehensive diagnosis of the Venezuelan collapse and suggest the means to put Venezuela back on the road of sustainable development.

Venezuela: to be or not to be

The article deals with the most crucial components of the current political and institutional crisis in Venezuela. A brief historical deflection into the events of 1989-2020 was made, which indicate, among other things, deep-seated left-wing political views and feelings amidst the majority of the population. This situation serves as a solid platform for strengthening the role of the ruling PSUV party and the present head of State, N. Maduro, in the country’s domestic politics. The political and institutional crisis in the above-mentioned oil-rich South American country has expanded sharply, after being elected Juan Guaidó, a representative of the opposition party VP («People’s Will») as a Chairman of the National Assembly on January 5, 2019. He challenged the prevailing President, declaring himself as the Acting head of State just on January 23, 2019. In this context, the key social and economic aftermaths of the crisis in present-day Venezuela are revealed, in particular, such as the GDP contraction, hyperinflation, growth of the population living in extreme economic poverty, an increase of Venezuelans forced to leave the country due to, above all, obvious signs of a humanitarian crisis. Deepening of the Venezuelan society in destructive processes, escalating of the political debates at the level of parties’ leaders, a lack of the transparent discussion in the public arena concerning the country’s future, to be a necessary condition for realizing the citizen’s rights to democratic choice, appear as consequences of the failure of Guaidó’s strategy. It was built in particular on the desired, but not achieved cessation the usurpation of power by Maduro. The postures of the main international players (USA, EU, OAS, «Lima Group», International Contact Group) are outlined with regard to the assessments of the domestic situation in Venezuela and suggestions for resolving the political crisis and restoring democracy in this country, in particular via introducing sanctions against Venezuelan officials and legal entities, as well as establishing a constructive dialogue between Maduro and the opposition. The main items of Ukraine’s official position on the «Venezuelan issue» had also been notified. In a nutshell, a conclusion is made that for a certain category of Ukrainian voters and for the majority of Venezuelans, despite the obvious differences, the issue of the public administration model remains rhetorical, authoritative, as an outcome of the improvement of democratization, or authoritarian one.