Coup In Turkey Research Articles

Municipal Politics and the PKK in the early 1970s: A citizenship perspective

This paper examines the Kurdistan Workers Party’s (PKK) municipal politics in the late 1970s through the lens of citizenship politics. The article introduces two concepts—activist citizenship and fugitive citizenship to analyse the PKK’s mobilisation in this period, before the 1980 military coup in Turkey. Activist citizenship challenges the restrictive boundaries of state-sanctioned citizenship, while fugitive citizenship creates alternative political spaces for marginalized groups. Both concepts highlight how individuals and groups, such as the PKK, can assert their political agency in contexts where they are denied formal citizenship. The research questions linear understandings of the PKK’s emergence as a political movement inevitably destined to become an insurgent movement.

Laughing Matters: Graphic Satire Reckoning with the 1980 Coup in Turkey, written by Valentina Marcella

Laughing Matters: Graphic Satire Reckoning with the 1980 Coup in Turkey, written by Valentina Marcella

The role of the official ceremonies and hidden curriculum on Atatürkism’s socialization and indoctrination in Turkish schools (1980–2002)

ABSTRACT The 1980 military coup in Turkey enormously impacted state-citizen relations, including in the realm of education. After the coup, all school rituals, ceremonies, classrooms, and after-school activities were re-defined through laws and regulations to indoctrinate the dominant state ideology, Atatürkism (Atatürkçülük). This article attempts to shed light on this socialization strategy. It refers relies on an oral history of student testimonies from different socio-economic, religious, and ethnic backgrounds. The testimonies reveal the weaknesses of the system. In particular, the excessive emphasis on Atatürk’s personality and the denial of the Kurdish identity appeared as the most significant fragilities of the system. In addition, the exclusion of non-Muslim citizens from the definition of Turkishness and their feeling of being singled out may be seen as another deficiency of post-1980 state-society relations.

COUP OF 27 MAY 1960 IN TURKEY AND AMERICAN POSITION

The 1960 coup in Turkey is a turning point in Turkish political life, as it was the first and last military coup carried out by military personnel. In fact, the coup was surprising to everyone and a dangerous turning point in the development of events in Turkey, although the political and economic conditions that prevailed in Turkey in the second half of the fifties decade were foreshadowing a move by the army. The success of the coup raised many questions inside and outside Türkiye. The parliamentary life it adopted, which was entrenched in the multi-party system since the end of World War II, assumed the availability of constitutional guarantees to prevent the occurrence of such developments in political life. The United States of America, for its part, was supportive of the Democratic Party government throughout the ten years of its rule, but this support soon changed after the party government attempted to re-establish relations with the Soviet Union, and here the United States of America withdrew its support and this was evident in the success of the military coup, which resulted in the removal of the Democratic Party from the ruling power in Turkey on the morning of May 27, 1960

Chronology of the PKK: From group formation to party (1973–1980)

The Kurdistan Workers Party (Partîya Karkêren Kurdistan, PKK) is often considered a latecomer that miraculously survived the 1980 military coup. Yet the establishment of the party in 1978 was preceded by a long process of group formation that started shortly after the 1971 military coup in Turkey. This article presents a chronology of the PKK during the 1970s. The main aim of this chronology is to show how the PKK came into being as the result of the intensive groundwork of a committed cadre, covering the process of ideological group formation (1973–77) and party building (1978–80). The chronology presented here ends in 1980 when the PKK withdrew many of its militants that were not arrested or killed to Syria and Lebanon following the military coup of September 12 of that year. This withdrawal became the beginning of a reorganization process leading to the start of the guerrilla insurgency in 1984.

Meeting of the Two Patriarchs. Patriarch Alexy I’s Visit to Constantinople (1960)

From 23 to 26 December 1960, Patriarch Alexy I (Simansky) of Moscow and All Russia paid a visit to Istanbul, where he met with Ecumenical Patriarch Athenagoras (Spirou). This was the first ever visit of a Moscow patriarch to Constantinople. The meeting of the two church leaders completed the non-linear route of rapprochement between Moscow and Constantinople. Relations between the Russian and Constantinople Churches have not been easy. In addition to the weight of Cold War settlements, there were ancient disputes. The troubled events in the eastern Mediterranean — the Cyprus crisis (1955) and the military coup in Turkey (1960) — became the background against which the threads of the relationship between Athenagoras and Alexios, reconstructed from archival documents, were knotted. The relationship between the two Orthodox princes is interconnected with the processes that took place in the field of inter-Christian relations: the convening of the Second Vatican Council by John XXIII and the project of the pan-Orthodox meeting carried out by the Ecumenical Patriarch. The choice of the meeting of the two major patriarchs opened a new page in relations between Moscow and Constantinople. However, the dialogue between the two Churches has never been simple and has often followed confusing and contradictory paths. This will be confirmed after the meeting in Constantinople.

Bandwagoning jako element strategii tureckiej polityki zagranicznej (na przykładzie stosunków rosyjsko-tureckich)

BANDWAGONING AS AN ELEMENT OF TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY (ON THE EXAMPLE OF RUSSIAN-TURKISH RELATIONS)
 Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Turkey and Russia have developed relations at various levels. Trade was one of them, and Russia is one of Turkey’s leading suppliers. Trade in energy carriers occupies a central position in the exchange between the two countries. In addition to these long-term economic factors, a new series of common political interests have emerged in the past few years between Moscow and Ankara, and more specifically between their presidents. The Russian president played his cards wisely when Turkey felt insufficiently supported by the West in the face of international and domestic threats, paradoxically after the Turkish army shot down a Russian jet in 2015 and in the context of the failed coup in Turkey in 2016. The suspicion of both leaders towards the USA and the world of Western values brought them closer to each other, and the aforementioned events made the foundations of Turkish-Russian cooperation take on a personal character. Behaviorism in relations between the two capitals is best seen in the conflict in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh.

The spectacle of/as the state: The 2016 coup in Turkey and the performance of sovereignty

Examining the settings of the 2016 coup attempt in Turkey, this paper traces the relationship between state power, agency and media. On 15 July 2016, reports emerged through social networking sites and other mainstream media of armoured military tanks blocking the entrances to the Bosphorus and Fatih Sultan Mehmet bridges in Istanbul. Appearing via FaceTime on CNN Türk, President Erdoğan called people onto the streets to confront the occupying forces. Following the foiled coup attempt, officials praised the public for using communication technology to topple the coup plotters. I juxtapose the different settings where the coup unfolded to argue these events are symbolic phenomena, underscoring how the imaginary of ‘national unity’ is mediated to (re)affirm state power.

Woman and Home in 1980s Turkish Cinema: A Relational Reading Through Atıf Yılmaz’s Films

The paper aims to analyze the effects of social transformations on cinema between 1980-90, within the framework of the class differences that became evident during the period and the feminist movement that was visible in these years in Turkey, and the context of related theoretical background. The 1980s, when neoliberal policies influenced the whole world, was a period of striking changes in Turkey as well. A military coup in Turkey in 1980 created a powerful transformation and with the re-election in 1982, a period started in which the political climate completely changed. In this new situation, which was suppressed by the political environment, public life was interrupted and the gaze was turned towards the home space. The pleasure of watching, fueled by the return to the home space and the strong representations of lifestyle, has become an important component that feeds the popularity of period cinema. The films, which were mostly set in indoor spaces, were considered successful to the extent that they make daily life and private relations a spectacle. The structural similarity that can be established between watching a movie and spying on a house became convenient for making a social analysis when considered in the context of the 1980s. In this era, critical representations that questioned the ideological patterns in society emerged with the influence of the rising feminist discourse. Within the scope of the study, critical movies will be focused on. Analyzing the relationship between space and woman characters opens up a common field of inquiry on both the gender debate and the social class difference.

Turkey’s Security Policy towards Northern Syria and Iraq amid Regional Chaos (2011-2019)

This study seeks to explain Turkey’s policies towards Iraq and Northern Syria in the context of regional geopolitical competition. The paper first explains the structure of the regional competitive system in the Middle East by taking into consideration the role and impact of Turkey, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Secondly, by focusing on the strategic goals of the regional actors, the paper contextualizes the logic of strategic rationality behind Turkey’s military and political engagements in Syria and Iraq. Finally, the research is addressing Turkey’s strategy for settling the Syrian crisis. One of the most important threats against Turkey during this period has been the emergence of the YPG, the Syrian offshoot of the PKK terrorist organization, which became the central component of the counter-terrorism policy of the US against ISIS. With the deepening of the crises in Syria and then in Iraq, as well as the failed military coup in Turkey in 2016, the government has changed its strategy and has consolidated itself as one of the most effective players in the Syrian crisis. The overall assessment of this research is that Turkey has managed the emerged threats in northern Syria and Iraq by pursuing a twin pillar policy and relying on diplomatic and especially hard power capacities and eventually, has become a pole in resolving the Syrian crisis since 2016 when gradually moved away from the Western coalition.

1980 DARBESİ’NİN BATI ÜLKELERİNDEKİ YANKILARI

Türkiye’de 12 Eylül 1980 tarihinde yaşanan askeri müdahale ile yeni bir dönem başladı. Bu müdahale ile beraber ülkenin siyasi, ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel hayatında önemli değişimler yaşandı. Yaşanan olaylar, getirilen sansür ve yasaklar gündemi meşgul etti. Ülke içinde yaşanan bu durumun dış politikaya nasıl yansıyacağı konusu en önemli gündem maddelerinden biri oldu. Milli Güvenlik Konseyi, Türkiye’nin içinde yer aldığı ittifaklara ve antlaşmalara bağlı kalacağını kamuoyuna duyurması üzerine gözler Batı ülkelerinin yapacağı açıklamalara çevrildi. Batı ülkelerinin, Türkiye’de yaşanan askeri müdahaleye karşı ılımlı bir yaklaşım sergilediği görüldü. Askerin seçilmiş hükümete müdahale etmek zorunda kaldığını savunan benzer nitelikte açıklamalar yapıldı. Bu açıklamaların yanı sıra dış politikada öne çıkan bir diğer önemli başlık Kıbrıs konusu oldu. Özellikle de Kıbrıs Rum yönetimi ile Kıbrıs Türk Federe Devleti arasında yapılacak görüşmelerin önemi üzerinde duruldu. Diğer önemli konu ise Türkiye’nin Yunanistan’ın NATO askeri kanadına dönmesi konusunda sergileyeceği tavrın nasıl olacağı sorusu oldu. Son önemli konu ise Türkiye’de yaşanan terör olaylarına karşı alınacak önlemlerdi. Alınacak önlemlerin yeterli olup olmayacağı batı ülkeleri tarafından takip edileceği açıklandı. 
 Bu çalışma, 1980 Darbesi’nin Batı ülkelerindeki yankılarını ele alarak incelemeyi amaçlamıştır. Bu amaçla Türkiye’de yaşanan 1980 darbesinin Batı ülkelerinde nasıl yankı bulduğu, dönemin süreli yayın organları incelenerek anlaşılmaya ve açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır.

The teaching of geography and rebuilding national identity in secondary schools after the 1980 military coup in Turkey

ABSTRACT Prior to the 1980s, Turkey experienced a period of vicious political polarisation and even violent conflicts. The 1980 coup administration strived to reach an agreement regarding nationalism, religion, and Kemalism. Following the military coup of 1980, the Social Studies course was abandoned in secondary schools in 1985 and the National History, National Geography, and Citizenship courses were reconstituted. Thus, the word national was placed in the front of the History and Geography courses for the first time in Turkey. The notion of National Geography in National Geography lessons mostly highlighted geographical areas settled by Turks. The overall course content was shaped by Kemalist ideology. This study therefore critically evaluates the National Geography lessons taught in secondary schools in the aftermath of the 1980 coup. Official documents from the period and textbooks are the primary resources for this research.

Causes of the Failed of the Military Coup in Turkey in 2016

Military interference in politics in Turkey resumed with an outright military coup on July 15, 2016, but the Coup failed. The Turkish military has always successfully conducted coups, both directly and indirectly, which occurred in 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997. From these problems, The study aims to analyze the causes of the failure of the 2016 coup and describe the causes of the Coup and compare the 2016 coup with the 1960 and 1980 direct coups. A qualitative method was used in this research by conducting literature studies and data sourced from scientific journals, news reports, articles, and other related sources. The results showed that the failure of the military Coup in 2016 was due to rejection from the community but also the failure of the coup group to arrest key government actors such as President Erdogan and Prime Minister Binali Yildirim. The failure to arrest these key actors enabled them to mobilize the masses against the coup group, as did President Erdogan, who announced his rejection of the Coup through FaceTime broadcast by CNN Turk and invited the public to reject the Coup. Binali Yildirim also rejected the same problem. This is one of the factors that led to the descent of Turks to the streets against the coup attempt. Even though seeing the previous Coup, the military always received support from the Turkish people. In addition, there is also the role of technology that connects key actors with Turkish society. This research explains the important role of key state actors in countering military coups and provides an overview of ways for civilian governments and the general public to resist military coups.

What politics does to the army: divisions and reconfigurations to the military institution in the 27 May, 1960 coup in Turkey

This article reconsiders the 1960 coup in Turkey, paying particular attention to the interactions and power relations in play, both within the army and between the army and civilians. I argue that the 1960 coup, rather than being an example of the military resolving a political crisis, is better understood as the army exploiting a social context which lent itself to portraying the use of force against the government and its allies as legitimate. First, I show that the 27 May coup consisted in dissident officers exploiting a context to push through sector-specific demands. Second, I depict the instability constituting the period of military administration and the following months. This enables me to show how the general staff, drawing on the support of civilian political actors, managed to re-establish the army’s hierarchy and stabilize its internal power relations. Finally, I analyze how the military institution managed to impose its authority over civilians during the years following the 1960 intervention, thanks to the judicial, economic, and institutional autonomy it acquired as of this first coup

Turkish Émigrés, European Artists: Re/Discovering a Web of Turkish-European Artists in 1980s West Germany and Europe

In 1980, the (third) military coup in Turkey resulted in mass emigration. Among the émigrés were several artists, including filmmakers, actors, singer-songwriters, painters, and sculptors, who moved, for example, to Germany, Sweden, and France. They began to form a European web of émigrés working on music, film, theater, and paintings, thereby creating an artistic diaspora. This article identifies a group of lesser-studied émigré artists in Germany and Europe, lays out their networks and creative practices, and ultimately shifts the perspective on migration in the 1980s. Films such as Yilmaz Güney’s The Wall (1982) in France, Tuncel Kuritz’s <i>Hasan the Rose/Gül Hasan</i> (1980) in Sweden, musical recordings such as Cem Karaca’s “Die Kanaken” (1984) in Cologne, and the work of artist Ismail Saray in London of the 1980s, among others, help to show their asymmetrical web of trans-European connections. (BG)

Soffrire per non dimenticare: Agency, nostalgia e lutto nella sinistra in Turchia

Sulla base di un’etnografia condotta a Istanbul, questo articolo esplora la diffusione dello struggimento nostalgico e della perpetuazione di una condizione di lutto tra gli ex-militanti delle organizzazioni studentesche e rivoluzionare che in Turchia sono stati vittime del colpo di stato del 1980-1983. Il contributo mostra come questi sentimenti non costituiscano un isolamento del soggetto, ma siano pratiche emozionali attraverso cui gli ex-militanti si riconnettono con una storia collettiva, elaborano profili morali del dolore, tracciano una memoria di combattimento e articolano rivendicazioni politiche. La disamina delle critiche a questi sentimenti da parte di alcuni ex-combattenti mette in luce come le forme ritualizzate di resistenza della sinistra turca ricadano in una eroicità passiva, in cui il campo di azione si costruisce principalmente attorno a quello che le persone hanno sofferto. In questa prospettiva, il testo evidenzia, da un lato, come analizzare la capacità di agire significhi prendere in esame anche la formazione del soggetto e dei suoi spazi interiori e, dall’altro, come la comprensione dell’agency non possa ridursi, anche in un contesto repressivo, a una constatazione delle relazioni di dominio, ma implichi l’analisi delle grammatiche simboliche e dei codici pubblici su cui si fonda la lettura dell’esperienza quotidiana dei soggetti.

Turkish Émigrés, European Artists: Re/Discovering a Web of Turkish-European Artists in 1980s West Germany and Europe1

In 1980, the (third) military coup in Turkey resulted in mass emigration. Among the émigrés were several artists, including filmmakers, actors, singer-songwriters, painters, and sculptors, who moved, for example, to Germany, Sweden, and France. They began to form a European web of émigrés working on music, film, theater, and paintings, thereby creating an artistic diaspora. This article identifies a group of lesser-studied émigré artists in Germany and Europe, lays out their networks and creative practices, and ultimately shifts the perspective on migration in the 1980s. Films such as Yilmaz Güney’s The Wall (1982) in France, Tuncel Kuritz’s <i>Hasan the Rose/Gül Hasan</i> (1980) in Sweden, musical recordings such as Cem Karaca’s “Die Kanaken” (1984) in Cologne, and the work of artist Ismail Saray in London of the 1980s, among others, help to show their asymmetrical web of trans-European connections. (BG)

Российско-турецкие отношения после 2015 г: новые тренды, старые дилеммы

As the events of the past few years indicate, relations between Russia and Turkey are increasingly determined by security-related issues. Such a shift in priorities in bilateral relations should be perceived not only as a response to the emerging threats to the internal and external security of the two countries but also as a consequence of the changes in the strategic orientation of Russia and Turkey after the end of the Cold War. The most important events in the formation of a new model of relations between Russia and Turkey were such as the “Arab Spring”, the wars in Syria and Libya, US support for the Syrian Kurds from the “People’s Self-Defense Forces”, the revolution in Ukraine and the subsequent Russia’s annexation of Crimea, the Russian military operation in Syria, the 2015 crisis in Russian-Turkish relations, and the attempted military coup in Turkey in 2016. Regional crises near the borders of Russia and Turkey and the growing securitization of the policies of both states not only pushed Moscow and Ankara to interact in the security sphere but also created new challenges for their relations. In this article, the authors examine the dynamics of Russian-Turkish relations, paying particular attention to the security dimension, as well as the opportunities and limitations for cooperation between the two countries, given that security is becoming an increasingly important element in bilateral relations. The main focus is on the analysis of competitive cooperation between Russia and Turkey in Eurasia, for the understanding of which it is necessary to refer not only to the current context but also to the historical experience of interaction between the two countries in this wide geographical space. Acknowledgements. Published with the financial support of the project “The influence of the policy of Iran and Turkey on transformation of the Middle East and Post-Soviet space” of the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs of HSE-University.

Translating the Counterculture: The Reception of the Beats in Turkey

Translating the Counterculture: The Reception of the Beats in Turkey

Journalism Models in Western Democracies and the International Arena: The Case of the 2016 Failed Coup Attempt in Turkey

This paper explores the complex relationship between media and political systems in the context of the International News Flow, regarding the interdisciplinary research area between media study and International Relations. The focus is on International News Flow interactions and effects upon democratic political systems. The aim is to fill the gap concerning international relations in comparative media analysis literature. Despite using Hallin and Mancini's framework (2004, 2012), the present research does not only apply their typology to test its validity, but it also applies the main International Relations theoretical frameworks that deepen the relationship between media and political systems to shed light on the degree of superimposition between structure-based and content-based frameworks of media systems. The case study is the 2016 failed military coup in Turkey. In particular, in terms of coverage and analysis, the study considers how the newspapers of four countries (Italy, France, Germany and England), which represent the three democracy models of Hallini and Mancini – Mediterranean, Liberal, Corporative plus one that cuts across different models – framed the failed coup attempt in the days following the beginning of the crisis.