Country Party Research Articles

The Country Party's campaign

The Country Party's campaign

Unions and the United Australia Party: New South Wales, 1932-39

Once Bertram Stevens became Premier of New South Wales in June 1932, the unions, particularly those governed by state awards, had cause to feel that their position was in jeopardy. Behind Stevens in Parliament sat the United Australia Party composed mainly of company directors, managers and professional men who were likely to share Stevens' election pledge that the party would . . repeal the irksome yoke of socialist legislation with which the Lang government (has) burdened our industries.'1 Moreover the Country Party partner in the coalition held firmly to five out of the fifteen cabinet portfolios and fast to its sectional interests.2 There was more danger, perhaps, in the fact that the United Australia Party had been formed in New South Wales by a fusion of the quasi-Fascist All For Australia League and the tottering Nationalist Party. The All For Australia League had shown no sign of wanting to be a friend of the labour movement. In fact at one stage the State Labor Party had considered forming a defence corps to combat its activities. And the league still had influence: H. M. Hawkins had joined the Cabinet3, while outside the House, Sir Philip Goldfinch of Colonial Sugar Refining and Sydney Snow the retailer had transferred from League to Party their support, presumably their finance, and un doubtedly some of their ideas.4 To the right of the A.F.A.L. and the U.A.P. glowered Eric Campbell's militant New Guard. This organisation had a keen supporter in the Deputy Leader of the U.A.P., R. W. D. Weaver. In 1932, he could cheerfully tell a U.A.P. Younger Set that '. . . any young man who has red blood in his veins and grey matter in his head, should join the New Guard.'5 And there was little doubt what Campbell felt about Unions: he would tolerate 'friendly societies' provided they did not have permanent officials.6 It could appear therefore that Weaver, who had already earned the hatred of the Labor Movement for his support of the police action at Rothbury,7 might hold similar views. After all,

The Evolution of Australian Foreign Policy, 1938–1965

The book under discussion fills an important gap in Australian political writing, and is welcome as a symptom of dawning Australian interest in the origins of our present policies and attitudes towards other nations. If one were to stand fast upon Nicholson's distinction between diplomacy and foreign policy, this work would perhaps be better described as a history of Australian diplomacy, but the distinction is probably not of ultimate importance. This book has sections upon the situation leading up to War, includ ing our role, or lack of it, during Munich; the first Menzies Govern ment's policies; the Australian Labor Party in office and the Liberal Country Party in office. (This last part includes detailed analyses of ANZUS, SEATO and our role in Malaya.) There is then a lengthy section which deals with Australian relations with Asia (1945-65), and a chapter on the British Commonwealth. Finally, Sir Alan supplies a long section which is concerned to reappraise Australian foreign policy and its assumptions. There is little doubt that this book deserves to be in use in Australian Universities and higher Institutes for some years.

Anti-Political Political Thought

Australian politics absorbed a shock in the depression which affected the three parties in different ways. Labor was split and put out of office; the Nationalist Party was succeeded by a new party, the United Aus tralia Party; the Country Party had to adapt itself to movements of rural unrest. Outside the parties, new movements sprang suddenly into existence professing disillusionment with party politics. Those who battled for power in each of these situations drew on the stock of political beliefs traditionally available to them. The advocates of socialism raised their voices once more in the Labor Party; disillusioned businessmen and other friends and supporters of the Nationalists sud denly remembered traditional criticisms of party politics; the leaders of the Country Party drew on New State thinking to help them absorb the rural dissatisfaction. In short, the depression provoked party figures and other public men to state their political beliefs explicitly and often more dogmatically than usual. Non-Labor beliefs evaluating and explaining the political system were set out on a number of topics besides party politics and new States. Mistrust of democracy was evident in some of it, and much of it had a distinctly conservative character. Upper Houses safeguarded democracy against the impulses of transient majorities, according to an article in the United Australia Review.1 The Bulletin2 thought governors helped safeguard democracy. The Pastoral Review quoted Alexander Hamilton and gloomily recalled that for close on forty years it had been showing the 'folly' of democracy.3 Menzies reminded an audience that citizens had duties as well as rights and suggested that democracy was not an end in itself. Self-government, he said, could succeed only when people were prepared to abandon selfishness at the expense of others.4 The duty of government, according to the Australasian Manufac turer, was not to interfere with the working of industry, but to maintain peace, construct roads, dispense justice impartially and facilitate enter prise in various ways.5 Senator Brennan thought that the prime duty of government was not to make people rich but to protect them while they made themselves rich.6 Government ought to withdraw from 'socialist' enterprise, to stop 'coddling' individuals and 'interfering' with industries. A. C. Davidson, of the Bank of N.S.W., thought governments could not initiate new industry.7 A Farmers' and Settlers' Association conference resolved that social services did 'untold harm' by reducing 'thrift' and removing the 'self-reliance' of the people.8 A writer in the Pastoral Review argued that bureaucracy was the cause of present troubles and the ruination of democracies.9 The Empire Party, an

Three Events of National Significance in the Corangamite Electrorate, 1910-1918

In the period from 1910-1918, there occurred in the Federal elec torate of Corangamite in Victoria three distinct but inter-related events, all being of some special national significance. In a curious way each event was to be a prelude to a longer, national projection of the event. These events concerned the political emergence of J. H. Scullin; the first official Labor Party statement of support for Britain in the first world war; and the political emergence of the Country Party in Victoria.

The Country Party and Non‐Labor Unity in New South Wales, 1944 to 1964 *

The Country Party and Non‐Labor Unity in New South Wales, 1944 to 1964 *

A History of the Australian Country Party. By Ulrich Ellis. (Melbourne, Australia: Melbourne University Press, 1963. Pp. ix, 359. $8.50.)

A History of the Australian Country Party. By Ulrich Ellis. (Melbourne, Australia: Melbourne University Press, 1963. Pp. ix, 359. $8.50.)

The first years of the Western Australian country party, 1912–1916

The first years of the Western Australian country party, 1912–1916

Joseph Lade Pawsey, 1908-1962

Joseph Lade Pawsey, one of the pioneers and outstanding exponents of radio astronomy, died in Sydney on 30 November 1962. His father, Joseph Andrews, was a farmer whose main interest was in politics—he was a foundation member of the Victorian Country Party. His mother, Margaret Lade, was at one time President of the women’s section of the party and was a prominent social worker. There was no history of previous scientific interest in Pawsey’s ancestors; on the paternal side his grandfather was an English business man, and on the maternal side his grandfather was a farmer from Kent who married Ann McConchie Lade from Dumfries. When Pawsey’s parents married they lived on a wheat farm at Willaura, Victoria, and Joseph, their only child, was born in the neighbouring town of Ararat on 14 May 1908. Until he was 8 1/2 years old Joe lived with his parents at Willaura. Although he did not attend school there seems no doubt that he exhibited an unusually inquiring mind which his parents made every effort to develop. In November 1916 the family moved a short distance to Stavely and here Joe attended the small State School. His schooling was interrupted two years later when the family moved again to Coleraine where there was only a half-time school. In 1919 there was yet another move to Naroghid, Victoria, and Joe attended the nearest Higher Elementary School at Camperdown eight miles away to which he travelled by pony every day for the first year. In spite of this somewhat chequered school career Pawsey won a State Junior Scholarship to Wesley College, Melbourne, in November 1922.

Book Reviews

Book reviewed in this article:THE MODERN WORLD: A History of Our Time. Volume I. From early European expansion to the outbreak of World War II. By Gordon Greenwood.THE RUSSIAN PEASANT MOVEMENT 1906–1917. By Launcelot A. Owen.THE CHURCHES AND THE 'WORKING CLASSES I N VICTORIAN ENGLAND. By K. S. Inglis.MODERN GUERRILLA WARFARE: Fighting Communist Guerrilla Movements, 1941–1961. Edited by Franklin Mark Osanka.THOUGHT AND BEHAVIOUR IN MODERN JAPANESE POLITICS. By Masao Maruyama.PIRACY AND POLITICS IN THE MALAY WORLD: A Study of British Imperialism in Ninetecnth‐Century South‐East Asia. By Nicholas Tarling.ANGLO‐DUTCH RIVALRY IN THE MALAY WORLD, 1780–1824. By Nicholas Tarling.THE TWO VIET‐NAMS: A Political and Military Analysis. By Bernard B. Fall.FROM COLONIALISM TO COMMUNISM. A Case History of North Vietnam. By Hoang Van Chi.COMMUNISM IN NORTH VIETNAM: its Role in the Sino‐Soviet Dispute. By P. J. Honey.A SHORT HISTORY OF AUSTRALIA. By Manning Clark.A THOUSAND MILES AWAY: A History of North Queensland to 1920. By G. C. Bolton.TAXATION IN AUSTRALIA: Agenda for Reform, By R. I. Downing, H. W. Arndt, A. H. Boxer, R. L. Mathews.THE COMMONWEALTH AND MONOPOLIES. By Conrad Joyner.THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF TRADE: a case‐study in administrative reorganization. Canberra, The Australian National University.A HISTORY OF THE AUSTRALIAN COUNTRY PARTY. By Ulrich Ellis.THE COALMINERS OF NEW SOUTH WALES: A History of the Union, 1860–1960. By Robin Gollan.STUDIES OF A SMALL DEMOCRACY: Essays in Honour of Willis Airey. Edited by Robert Chapman and Keith Sinclair.

History of the Country Party

History of the Country Party

A History of the Australian Country Party. EllisUlrichMelbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1963 Pp. x -f 359. Illust. 50s.Truant Surgeon: The Inside Story of Forty Years ofAustralian Political Life. PageSir EarleAngus and Robertson, Sydney, 1963 Pp. xvi + 421. Illust. 63s.

Business Archives and HistoryVolume 4, Issue 2 p. 180-182 Book Review A History of the Australian Country Party. Ellis, Ulrich Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1963 Pp. x -f 359. Illust. 50s. Truant Surgeon: The Inside Story of Forty Years of Australian Political Life. Page, Sir Earle Angus and Robertson, Sydney, 1963 Pp. xvi + 421. Illust. 63s. C. B. Schedvin, C. B. Schedvin LondonSearch for more papers by this author C. B. Schedvin, C. B. Schedvin LondonSearch for more papers by this author First published: 01 January 1964 https://doi.org/10.1111/aehr.42br4AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume4, Issue2January 1964Pages 180-182 RelatedInformation

The country party and the formation of the Bruce‐page ministry

The country party and the formation of the Bruce‐page ministry

The Most Wholesome Law-- The Habeas Corpus Act of 1679

AN unsolved mystery of the reign of Charles II is the origin and passage of the great constitutional reform of the period-the Habeas Corpus of I679. The statute was enacted at the height of the Popish Plot when men seemingly were more interested in getting their fellow Englishmen into jail than out of it. There is no doubt but that the principle of habeas corpus was hated by the royal family, and James II later designated the act as one of two laws that must be repealed. Yet this important statute, called Shaftesbury's Act and later claimed by the Whigs as their greatest achievement, was scarcely noted by contemporaries, and dissidents of the Exclusion Parliaments made no claim to party sponsorship. In fact, they seemed barely aware of it. There is even some doubt as to whether the bill was legally enacted. Persistent although unofficial were the rumors of the i680's that the bill had passed the Lords only on a teller's trick, and Gilbert Burnet's story of the one fat peer who was counted as ten has since been widely accepted as fact.' The reputation of the Habeas Corpus as the foundation of liberty was born with the Revolution of i688, but men in Parliament, all of them country party leaders, had been fighting for the measure for ten years before its passage. The debates on habeas corpus that took place in the House of Commons between i668 and I679 have not been fully examined. At least, no one has determined the significance that these debates may have either on the act itself

The Country Party Studies in Australian Politics

The Country Party Studies in Australian Politics

The country party

The country party

John Kinsey (1693-1750), II (Conclude)

f BULLETIN OF FRIENDS' HISTORICAL SOCIETY. JOHN KINSEY.—II. 1693-1750. That the Governor's threat to drive Friends from the Assembly was not purely an empty one, is shown by a letter which he wrote to the English Government, considerably misrepresenting the situation, and recommending that all Quakers be made ineligible to official situations. This was intended to be private, but a friend of the Assembly got possession of it in England, and sent a copy to Philadelphia. Great was the wrath of the men who for half a century had felt themselves responsible for the conduct of affairs, and under whose management had developed the most thriving Province of the new world. The " Gentlemen's Party," which was the title that the Governor 's friends took to themselves, also girded themselves for the contest, and in the fall election of 1742 there was a great street fight in Philadelphia, the actual participants of which were a number of sailors for the Gentlemen's Party and a bunch of hardfisted Germans for the Quakers. It is unnecessary to add that the Quakers triumphed both in the street contest and at the polls, and rather increased than diminished their great majority in the Assembly. They also struck the Governor at another point. He was promised a salary by the Penns, whose agent he was, but this salary had to be voted by the Assembly. During the stringency of the contest the Assembly always forgot to place such an item in their appropriation bills, and for several years he nursed his wrath in poverty. But being now beaten at the polls he showed signs of yielding. He signed a bill which he had hitherto opposed, and a little salary was granted him. He signed another and the Assembly began to feel still more generous. Finally he gave way altogether, and all his arrears were paid. He got along very pleasantly with the Assembly during the rest of his official career. He was completely tamed. The net results of the contest were a large increase of liberty for the people of Pennsylvania ; the perfect maintenance of their anti-martial principles ; the defeat of the Gentlemen's Party at their JOHN KINSEY (1693-1750).47 own political game; the increasing strength among the people of the Quaker leaders in government; the triumph of economy and simplicity in the management of public affairs. John Kinsey's letters, full on the one hand of pious reflections, and on the other, of adroit political argument, had carried the day. The " Country Party," as his friends were generally called, had become supreme. One by one the claims of the Proprietors—who were now farming Pennsylvania for what they could get from it, in a very different spirit from that of their high-minded father—were cut down. The possibility of gaining political ends without the sacrifice of principles was beginning to answer the taunt of Governor Thomas that their theories were inconsistent with government. In 1747 Benjamin Franklin writes of the Friends as " that wealthy and powerful body of people who have ever since the war governed our elections and filled almost every seat in the Assembly." Evidently they were good politicians, and the contest with the Governor had resulted in a strengthening of their lines. The Spanish War did not last long, but others came. The Governor used his authority as Captain-General to organize a voluntary force said by Franklin to consist of 10,000 men. On this the Assembly took no action. At various times the Governor asked the Assembly to aid in warlike expeditions and measures. On their part the Assembly frequently reminded the Governor that they were unable to vote any money for warlike purposes, and personally would contribute nothing in the way of service, but that they were loyal subjects of the King and acknowledged their obligations to aid in his government. Had they granted regular aid, war or no war, their position would have been greatly strengthened, but being given " for the King's use " in direct response to a call for military assistance, knowing perfectly how the money was to be expended, they cannot be excused from the charge...

The Country Party

The Country Party