Counterterrorism Actions Research Articles

Voluntary participation in a terror group and counterterrorism policy

A three-stage game investigates how a government's counterterrorism measures affect potential terrorists interface. In stage 1, the government chooses both proactive and defensive countermeasures, while anticipating the size and attacks of a terrorist group. After radicalized individuals choose whether to join a terrorist group in stage 2, group members then allocate their time between work and terrorism in stage 3. Based on wages and government counterterrorism, the game characterizes the extensive and intensive margins for the terrorist group's size and attacks, respectively. Comparative statics show how changes in wages or population radicalization impact the optimal mix between defensive and proactive countermeasures. Higher (lower) wages favor a larger (smaller) mix of proactive measures over defensive actions. Enhanced radicalization of potential terrorists calls for a greater reliance on defensive actions. Backlash terror attacks stemming from proactive-induced radicalization also affect the mix of counterterrorism actions.

Cultural and historical context in the analysis of the concept of "antiterrorism"

The purpose of the article is to critically comprehend the concept of "counterterrorism" in the context of the so-called models (strategies) of counterterrorism. The fight against terror is not confined to itself, it has to do with national interests and those factors and forces that prevent their implementation. When considering a specific counterterrorism system at the national level, it is important to take into account both cultural and historical prerequisites and fundamental factors that generate nodal contradictions in society, as well as current situational variables related to the increase in terrorist threats. Only by taking into account these factors and current situational variables that cause the growth of radical and extremist views in society, it is possible to determine the long-term logic of actions in the fight against terrorism and extremism. The author critically interprets the concept of "counterterrorism" in the context of the so-called models (strategies) of counterterrorism, which are actively being developed in modern Western historiography. Achieving this goal is not only the disclosure of the content of each of these models, but also their consideration through the prism of the Russian experience. The main conclusions of the proposed article are that the fight against terrorism should be based on powerful systems of ideological, political and law enforcement structures. A key place here is given to long-term strategic goals related to the root causes of terrorism. The goals of national security and threats, and, therefore, the directions of action should be defined and presented in regularly updated doctrinal documents. From the point of view of researchers, both the level of mastery of the tactical arsenal of hard and soft approaches, instrumental and/or political-symbolic logic of actions, and consideration of the cultural and historical characteristics of a particular society are significant. Theoretical analysis in this context helps to determine the long-term logic of counterterrorism actions when making necessary management decisions, taking into account international and national experience.

The concept of the foreign terrorist fighter: An immanent critique

AbstractThe conflicts in Iraq and Syria have led to concerns in the West over ‘foreign fighters’. Although states are anxious about the role these individuals play in the conflicts they join, their primary concern relates to the perceived ‘terrorist’ threat they pose on their return. This fear has led to an evolution in the international policymaking arena, with foreign fighters now often referred to as ‘foreign terrorist fighters’ (FTFs). A Critical Theory-inspired immanent critique is offered to highlight various problems that exist with the FTF term and to argue policymakers should resist its use. The article demonstrates the importance of language by showing how the invocation of the FTF threat has strengthened the ongoing development of globally coordinated counterterrorism action. Specifically, it argues UN Security Council Resolution 2178, agreed in 2014, generates a legal obligation upon UN member states to implement new counterterrorism laws at national level to combat the perceived threat from FTFs. The article highlights the negative effect these laws have on human rights. It is argued institutions like the UN need to ensure new counterterrorism legal instruments are built from a human rights rather than security-first perspective if commitments to human rights in transnational counterterrorism are to be fully realised.

Promoting Terror by the Turkish State

When it comes to the issue of terror and terrorism, the Turkish State very comfortably labels whoever is not in line with Turkey’s interest and strategy. Moreover, almost all Western states are outspokenly suggesting that they do understand Turkish concern about its national security and its struggle for counter terrorism actions. However, the other side of the coin is very rarely looked at. This article argues that the Turkish State is promoting terror through supporting the Islamist fundamentalist organisations inside and outside Turkey. The aid and support of the Turkistan Islamic party is one of the cases that Turkey has its hand in it.

Kebijakan Counterterrorism Ronald Reagan dan Relasinya dalam Peristiwa Pembajakan Pesawat Trans World Airlines Flight 847

This article aims to explain Ronald Reagan’s policy to attempt various counterterrorism actions, such as the formation of Research and Development in technology to minimize opportunities for terrorists to carry out acts of terrorism. In the aftermath of World War II, there were countries that switched from the form of empires to modern states. This happens in countries in the Middle East and causes upheaval from people who disagree. One of the countries that experienced it was Lebanon which wanted to switch to a modern state, but many were not approved by the Syiah community of Lebanon. In addition, government support for Israeli and pro-United States independence also added to the domestic upheaval. Israel's intervention in Lebanon and the capture of the Lebanese Syiah community by Israel, supported by the United States, worsened the situation. In 1985 there was an event that Piracy Hijacking Trans World Airlines flight 847 (TWA flight 847) was allegedly carried out by Hezbollah groups consisting of Lebanese Syiah and was a form of resistance against the United States that supported the Lebanese and Israeli governments. The hijacking also aims to fulfil Lebanese Syiah demands to free the Lebanese Syiah community detained by Israel. For this reason, the United States, during Ronald Reagan's leadership, emerged as a counterterrorism state and opposed all forms of terrorism. This paper uses data collection techniques using literature studies from books, and journals, including data from trusted websites that support the explanations in this paper.

Effects of Defensive and Proactive Measures on Competition Between Terrorist Groups

A two-stage game investigates how counterterrorism measures affect within-country competition between two rival terrorist groups. Although such competition is commonplace (e.g., al-Nusra Front and Free Syria Army; Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and the National Liberation Army; and al-Fatah and Hamas), there is no theoretical treatment of how proactive and defensive measures influence this interaction. Previous studies on rival terrorist groups are solely empirical concerning group survival, outbidding, and terrorism level, while ignoring the role that government countermeasures exert on the rival groups’ terrorism. In a theoretical framework, alternative counterterrorism actions have diverse impacts on the level of terrorism depending on relative group sizes and government-targeting decisions. In the two-stage game, optimal counterterrorism policy rules are displayed in terms of how governments target symmetric and asymmetric terrorist groups. Comparative statics show how parameter changes affect Nash or subgame perfect equilibrium outcomes.

Challenges of the 21st Century in European Continent: Terrorism and Migration

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Europe faced new challenges. These new challenges communicated in this study address two issues, terrorism, and migration. Firstly, this study seeks to answer the question, if is there a direct link between migration and terrorism using the research methodology of data collection and analysis, also, what are the secondary links between terrorism outside Europe and migration to Europe. Secondly, based upon the qualitative methodology of research, this study is analyzing European terrorism and migration to European countries with respect to how these two phenomena have affected migration policies, and governments' counter-terrorism actions. Finally, this paper tries to find an answer to the dilemma of a stricter, more restrictive migration policy versus effective fight against terrorism. This paper shows that while it is true that one root cause of migration is the threat of terror, nevertheless terror itself is not an inexplicable phenomenon or "final cause”, but a consequence of numerous roots causes.

Tren Baru Program Deradikalisasi Di Lingkungan Organisasi Pemuda Muslim Indonesia

The deradicalization program is one of the solutions as a new trend to tackle the problem of radicalism in Indonesian youth, especially among Muslim youth organizations. Therefore, this deradicalization program is intensively carried out as a form of counter-terrorism action. This paper aims to explain the deradicalization trend carried out by Muslim youth organizations, namely the Nahdlatul Ulama Student Association (IPNU) and the Muhammadiyah Student Association (IPM) in Malang City. Interviews, observations, and data analysis carried out resulted in the findings that the Deradicalization program was contained in several forms of activities. In the IPNU environment, there are 3 activities, namely formal cadre activities in the form of Makesta and Lakmud, then non-formal cadre activities, namely in the form of discussions and literacy, then routine classic book studies and eventual activities in the form of tahlil, sholawat dhiba 'and khatmil Quran. While in the IPM environment there are literacy discussions which are held regularly once a week, Darul Arqam activities are held in the month of Ramadan, and incidental activities in the form of recitations which are held 2 times a week.

Modern trends in the UN fight with international terrorism

The article examines the activities of the United Nations in the fight against international terrorism over a long period. The reasons preventing the formulation of the generally accepted definition of “international terrorism” are considered. The authors identified the main trends in the development of international terrorism, formed by the end of the XX – beginning of the XXI century. Special attention is paid to the reassessment of the danger of terrorism after the terrorist acts committed by Al-Qaeda in the United States on September 11, 2001. The analysis of changes in the conceptual and organizational approaches of the UN to the fight against terrorism is carried out. The authors conclude that the adoption of the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy in 2006 marked a new stage in the fight against international terrorism. The important features of modern terrorism that have led to changes in the tactics of international terrorist organizations, primarily Al-Qaeda and ISIS, are analyzed. The analysis of counter-terrorism actions of law enforcement agencies in Western Europe allowed the authors to formulate a conclusion about their insufficiency. The authors draw attention to the need to improve the anti-terrorist activities of states in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and call on states to cooperate within the framework of the UN Global Compact for the Coordination of Counter-Terrorism Activities.

France in Search of a Foothold in Post-Gaddafi Libya

Historically, Libya was not part of the French sphere of interest and influence, the core of which was traditionally Francophone Africa. Since the fall of the Gaddafi regime in 2011, security issues in the countries of the Sahara - Sahel region have become particularly important for France. The article is preceded by a brief historical account of Franco-Libyan relations up to and after the fall of the Gaddafi regime, when the situation within and along the Libyan borders deteriorated and became a matter of growing concern in France and internationally. The relevance and novelty of this study lie the examination of the French attitude towards the Libyan crisis in close conjunction with the need for forceful counter-terrorism actions and security measures in the Sahelю The aim is to analyse the evolving situation in the region, identifying the motivation for and the nature of France's actions in and around Libya, as well as in the context of a future post-conflict settlement. In writing the article, the author relied on historical-genetic and historical-analytical methods, drawing on national and international monographs, articles published in academic periodicals, and official documents of international organisations. He concludes that France had limited resources and capacity to stabilise Libya. He argues that the involuntary reliance on Khalifa Haftar as a fulcrum for security in southern Libya, the border areas, and for reducing the projection of the terrorist threat into the Sahara-Sahel region was unwarranted. It is also demonstrated that France has critically underestimated the potential of other influential parties to the current Libyan crisis, which, in the circumstances, has reduced its ability to influence the intra-Libyan and regional balance of power.

COVID-19, International Human Rights Law and the State-Corporate Complex

Abstract Data-driven technologies (such as mobile phone-based tracing apps) have been at the forefront of public health responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. However, we have also seen high-level expressions of concern about how state actions ostensibly in pursuit of public health goals have in fact greatly accelerated existing human rights concerns about newer technologies, especially increased state and corporate surveillance. This article explores issues at the nexus of COVID-19 public health responses, civil-political rights under international human rights law, and the responsible governance of data-driven technologies. In particular, it offers a framework to evaluate the human rights compatibility of tech-assisted COVID-related state measures. The articles also explore analogies between COVID-related measures and post-2001 counter-terrorism actions taken by states in the name of public security. It cautions against exceptional measures becoming hardwired in ways that may unreasonably impact on pre-COVID freedoms. The article argues that the blurring of state and corporate surveillance and data-gathering and the often symbiotic relationship between tech firms and governments (the ‘state-corporate complex’) complicate efforts to assert clear frames of responsibility.

EU counter-terrorism 20 years after 9/11:“common threat” and “common response”?

ABSTRACT The responses of states to terrorism depend crucially on the perception and definition of the challenge by their respective governments. Two decades after the 9/11 attacks it has become normal for EU institutions to publicly assert a similar challenge/response logic. However, with EU Member States still primarily targeted by terrorists, retaining primary competence for protecting their citizens against security threats and disposing exclusively of all operational means it is worthwhile to ask whether this challenge/response logic is actually applicable to the to the EU as such rather than only to its Member States. This article explores, first, whether and in which respects terrorism can be regarded as a threat to the EU as such and, second, to what extent the EU as such has been able to develop counter-terrorism capabilities and action in response to this threat, concluding with an overall assessment of the EU as a counter-terrorism actor.

The relationship between international humanitarian law and asset freeze obligations under United Nations sanctions

AbstractWhile challenges may persist with respect to the relationship between counterterrorism (CT) and humanitarian action, it is at least understood that CT measures must comply with international humanitarian law (IHL). Clarifying the relationship between this body of law and CT measures is one of the modest but important innovations of United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution 2462. At a minimum, references to IHL in this resolution leave a pathway for States to take measures to preserve impartial humanitarian action from the effects of CT, and at most, they prescribe that States should take such measures. Progress in clarifying the relationship between UN sanctions obligations and IHL obligations appears to be lacking with respect to non-CT-related UN sanctions. As will be discussed in this paper, this leads to questions regarding the application of the so-called “supremacy clause” contained in Article 103 of the UN Charter vis-à-vis IHL obligations.

New EU Initiatives against Terrorism

The article examines the EU’s response to a series of terrorist attacks in European cities in the autumn of 2020, after which the topic of terrorism once again came to the fore on the EU political agenda. The author analyses the new Counter-Terrorism Action Plan and the Regulation on the removal of terrorist content from the Internet adopted after a protracted inter-institutional dialogue between the EU Council and the European Parliament. The article also looks at the problem of expanding the mandate of the Europol agency in the field of big data analysis, while the author emphasises that member states still doubt the need to grant the agency access to data encryption. The author comes to the conclusion that the European Union quite adequately fulfills the tasks outlined in the documents to respond to terrorist attacks, but has not been very successful in preventing them. It is noted that in the plans of international anti-terrorist cooperation, the European Union, as before, does not include Russia, which can not but reduce the effect of global and regional confrontation with new security challenges.

Should the Country Abolish Freedom of Religion to Counter Terrorism?

This paper is offer an assessment of the situation regarding freedom of religion in Xinjiang China. It argues that the Xinjiang authorities and the China government responsible for freedom of religion violation under their counter terrorism action. Even though, the freedom of religion is derogable right however the reason shall be under the national security and public order situation but, what the government do is too far and could lead Uighur religion eradication. To investigate the Xinjiang authorities and China government action, the paper collects the data from many Non-governmental organization and United Nation Report and analysis the fact with the international regulation and national regulation that China follow or have.

Examining the state repression‐terrorism nexus: Dynamic relationships among repressive counterterrorism actions, terrorist targets, and deadly terrorist violence in Israel

Research SummaryThis study assesses the impact of state repressive counterterrorism actions on terrorists’ targeting and lethality of the terrorism landscape in Israel. Using systematic data on government responses to terrorism and an empirical model that addresses reciprocal relationships, we analyze dynamical interactions between types of government repression with attacks against civilian or government targets, and deadly terrorist violence. Contrary to public policy pronouncements of forcefully fighting terrorism to eradicate terrorist threats, our results suggest that repressive counterterrorism actions by the state increase terror and deadly violence. Importantly, the results indicate that these unintended escalatory or backlash effects are dependent on the scope of government repression, the type of terrorist targets, and the lethality of terrorism.Policy ImplicationsOur findings provide insight into particular behaviors and exchanges within the state repression–terrorism nexus that evoke and prolong terrorist violence. Centered on key aspects of terrorist activities involving target choice and deadly violence, our ecological study contributes to the development of a systematic understanding of specific impacts of government policies on terrorism. In all, constructing an empirically rigorous evidence base for terrorism prevention policies and practices is essential for ensuring the protection of human lives and public resources from terrorism.

Cooperation and collaboration between the Polish Police and Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland in terms of ensuring security and public order

Ensuring security and public order is one of the most important, constitutional objectives of the State and at the same time the task of many public authorities. The Police is leading, uniformed and armed formation in a system of public safety authorities whose overriding operating objective, determined by the legislator is to serve the society by protecting people’s safety and maintaining security and public order. However, in carrying out tasks related to such vast area of activity, the Police does not have to be unassisted. Natural partner for the Police is the army, despite the fact that the main task of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland is to protect the State and society from external military threat. This study aims to characterize formal foundations and scope of cooperation between Polish Police and Armed Forces in terms of ensuring security and public order. For this purpose, legal basis for providing support for the Police by the Polish Armed Forces under the laws on: state of emergency, natural disaster, crisis management, the Police, counter-terrorism actions and general obligation to defend the Republic of Poland and issued regulations based on them were examined. This article also refers to the issue of cooperation of the Police with the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland on the basis of concluded agreements.

The Western Balkan counter-terrorism initiative (WBCTi) and the capability of the EU as a counter-terrorism actor

ABSTRACT In less than twenty years, the European Union (EU) developed a range of policy documents, instruments and institutional structures enabling it to combat terrorism outside its borders. The concentration of operational capabilities on the member-state-level, however, combined with a complex external institutional infrastructure on counter-terrorism led to poor understanding of the ability of the Union to influence the global fight against terrorism. The current paper contributes to the discussion of the EU’s capability as an actor in the field by investigating an Integrative and Complementary Approach to Counter-Terrorism and Violent Extremism in the Western Balkans, commonly known as the Western Balkan counter-terrorism initiative (WBCTi). The initiative, launched in 2015, promised a response to the growing threats of terrorism and violent extremism, emanating from the Western Balkans, through consistent and coherent action. The conducted analysis, however, reveals that although conceptually the WBCTi has the potential to improve the consistency and coherence of the EU’s counter-terrorism action, in practice it is unable to do so due to the non-binding nature of the approach and its dependence on non-EU actors. Abbreviations: Western Balkan counter-terrorism initiative (WBCTi); European Union (EU)

Partnership of the USA and African Countries in the Fight Against Terrorism under the Administrations of J.W. Bush and Barack Obama

The article examines the place of African countries in the US counter-terrorism strategy under the administrations of G.W. Bush and B. Obama. It is alleged that at the turn of the 2010-s the significance of this trend has increased due to the intensification of Islamists in the countries of West Africa and the new round of the civil war in Somalia. This led to an intensification of the military presence and tightened cooperation with the allies, on which the Americans also sought to entrust the main struggle against the radicals. There are several directions of counterterrorism policy: the provision of technical assistance to partner countries for the development of special forces; the building of subregional mechanisms for coordinating counter-terrorism actions; intensification of cooperation in the financial sphere; carrying out separate military operations, mainly by UAV forces. In the end, itwas the African direction that turned out to be the most successful example of Obama’s “leading from the behind” strategy. Despite the fact that under the influence of the Arab Spring and the rise of the ISIS in the Middle East in 2011-2014, there was an escalation of violence in the region, in general, the main goals of combating Islamist terrorism by the end of 2016 were achieved by the USA. In Somalia, Nigeria and Libya, Americans relied on the local forces concerned, restricting participation by coordinating allies, providing intelligence and striking individual blows. The French intervention in Mali in 2013 enabled the Europeans to shift the main burden of fighting local Islamists. In addition, Egypt, receiving abundant military assistance from the United States, did not allow the expansion of the ISIS’s zone of operations in the Sinai Peninsula, but it was not possible to fully cope with the small local branch due to the instability of relations with local tribes that remain outside the control of the central government.

Electoral and Partisan Cycles in Counterterrorism

Most empirical work on terrorism examines terrorist groups’ actions, that is, the volume or character of attacks, while relatively little work focuses on states’ counterterrorism actions. I address this gap with a focus on the electoral and partisan motivations of democratic states’ domestic counterterrorism actions. Do electoral concerns give incumbent governments incentives to increase the level of their counterterrorism activities? I show that elections are an important determinant of governments’ actions against domestic terrorism. However, governments’ ideological orientation is essential to understanding the relationship between elections and counterterrorism. Using data from Western European democracies between 1950 and 2004, I show that as elections approach, only Right-oriented governments increase the volume of their counterterrorism activities.