Cover Of Time Magazine Research Articles

Trio receives Lasker Foundation Clinical Award for breakthroughs in leukemia treatment

Trio receives Lasker Foundation Clinical Award for breakthroughs in leukemia treatment

Frank Lloyd Wright and the “Gift” of Genius

Frank Lloyd (1867-1959) is probably the most famous architect in the world. He is author of undoubtedly the most famous private home in the world, Fallingwater, which perches so dramatically on the cliff overhanging the eponymous waterfall near Pittsburgh. How did this acknowledged masterpiece, this work of such singular genius, come to be? The story of Fallingwater's inception serves as a perfect introduction to the persona that Wright, and to an extent those who knew him, fashioned for popular media consumption. It is related by one of his Taliesin fellows, Edgar Tafel: Fall 1935. Taliesin, Wisconsin: Come along, EJ. We're ready for you, boomed Mr. into the hand-cranked telephone. The call was from Pittsburgh and EJ. was Edgar J. Kaufmann, Sr., department store president. Mr. was to show him the first sketches for his new house, Fallingwater. looked across my drafting table at the apprentice in front of me, Bob Mosher, whose back had stiffened at the words. Ready? There wasn't one line drawn. Kaufmann, an important client, coming to see plans for his house, and was Mr. still carrying the design confidently around in his head? . . . He hung up the phone, briskly emerged from his office, some twelve steps from the drafting room, sat down at the table set with the plot plan, and started to draw. First floor plan. Second floor. Section, elevation. Side sketches of details, talking sotto voce all the while. The design just poured out of him. . . . Poetry in form, line, color, textures and materials, all for a greater glory: a reality to live in! Mr. at his eloquent and romantic best- he had done it before and would often do it again- genius through an organic growth along with nature. (1-3) If we are to believe Tafel's report, the complex interlocking forms of the home- its cream-colored, cantilevered horizontals piled rhythmically atop one another and anchored by the dark, striated masonry, the interstices filled with diaphanous glass channels- all this was disgorged in one creative torrent onto a blank piece of paper, much as Beethoven's symphonies were reportedly heard in their entirety before being written unhesitatingly down by the maestro in a fair hand (Steffensen, Wright and Beethoven 24). Or, perhaps even more succinctly, as the ninety-year-old himself was later to say of his designs in a 1957 television interview with Mike Wallace, It's quite easy for me to shake them out of my sleeve (Wright Television Interview with Wallace). Frank Lloyd Wright, who shook Fallingwater out of his sleeve, who designed the world-famous careering spiral of the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, who launched a thousand quips- I think Ms. [Marilyn] Monroe as is extremely good architecture (Wright Television Interview with Wallace)- is the granddaddy of the so-called celebrity starchitect of the twentieth century.1 He got that way not merely by dint of his revolutionary ideas, Herculean output, and sheer, undeniable talent, but also because he was one of the first architects to harness the modern media machine for his own purposes. created an image of himself as the modern architecthero so potent that he remains today, nearly half a century after his death, a figure that looms even larger than the actual influence of his work (overshadowed in terms of widespread popular adoption by the practitioners of Bauhaus- or International-Style modernism). He accomplished this feat through the canny manipulation of his image via a prodigious output in print, as well as photographs, radio, and even the nascent medium of television. His popularity in his own lifetime may be epitomized by his appearance on the cover of Time magazine in 1938. It may be that Wright's greatest creation was, ultimately, Frank Lloyd Wright, architect, genius, hero. How was this creature born? How fashioned this image of himself is one of the most fascinating case studies in an American tradition of self-fashioning. …

Feminist Media Studies in a Postfeminist Age

Feminist Media Studies in a Postfeminist Age Elana Levine, associate professor in the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication Click for larger view View full resolution A massive billboard hovering over the street invites us to gaze at a voluptuous woman admiring her own Wonderbra-enhanced cleavage. The ad's caption, "Or Are You Just Glad to See Me?" offers up the punchline to Mae West's infamous double entendre. But the black-and-white image presents more than a sexualized tease; it sells a mediated version of femininity that takes into account the history of feminist theorizing about media, that acknowledges theories of the male gaze while simultaneously pushing such concerns aside, assuring us that now that we all know about the sexual objectification of women we need not bother with old-school protests and can, instead, just "enjoy looking at women's bodies again."1 Angela McRobbie presents this analysis of contemporary postfeminist media culture in the first chapter of Interrogating Postfeminism, one of several recent volumes that trace the cultural formation that has become the dominant framework in western culture's discourses of gender. Across media and genres, postfeminism offers up "the repudiation of a feminism invoked only to be summarily dismissed," [End Page 137] "partly [appropriating] the cultural power of feminism, while often emptying it of its radical critique."2 Postfeminist culture takes feminism for granted, assuming that the movement's successes have obviated the need for its continuation. In the process, discourses that seek to change or challenge a still-strong patriarchy get incorporated into a new kind of patriarchal common sense, ultimately sustaining the very structures of dominance they had set out to critique and destroy. Click for larger view View full resolution Feminist media scholars have been writing about postfeminist culture, and labeling it as such, for at least the past twenty years, but this scholarship has blossomed since the turn of the twenty-first century.3 Much important work has appeared in journals, especially Feminist Media Studies (begun in 2001), although the subject has also been addressed increasingly in single-author monographs.4 Tasker and Negra's Interrogating Postfeminism and a new edition of Brunsdon and Spigel's Feminist Television Criticism take postfeminist culture as their organizing concept, as does Rosalind Gill's Gender and the Media, a single-authored volume with a textbook-like structure.5 The appearance of these volumes indicates not only the growth of this arena of scholarship, but also the political urgency of feminist attention to this insidious cultural formation. An altered media culture is not the only development to which this flurry of new publications attest. Inherent in the discourse of postfeminist culture is the indication that something has changed about feminism itself. Presented most visibly in such sites as the June 29, 1998, Time magazine cover "Is Feminism Dead?" as well as in widely quoted moments such as Charlotte's hyperbolic "I choose my choice!" rant in Sex and the City, contemporary media culture has taken on feminism as a topic, even as an organizing logic. The fact that feminist discourse of any kind pervades popular, commercial culture demands a consideration of how feminism has evolved. Of course, there are many ways in which feminism—both as a political movement and as a scholarly perspective—has changed over time. Feminist media scholarship was born of the second wave women's movement and has matured within a world [End Page 138] altered by that movement. A primary development in this scholarship has been the consideration of the multiplicity of differences that mark human identities. Matters of class, race, national identity, and sexuality, along with those of gender, are foundational to contemporary feminist research. At times, this recognition of the multiplicity of differences is labeled third wave feminism.6 In Merri Lisa Johnson's Third Wave Feminism and Television, a third wave perspective becomes nearly synonymous with a queer perspective; in Sarah Banet-Weiser's contribution to the Brunsdon and Spigel volume, third wave feminism is a kind of empowerment "increasingly found within commercial culture."7 However labeled, "it is attitudes towards and tastes for both TV [or media more generally] and feminism that have changed" (emphases...

Myeloma Therapy: 25 Years Forward—Immune Modulation Then and Now

Myeloma Therapy: 25 Years Forward—Immune Modulation Then and Now

Barry Commoner and the science of survival: the remaking of American environmentalism

For over half a century, biologist Barry Commoner has been one of most prominent and charismatic defenders of American environment, appearing on cover of Time magazine in 1970 as standard-bearer of the emerging science of survival. In Barry Commoner and Science of Survival, Michael Egan examines Commoner's social and scientific activism and charts an important shift in American environmental values since World War II.Throughout his career, Commoner believed that scientists had a social responsibility, and that one of their most important obligations was to provide citizens with accessible scientific information so they could be included in public debates that concerned them. Egan shows how Commoner moved naturally from calling attention to hazards of nuclear fallout to raising public awareness of environmental dangers posed by petrochemical industry. He argues that Commoner's belief in importance of dissent, dissemination of scientific information, and need for citizen empowerment were critical planks in remaking of American environmentalism.Commoner's activist career can be defined as an attempt to weave together a larger vision of social justice. Since 1960s, he has called attention to parallels between environmental, civil rights, labor, and peace movements, and connected environmental decline with poverty, injustice, exploitation, and war, arguing that root cause of environmental problems was American economic system and its manifestations. He was instrumental in pointing out that there was a direct association between socioeconomic standing and exposure to environmental pollutants and that economics, not social responsibility, was guiding technological decision making. Egan argues that careful study of Commoner's career could help reinvigorate contemporary environmental movement at a point when environmental stakes have never been so high.

Revenge of the killer microbe

The cover of Time Magazine on Sept. 14, 1994, read “Revenge of the killer microbe” in reference to an article about emerging infections, including drug-resistant bacteria that are difficult to treat.[1][1] A lead article in Science just 2 years earlier cautioned readers about the possibility of

Canary in a Coal Mine: Performing Biracial Difference in Caucasia

Since the end of the twentieth century, mixed-racial identity has become a ready signifier of post-integration American society. From the well-known 1993 cover of Time magazine that digitally morph...

John Courtney Murray and Reinhold Niebuhr

During the two decades after World War II, two Christian theologians of public life appeared on the cover of Time magazine: Reinhold Niebuhr in 1948 and John Courtney Murray in 1960. As their appearances suggest, during this time Murray the Catholic and Niebuhr the Protestant were America's most prominent Christian theologians concerning the relationship between religion, morality, and politics. Niebuhr inspired not only two generations of Christian clergy and activists, but also numerous secular statesmen and thinkers who admired his hard-nosed policy and cultural analyses, and some of whom dubbed themselves "Atheists for Niebuhr." Murray, of course, set forth the most prominent account of how faithful Catholics could affirm the American political system and laid the intellectual groundwork for the Church to embrace equal religious freedom as a moral ideal at Vatican II. Murray and Niebuhr each engaged in polemics directed at the other's writings or school of thought. Niebuhr criticized the Catholic natural-law tradition for rigidity and for elevating contingent features of pre-modern societies into the supposedly universal standards of human reason. Murray, in defending the universal propositions of natural law, blasted Niebuhr's Christian realism as a theory that sees things as so complicated that moral judgment becomes practically impossible. The thesis of this paper, though, is that Murray and Niebuhr, natural law and Christian realism, are not as far apart as they seemed, for the reasons following. (Indeed, the philosophically deepest aspects of the American founding reflect elements both of natural-law reasoning (as Murray emphasized) and realist concerns to structure institutions so as to counter the inevitable tendencies to self-aggrandizement (as Niebuhr emphasized).) First, Niebuhr was more of a natural-law theorist than he admitted. Although Christian realism emphasizes how moral-political assertions are typically tainted by partiality and self-aggrandizement, Niebuhr himself set forth a universal theory about the perennial dynamics of human nature, and he affirmed the universal validity of certain moral-political concepts sich as equality. Second, although Niebuhr criticized natural-law theory for elevating historically contingent propositions to universal status, recent natural-law approaches have given much greater attention to historical contingencies and differences in the application of general principles. I show how Murray exhibited this historical consciousness and often relied on arguments of prudence and pragmatics that a Christian realist should appreciate. Third, although Niebuhr's appreciation for ambiguity and tension made him reluctant to rely on absolute rules in political matters, later Christian realists affirmed the need for rules precisely to limit the human propensities for self-aggrandizement. Natural law and Christian realism both assert that moral-political principles and institutions should rest on assessments of human nature and what will promote human flourishing in the light of that nature. Both recognize real, objectively valid moral-political principles - grounded ultimately in God the creator - but both can recognize also that these universal principles tend to be general in nature and that applying them to concrete contexts will produce varying specific rules. There remain many differences between natural-law and Christian-realist approaches, but often the differences complement each other, so that a full vision of Christian political ethics can benefit from both approaches. A combination of natural law and Christian realism suggests that a moral-political principle or institution is most solid when its justification rests on both the possibilities of human nature and on its negative tendencies. For example, the most powerful case for democracy, in Niebuhr's words, is that man's capacity for justice makes democracy possible, and man's inclination to injustice makes democracy necessary. I close the paper with a brief discussion of why the common project that Murray and Niebuhr shared remains of value in America today. Among other things, both Murray and Niebuhr articulated their arguments in terms that others could access and evaluate without having already adopted the premises of the Christian faith. Although I do not believe there is any general legal or moral obligation to present political arguments in such terms, nevertheless in a society characterized by religious disagreement, such arguments are more likely to be effective in political debate and lead to productive deliberation about political choices.

The Making of a New Virginia Woolf Icon

The Making of a New Virginia Woolf Icon Black, Naomi. 2004. Virginia Woolf Feminist. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. $47.50 he. $19.95 sc. xiv + 247 pp.Cuddy-Keane, Melba. 2003. Virginia Woolf, The Intellectual, and the Public Sphere. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. $60.00 he. x + 237 pp.Humm, Maggie. 2003. Modernist Women and Visual Cultures: Virginia Woolf, Vanessa Bell, Photography, and Cinema. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. $60.00 he. $24.00 sc. xii + 244 pp.Virginia Woolf achieved a level of public recognition and popular success in her lifetime; her novel The Years was a 1937 bestseller in the United States and she appeared in the same year on the cover of Time magazine. It was not until the 1960s, however, that Woolf became a celebrity, even a household name, thanks in large part to Edward Albee's play Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf? As readers of Brenda Silver's richly detailed study of Woolf s emergence a cultural icon have been made aware, Albee's play managed to create a public image of Woolf largely independent of her life and writing, an image that has given rise to a proliferation of multiple and often hotly contested other images that link Woolf to social anxiety and fear about the changing significations of gender, class, art, and sexuality. One of the most important stories that Silver tells about Woolf s debated status an icon is the way the intellectual media responded to 1970s academic feminists who succeeded in canonizing Woolf an opponent of patriarchal society. During the wars of the 1980s, the New York Review of Books, among other media that critiqued the academy and feminism, laid claim to Woolf a representative of Western civilization. In this version, Woolf circulates a priestess of the power of great books and universal values; she is made to appear, in Silver's words, as a preserver of a high threatened by both the academy and popular/mass culture (1999, 25). Silver is certainly right in arguing thatWoolf's ability to cross borders defies any effort to limit or fix her image in a story that has far from ended, and whose latest chapters render her fashion icon, postfeminist, and emblem of queer culture. Nevertheless, the representation of Woolf that has proven most resistant to revision both inside and outside the academy may well be the image of a cultural highbrow whose literary achievements are thought to be immune from ideological, political, and commercial contaminants.It is this lingering construction ofWoolf an rarified aesthete, an image recently reiterated by Nicole Kidman's portrayal of Woolf in The Hours, marvelous that portrayal may be, that three well-established Woolf scholars variously seek to challenge. In contesting the characterization ofWoolf an ivory-tower elitist, these critics move away from a study of the literary works that limit her to high modernism and focus, instead, on a number of her other personal and public projects. They offer diverse accounts: Woolf appears in Humm's book an enthusiastic participant in the popular cultures burgeoning around photography and cinema in the 1920s and 1930s, in Black's account a radical feminist connected in important ways to British women's political and social organizations, and in Cuddy-Keane's analysis a public intellectual engaged in widely debated issues about highbrow intellectualism, reading, and education. These studies do more than contribute to our knowledge of the extra-literary facets of Woolf's life and work; when considered together, they create a remarkably uniform image, a Woolf icon for our time that reveals a much more democratic and socially engaged woman than has previously been thought, a writer committed not only to aesthetic pursuits but also to the most pressing domestic and political issues of her day.Of the three studies, Humm's Modernist Women and Visual Cultures has the most relevance for our understanding of Woolf s fiction; her account of the way that Woolf and other women participated in early twentieth-century visual cultures offers nothing less than a challenge to reigning accounts of modernist aesthetics. …

Commentary: Treatment Guidelines for Child and Adolescent Bipolar Disorder

Once considered rare in children, pediatric bipolar disorder is now widely diagnosed in the United States. The illness has become a cultural phenomenon, adorning the cover of Time magazine and headlining national news broadcasts. Kowatch and colleagues, in compiling consensus recommendations for bipolar disorder in children and adolescents, have done a laudable job given that the topic is infused with considerable controversy, debate, and dyspepsia. However, lost in the discussion is the fact that characterizing bipolar disorder as frequent, brief, intense outbursts of mood and behavioral dysregulation represents a fundamental change in the definition of the illness.

Michael E. DeBakey, MD

MANY CONSIDER MICHAEL E. DeBakey, MD, to be the greatest surgeon ever. Over a 74-year career, the 96-yearold DeBakey has performed more than 60000 surgeries and published more than 1600 scientific articles. His research was key to the creation of the heart-lung machine, coronary artery bypass graft surgery, and carotid endarterectomy. Today his focus is on refining his left ventricular assist device. During World War II, DeBakey helped develop the concept of front-line medical treatment now known as the mobile army surgical hospital, or MASH unit. He also maneuvered through the politics of Washington and the military to help create the National Library of Medicine. His awards include the Albert Lasker Award for Clinical Research, the National Medal of Science, and the Presidential Medal of Freedom with Distinction. He has been on the cover of Time magazine.

Tax and Expenditure Limitations: Introduction and Overview

DANIEL R. MULLINS and BRUCE A. WALLINA principle and an event were key motivating factors behind the American Revolutionand subsequent establishment of the United States. The principle was ‘‘No taxationwithout representation,’’ protesting the absence of colonists’ representation in Englandon decisions relating to the colonial power’s ability to extract payment for the support ofgovernment. The event was the Boston Tea Party, where patriots threw bags of tea intoBoston Harbor to protest taxation of that everyday staple.Over 200 years later, 1978’s Proposition 13 in California reignited the flames oftaxpayer revolt in America. Voters found that they could go into a voting booth andgrant themselves a $7 billion property tax break. While other state and local tax and ex-penditure limitations (TELs) had been imposed throughout our nation’s history, and thetrend had accelerated in the 1970s, Proposition 13 captured the attention of the nation,yielding its sponsor, Howard Jarvis, an unlikely Time magazine cover. The general issueof the level of, and dissatisfaction with, taxes swept across the land, and played a largepart in the 1980 election of Ronald Reagan to the presidency. The anti-tax stance hasremained a staple of campaigns ever since.As Proposition 13 had been put on the ballot through the initiative process, its prog-eny appeared most rapidly and widely in those states where voters had direct access tothe ballot. Indeed, one study of early initiatives found that access to the ballot was amore significant predictor of a voter initiative passing than was the level of a state’staxation. Legislators in states with the initiative process often either passed their ownTEL measures or put legislatively crafted limits out to referendum in an effort to preventmore severe voter-initiated action. Legislators in states without the initiative often didthe same, fearful of retribution at reelection time for failure to act. Within two years ofthe passage of Proposition 13, 43 states had implemented some kind of property tax

Fallen: O.J. Simpson, Hillary Rodham Clinton, and the re‐centering of white patriarchy

The authors examine two Time magazine cover images: O.J. Simpson, after his arrest for the murder of Nicole Brown, and Hillary Clinton during the Whitewater controversy, arguing that the Time covers function as a visual rhetoric, invoking myths central to Western culture. The photos naturalize deep, cultural myths which assert that black men and women of all colors are evil, thereby re‐centering white masculinity.

Lutherans today: American Lutheran identity in the twenty-first century

In the middle of the twentieth century, American Lutherans were newsworthy enough to find themselves on the cover of Time magazine. Their claim to fame? In an era when American churches were beginning to look and act alike, Lutherans' strong confessional nature and stress on theology as well as their liturgy and ethnicity set them apart. They were Protestants with a difference at a time when differences were supposed to be dissolving in the American melting pot. Subsequent years have posed serious questions to identity, as disputes about the true nature of Lutheranism and the meaning of the confessions, the structure of ministry, ecumenism, sexuality, and multiculturalism have all left their mark on denominations. In Lutherans Today several historians, social scientists, journalists, and other leading experts map out the place of Lutheranism in the landscape of contemporary American Christianity and explore the directions in which it is heading in the new millennium. Presenting new and original research, the book is divided into two sections. The first examines change and movements within American Lutheranism. Distinguished church historian Mark Noll here sets the scene by arguing that the predicament of American Lutheranism has always been the struggle to remain faithful to the enduring witness of the European Reformation while also accommodating itself to the democratic pluralism of the New World. Six other chapters discuss the Missouri Synod, the Lutheran Left, the Called to Common Mission agreement, the evangelical catholic movement within Lutheranism, the rise of megachurches, and charismatics. The second section considers trends and issues related to identity, including politics and the pastorate, the impact of immigration and multiculturalism, the loss of identity at colleges and universities, and conflicting patterns of commitment among youth. As a whole, Lutherans Today will be valuable not only to all Lutherans but also to those interested in the development and current state of religious life in America.

American empire: Roosevelt's geographer and the prelude to globalization

An American Empire, constructed over the last century, long ago overtook European colonialism, and it has been widely assumed that the new globalism it espoused took us 'beyond geography.' Neil Smith debunks that assumption, offering an incisive argument that American globalism had a distinct geography and was pieced together as part of a powerful geographical vision. The power of geography did not die with the twilight of European colonialism, but it did change fundamentally. That the inauguration of the American Century brought a loss of public geographical sensibility in the United States was itself a political symptom of the emerging empire. This book provides a vital geographical-historical context for understanding the power and limits of contemporary globalization, which can now be seen as representing the third of three distinct historical moments of U.S. global ambition. The story unfolds through a decisive account of the career of Isaiah Bowman (1878-1950), the most famous American geographer of the twentieth century. For nearly four decades Bowman operated around the vortex of state power, working to bring an American order to the global landscape. An explorer on the famous Machu Picchu expedition of 1911 who came to be known first as 'Woodrow Wilson's geographer,' and later as Frankin D. Roosevelt's, Bowman was present at the creation of U.S. liberal foreign policy. A quarter-century later, Bowman was at the center of Roosevelt's State Department, concerned with the disposition of Germany and heightened U.S. access to European colonies; he was described by Dean Acheson as a key 'architect of the United Nations.' In that period he was a leader in American science, served as president of Johns Hopkins University, and became an early and vociferous cold warrior. A complicated, contradictory, and at times controversial figure who was very much in the public eye, he appeared on the cover of Time magazine. Bowman's career as a geographer in an era when the value of geography was deeply questioned provides a unique window into the contradictory uses of geographical knowledge in the construction of the American Empire. Smith's historical excavation reveals, in broad strokes yet with lively detail, that today's American-inspired globalization springs not from the 1980s but from two earlier moments in 1919 and 1945, both of which ended in failure. By recharting the geography of this history, Smith brings the politics - and the limits - of contemporary globalization sharply into focus.

Women as Whistleblowers

Over the past year, a number of women whistleblowers have been in the news: Sherron Watkins of Enron, Cynthia Cooper, an auditor at WorldCom, and Coleen Rowley of the FBI are among the most well known. All three made the cover of Time magazine (December 30/January 6, 2003) as Persons of the Year. Though one might argue that they are not all whistleblowers, I believe that they all are. Certainly they fit the definition of the whistleblowing that I employed in my recent book, Whistleblowers: Broken Lives and Organizational Power, upon which most of my general izations about whistleblowers are based.1 Though all three women made headlines (almost every whistle blower's dream) in the months after my book was published, I interviewed a number of women whistleblowers for my book, and I've interviewed several since, mostly to see how they react to all the attention women whistleblowers have been receiving. Are they proud? Envious? Both? Are more women blowing the whistle? Do they differ from men who blow the whistle? About the first question it is hard to be sure, for reasons to be explained. About the second, I can say that women whistleblowers talk differently about their experience than men.2 In her New York Times (June 6,2002) op-ed piece, Anita Hill, another famous woman whistleblower (she testified against Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas at his Senate confirmation hearings), speculates that more women are blowing the whistle because many have reached high enough positions in the organization to see malfeasance by policy, as it might be called, while still remaining outsiders, not one of the boys. Women work

Psychophysiologic effects of Hatha Yoga on musculoskeletal and cardiopulmonary function: a literature review.

Yoga has become increasingly popular in Western cultures as a means of exercise and fitness training; however, it is still depicted as trendy as evidenced by an April 2001 Time magazine cover story on "The Power of Yoga." There is a need to have yoga better recognized by the health care community as a complement to conventional medical care. Over the last 10 years, a growing number of research studies have shown that the practice of Hatha Yoga can improve strength and flexibility, and may help control such physiological variables as blood pressure, respiration and heart rate, and metabolic rate to improve overall exercise capacity. This review presents a summary of medically substantiated information about the health benefits of yoga for healthy people and for people compromised by musculoskeletal and cardiopulmonary disease.

Arnold Boris Arons

Arnold Boris Arons, an internationally recognized pioneer and leader in physics education and a professor emeritus of physics at the University of Washington, died suddenly of a heart attack at his home in Seattle on 28 February 2001.Born on 23 November 1916 in Lincoln, Nebraska, Arnold grew up in New Jersey and received an ME degree in 1937 and an MS in chemistry in 1940, both from the Stevens Institute of Technology. He obtained his PhD in physical chemistry in 1943 from Harvard University, where he worked with E. Bright Wilson Jr on a study of shock waves produced by underwater explosions. During World War II, Arnold was a group leader in the Underwater Explosion Research Laboratory at the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, beginning an association with Woods Hole that lasted throughout his lifetime. He was well known for his studies of abyssal oceanic circulation and cloud physics with Henry M. Stommel and Alfred H. Woodcock and for experimental and theoretical work on phase distortion of acoustic pulses reflected from the seabed.In 1946, Arnold accepted a position as an assistant professor of physics at the Stevens Institute of Technology. He remained there until 1952, when he moved to Amherst College as a professor of physics. At Amherst, Arnold was widely known as a skilled teacher and was one of the subjects of a Time magazine cover story on education (6 May 1966). Recognizing the inadequacies of traditional physics instruction at the time, Arnold developed a calculus-based introductory course as the science component of a core curriculum required of all freshmen. Through his teaching, he brought to the course historical, philosophical, and humanistic perspectives. His first textbook, Development of Concepts of Physics (Addison-Wesley, 1965), grew out of this experience.In 1968, Arnold was invited to join the faculty at the University of Washington, where he initiated an introductory physical sciences course for preservice elementary school teachers. From 1969 to 1975, he directed NSF summer institutes for in-service elementary school teachers. During this period, the program was expanded to include teachers of high-school physics. The work with teachers led to the establishment of the Physics Education Group at the University of Washington, widely known for its role in teacher education and its leadership in the field of physics education research. After his retirement in 1982, Arnold continued to lecture, conduct workshops, and write extensively on the teaching of physics. Throughout his career, Arnold reflected on the intellectual challenges involved in learning physics, and he set exceptionally high standards for himself and his colleagues. He played a unique role in raising awareness that introductory physics courses are often ineffective in helping students develop conceptual understanding and scientific reasoning skills. Arnold maintained that it is necessary for faculty to listen carefully to students in order to be able to match instruction to the students’ evolving level of understanding. He was a strong proponent of Socratic dialogue as a means of promoting meaningful student learning. Through his many articles and books, Arnold provided the physics community—and the educational community as a whole—with a permanent legacy of extraordinary quality. Especially through his books The Various Language: An Inquiry Approach to the Physical Sciences (Oxford U. Press, 1977) and A Guide to Introductory Physics Teaching (Wiley, 1990), Arnold had a strong influence on the development of innovative curricula and on the teaching of physics by individual faculty members.In addition to his contributions to physics education, Arnold served the physics community in other important ways. From 1961 to 1968, he was the first editor of Resource Letters, a series that is periodically published in the American Journal of Physics. In 1967 and 1968, he was president of the American Association of Physics Teachers. AAPT awarded him its highest honor, the Oersted Medal, in 1973.Arnold served on a number of national committees, including the NSF commission on college physics (1962-68). From 1963 until his death, he served the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution in both active and honorary capacities as a member of the corporation or as a trustee. He also was a member of the American Institute of Physics governing board from 1966 to 1972.Arnold read widely and his intellectual curiosity extended beyond physics. His keen mind and extraordinarily sharp memory enhanced his appreciation of the arts. He memorized reams of poetry that he could recite spontaneously. He greatly enjoyed music and spent many hours in art galleries. Arnold and his wife Jean loved to hike in the mountains. They traveled extensively in Europe, especially in England and Wales. Arnold would engage his friends with eloquent reports about his experiences. His presence, his guidance, and his thoughtful insights will be greatly missed. Arnold Boris Arons PPT|High resolution© 2001 American Institute of Physics.

Novel Paesans: The Reconstruction of Italian-American Male Identify in Anthony Valerio's Converstion with Johnny and Robert Viscusi's Astoria

Do we need to rehabilitate paesan? What I mean is, do we need to reconstruct public identity of Italian-American man? If we survey great cocktail party of American literary scene, we recognize in crowd faces of many Italian-American men: among writers of fiction, Don DeLillo; among poets, Lawrence Ferlinghetti; among scholars, Frank Lentricchia; among editors, Jonathan Galassi; even among captains of our literary industry, Leonard Riggio, President of Barnes and Noble. Watching these distinguished gentlemen operate, we feel certain that old stereotypes of Italian-American men as mafiosi, brutes, sexual predators, or idiots are behind us. But then, at same party, we overhear Italian-American intellectuals lament or even glorify these same stereotypes, discuss their presence in movies and television shows that we all know (and maybe secretly admire), and we begin to wonder. A few years ago, John Gotti, from jail, was making cover of Time magazine. Much to chagrin of Italian-American critics, Spike Lee's Jungle Fever was exploiting public preconception of a mythic Italian-American male penchant for violence, and sexist relations with women (Viscusi, qtd. in Verdicchio 187); around same time, cast of Saturday Night Live played a running sketch in which a pair of lecherous waiters with hokey Italian accents assaulted female patrons of their restaurant (usually guest hosts of show) with unwanted amorous attention, calling them Bellissima!, until they finally forced them into sexually compromising positions. And then, of course, we have work of Mario Puzo. The Godfather continues to be read and seen by millions, having enjoyed a 1997 re-release in theaters and on video as part of The Godfather trilogy, as well as a ubiquity on cable and satellite television networks. Not to mention his best-selling 1996 novel and 1997 hit Mafia miniseries The Last Don, which, according to network promos for its sequel, The Last Don II, captivated over fifty-two million viewers. Wide-release films, syndicated television shows, video rentals, and cable television help to perpetuate negative Italian-American stereotypes. Among creatures of film, syndication, and video who will not die are The Fonz of Happy Days, a macho Latin-lover type; Tony Manero of Saturday Night Fever, a less intelligent Latin-lover type; Rocky Balboa, a brute; and Puzo's cast of colorful mafiosi. In 1984, Rudolph Vecoli cited a study of images of Italian-Americans presented on television, which concluded that public was treated to twice as many negative portrayals as positive ones, and that one out of six [Italian-American characters] was engaged in criminal activities, most held low status jobs, and majority did not speak English correctly (53). Although shows such as HBO's The Sopranos, conceived with a great deal of cultural savoir-faire by pseudonymous Italian-American David Chase, have arguably complicated existing stereotypes, many shows and films (The Godson, Mafia!, any show starring Tony Danza) have simply perpetuated them. Whatever we may think of above-mentioned characters as models for emulation, great numbers of Italian-American men have found sources of identity in stereotypes that films like Saturday Night Fever and The Godfather promulgate. Vecoli rightly claims that although some Italian-Americans responded to The Godfather and its sequels by protesting and picketing films, many took them as the Italian-American equivalent of Alex Haley's Roots (55). Vecoli also, importantly, recognizes that such self-caricature and self-denigration result from lack of awareness of cultural material for construction of positive Italian-American identities (55). To this point at least, Italian-American artists and intellectuals have done little to mine for their fellow Italian-Americans cultural marble trapped inside a mountain of negative images. …

Snapshots of Freud in American, 1899–1999.

In 1899, Sigmund Freud was virtually unknown in America, and his new book. The Interpretation of Dreams, went unreviewed. A century later, his life and work were the subject of a major exhibition of the U.S. Library of Congress, and he appeared for the third time on the cover of Time magazine. This article describes a few of the intervening events.