Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans. By Anthony F. C. Wallace. (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999. Pp. xiv, 394. Documents, illustrations, maps. $29.95) Conspiracy of Interests: Iroquois Dispossession and the Rise of New York State. By Laurence M. Hauptman. (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1998. Pp. xix, 304. Illustrations, maps, tables. $34.95.) Seeds of Empire: The Revolutionary Conquest of the Iroquois. By Max Mintz. The World of War. (New York: New York University Press, 1999. Pp. xi, 232. Illustrations, maps. $28.95.) The Iroquois in the War of 1812. By Carl Benn. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998. Pp. xiii, 272. Illustrations, maps. Cloth, $50.00; paper, $21.95.) A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816. By Claudio Saunt. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Pp. xiv, 298. Illustrations, maps. Cloth, $49.95; paper, $17.95.) Playing Indian. By Philip J. Deloria. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998. Pp. 249. Illustrations. Cloth, $30.00; paper, $13.95.) The British Museum Encyclopedia of Native North America. By Rayna Green with Melanie Fernandez. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999. Pp. ix, 213. Illustrations. Cloth, $39.95; paper, $27.95.) Thomas Jefferson has received a series of bad raps recently for his racial policies, and Anthony F. C. Wallace's critique of his various contributions to Indian removal does nothing to revive what is left of Jefferson's reputation as a disinterested inquirer and philanthropist. Analogizing segregation, removal, and the assumptions underlying them to more recent essays in ethnic cleansing, Wallace argues that Jefferson, though an occasional scholarly admirer of Indian character, language, and mounds, could be a real shape-shifter when it came to policy. In the end, he played his part in one of the great tragedies of recent world history . . . the dispossession and decimation of the First (viii). Jefferson was born into a family and a class of land speculators interested in acquiring claims in the Ohio Country. His bellicose remarks when the Cherokees attacked the Wataugans in 1776 nearly matched his agreement with George Rogers Clark in 1780 that the Shawnees ought to be exterminated. Once he became president, Jefferson prodded agents like Benjamin Hawkins in Georgia and William Henry Harrison in Indiana to acquire land by persuasion, bribery, and intimidation at prices that would not burden the taxpayer. His commitment to laissez-faire and low-priced government reduced the military protection the United States offered Indians whose treaties guaranteed them against intrusion. His purchase of Louisiana offered, as he saw it, an opportunity to extend the segregation several tribal hunting bands had already sought west of the Mississippi to the whole of the Indians east of the river. To be fair, he also proposed to move several thousand white Louisianans east to make the separation complete. American politics and St. Louis fur traders prevented that effort; Indian opposition temporarily frustrated removal. Yet Jefferson continued to press Harrison to an 1809 treaty that drove the followers of nativist prophet Tenskwatawa and his warrior brother Tecumseh to a course that landed them on the British, or in this case, the losing side in the War of 1812. Jefferson's philanthropic alternative was civilization, the policy that gifts of farm animals, tools, and education would transform native Americans into make-believe white men who would need less land and make more acceptable neighbors than the hunters they supposedly were. Although he pressed the American Philosophical Society into the study of Indian languages and even became convinced that Indian antiquities were the real thing, Jefferson's observations of living Indian communities were scant and careless. From childhood through the presidency, he met traveling Indian leaders, but his own travels never took him west of Staunton, Virginia. …
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