Counterinsurgency Operations Research Articles

The Relevance of Community Involvement in Military Counter-Insurgency Operations in North Eastern Nigeria

The paper highlights the increasing in-practicability of post-conflict peace-building in the context of emerging unconventional intra-state wars. It however ascertains the viability of a community-referent peace-building intervention as part of wider efforts to counter the influence of Boko Haram, while tending to humanitarian needs of affected communities. To do so, it employs textual analysis of qualitative secondary data, and builds on the submission of civil-military-relations theory as its framework for analysis. The result of the textual analysis of prior literature suggests counter insurgency operations in the northeast remain highly militarized, with inconsequential attention being paid to the humanitarian needs of affected communities. Despite its relevance, the use of military force has proven to be counterproductive given its state-referent orientation. Further to which sustained use of force has heightens the effect of the conflict on millions of civilians who have fled their communities in fear of Boko Haram and military highhandedness. To address the deficiencies of the pre-existing framework for countering insurgency, the paper proposes the implementation of a community centric, bottom-up approach which emphasizes the security, reconstruction and reintegration needs of civilians and defecting combatants. By prioritizing the inclusive needs of affected communities, the state is likely to win over the population, drawing on the combined expertise and resources of military and civilian actors. The implementation of such an approach will require in amongst others a reorientation of the military roles, a renewed relation of mutual assistance between civilian and military actors in the northeast.

‘Beyond military might’: Boko Haram and the asymmetries of counter-insurgency in Nigeria

Boko Haram insurgency has presented a peculiar theatre of unconventional warfare. The combat dynamics of the belligerents have oscillated between the asymmetries of hard and soft violence. While the insurgents have been able to sustain their violent campaign mainly through tactical opportunism based on irregular strategies, including suicide terrorism, the government forces have been locked in intractable counter-insurgency operations where their military might has often been demystified and overwhelmed by the irregular strategies of the insurgents. This has resulted in a precarious and protracted counter-insurgency scenario in which the dynamics of violence tend to have put the government forces under sapping pressure, whilst the insurgent forces have prevailed in an asymmetrical advantage. The way out of this intractable violence is for the government to be pragmatic in its current combat-offensive counter-insurgency by adopting a hybrid approach that is capable of countering both the military and non-military dimensions of the terror-insurgency conundrum.

Leveraging Technologies for Counterinsurgency Operations in Nigeria: Available Options

Insurgency is a violent upheaval against a constituted government authority. The essence is to weaken public confidence in government thereby undermine national security. Their main objective is to gain control of the civil population (territory, population and resources). One of the critical ways to counterinsurgency is therefore to win the hearts and minds of the populace which is referred to as ‘WHAM’. In typical COIN operations, technologies are usually deployed with the objectives of defeating the insurgents. However, this is not always the cases as the deployment of some of these technologies often results in collateral damage. Consequently, in keeping with the principles of WHAM, government often deploy precision guided technologies in order to reduce high incidence of civilian casualties. This paper examined Nigerian government deployment of technologies in COIN operations in Northeast Nigeria with a view to identifying the gaps. The data used for the paper were obtained from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data was obtained through unstructured interviews while secondary sources of data include all forms of published and unpublished materials including the internet. The paper identified inadequate technical expertise, lack of AFN technology policy/guidelines and weak institutions as the major challenges of leveraging technologies in COIN operations in northeast Nigeria. Consequently, the paper suggested that the FGN should encourage private companies to invest in producing technologies, set up a committee to begin the process for a new doctrine formulation process for the AFN and enter into MoU with relevant stakeholders that could provide support and services through technology in COIN operation in Nigeria.

Tolerance as Implicit Order: Militias and Sexual Violence as Practice in Indonesian Counterinsurgency Operations

ABSTRACT What conditions precipitate militia-inflicted sexual violence during counterinsurgency operations? In our article, we expand on the sexual violence as practice framework by focusing on the issue of commander's tolerance as a form of implicit order. Specifically, we argue that militia-inflicted sexual violence is amplified by two interrelated conditions – the link to the government security forces and the autonomy permitted to the militias in conflict zones. Thus, we refine the logic of sexual violence as practice to understand the finer variations of militia-committed violence. We elaborate our explanations by analyzing Indonesia's peripheral operations in East Timor, Aceh and West Papua.

Author's Response: Reconsidering How We Think about Proxies

Author's Response:Reconsidering How We Think about Proxies Yelena Biberman (bio) I am thankful to Asia Policy for inviting Gambling with Violence: State Outsourcing of War in Pakistan and India to be the focus of this book review roundtable and to the reviewers for their deep engagement with the ideas and evidence presented in my work. As Tamanna Salikuddin astutely observes, proxies are all the rage in academic and policy circles. The book's publication coincides with the release of several works exploring how states can effectively manage their local partners and the complications that invariably arise in proxy warfare.1 Much of the fascination stems from questions and anxieties surrounding the United States' global decline. Proxy warfare is widely viewed as one of the key instruments through which powerful states will either try to maintain or achieve great-power status in a new era of geopolitical competition.2 New ideas about state-proxy relations are in high demand, but we must keep in mind that history, and certainly South Asian history, has much to teach us. As Samir Puri points out, novel-sounding ideas like "hybrid war" would be deeply familiar to military philosophers as diverse as Leo Tolstoy and Kautilya. Rashmi Singh identifies as an "enormous contribution" that my new framework "refuses to privilege the interests and power of one side over the other in the process of alliance formation." A pattern that continues to strike me in the literature and policy conversations about proxies is the state-centric orientation, which implicitly privileges the state's dominant narrative. This may in part stem from the relationship between one's level [End Page 193] of education and attitude toward state violence.3 Drawing on U.S. data from the World Values Survey and the General Social Survey, sociologist Landon Schnabel found that those with more education are more likely to consider state-sanctioned violence (specifically, war and police violence) justifiable. He posits that "schooling socializes people to establishment culture, identity, and interests, thereby legitimating ruling authority and its actions." 4 We tend to see things from the perspective of the state because we are more likely to identify with the state than with those it is most likely to abuse—marginalized groups and foreign actors. While much of the existing scholarship is methodologically meticulous, the "problems" it seeks to solve seem to privilege powerful states and their needs. This was the point I emphasized in the policy recommendations section in my book's concluding chapter, and one that the reviewers welcomed. The Machiavellian impulse to advise and give the benefit of doubt to those with the most power—be it the prince or the state—can not only weaken scholarly impartiality but also, especially in times of conflict, blunt our humanist instincts. Take some of the news coming out of Afghanistan in late 2020. It includes atrocities carried out not just by the Taliban, but also by state actors and state-backed proxies. In November 2020 the New York Times described how "the elite of the elite among Australian soldiers" in the Australian Defence Force had carried out "a methodical campaign to kill helpless Afghans and cover it up."5 In December 2020, the Intercept made public the atrocities committed by U.S.-backed Afghan "death squads," paramilitary units (known as 01 and 02) outside the control of the Afghan government.6 What problems or puzzles do these events raise for scholars? We should reflect on the questions that are often asked in scholarly research and the underlying assumptions that motivate them. My book brings into the limelight the nonstate actors—their interests, agency, and experiences—by making them central to its theoretical framework and empirical inquiry. Singh is correct to remind us that state actors are no less diverse and interesting, and I interviewed dozens of government, military, and intelligence officials for their sides of the story. [End Page 194] Their accounts were certainly vital and complex, and often quoted in the book. But the existing accounts of the counterinsurgency operations detailed in the book have, I would argue, already done justice to the conflicting motives and predicaments of these individuals, who are typically quite accessible for...

Joining Militia; Understanding the Drivers of Militia Participation in Counterinsurgency Operation in Yobe State, Nigeria

The Nigeria government has been fighting a protracted insurgency by Boko Haram since 2009. Despite the concerted multifaceted counterinsurgency approach, the insurgent sustained its violence with impunity. However, the participation of militia to support the government significantly suppressed the insurgent hostilities, reduced both attack frequencies and fatalities. Even though the militias succeed in the operation, but what motivates them to engage in the militia is not address. This article, therefore, drawing data from interviews and field observations, this study investigated the drivers of the militias in Yobe State. The case study is at Geidam involving 15 participants from three groups that include the militia participants, government officials, and community leaders. The find revealed poverty and unemployment are the key drivers of militias' participation in the operation. However, the study recommends that Nigeria and Yobe State governments should regulate the militia activities to avoid excessiveness. Nigeria's government should re-strategize its counterinsurgency campaign toward the people-centered operation. Others are the recruitment of more state counterinsurgent forces by the government.

Regional Anaesthesia in a Combat Setting

Background: Recent advances in combat casualty care have contributed signifi cantly to higher survival rates in previously fatal injuries from military trauma. However, most of the literature comes from international data during Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom. Despite having conflicts, counter insurgency operations spanning over decades, very few studies in Indian scenario have analyzed injuries related to Combat and Military Trauma. Method: A retrospective observational study was done based on the records of management of military trauma cases in a zonal hospital deployed in an operational area. All trauma/ combat casualties over a one year period from Oct 2018 to Oct 2019 were included and data was segregated based on type of mechanism of trauma, limb injuries involved, and choice of anaesthesia given based on type of surgery. Results: Total 371 combat casualties were included in the study, maximum patients had splinter injuries with grenade blast (43.4%), followed by gunshot wounds (39.9%). Other injuries included mine blast (11.3%) and miscellaneous including road traffi c accidents (5.4%). Due to predominant involvement of limbs, regional anaesthesia was used most commonly (78%) and general anaesthesia was used only in 23.7% of cases. Conclusion: In our study maximum casualties were peripheral limb injuries both upper and lower limbs. Regional anaesthesia, peripheral nerve blocks for upper limb injuries and sub arachnoid block for lower limb injuries, were more commonly used in comparison to general anaesthesia (GA), while injuries involving body regions other than limbs were performed exclusively under GA.

Addressing the Paradox: Counterinsurgency, Human Rights and Women in Northeast Nigeria

Counterinsurgency (COIN) operations often result in widespread human rights violations because COIN operations are usually premised on the erroneous assumption of irreconcilable tension between human rights and national security. By reviewing narratives that frame official discourse on counterinsurgency and human rights in Nigeria as well as locating women at the heart of the debate, this essay argues that assumption of incompatibility between human rights and national security can explain the widespread rights violations associated with COIN operations against Boko Haram in northeast Nigeria. A gender-sensitive-right-based approach to COIN is therefore recommended.

Draining the Sea with Discretion: Force Integration and Civilian Displacement during South Korean Counter-insurgency Operations, 1948-1953

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the dynamics of violence during civilian displacement operations. Specifically, we argue that the integration of security forces – solid command structure, monitoring of troops, and the quality of personnel – influences not only the military performance but also the level of civilian costs. That is, a highly integrated army can commit soldiers to displacement operations while minimising violence. When conducted by a partially integrated army, however, displacement operations are at risk of mass killing, pushing soldiers to remove civilians without sophisticated control. Our qualitative analysis of three major counter-guerrilla operations in South Korea provides support for our thesis.

Armed Movements and Counterinsurgency in Contemporary Mexico

Based on a case study, this article seeks to analyze the contemporary evolution of the armed movements in the southern Mexican state of Guerrero and the counterinsurgency operations they have faced. To reach this goal, the object of the qualitative methodology is the local history of a municipality, Ayutla de los Libres, from 1998 to 2013, describing the socio-political processes that were developed there and that separate both dates, each marked by a critical episode of repression. The main result is that, although the field of armed movements underwent great changes, moving from offensive to defensive forms, the counterinsurgency used against them shows strong continuities focused on repression.

Combat injuries sustained by troops on counter terrorism and counter-insurgency operations in North east Nigeria: Implications for intervention.

BackgroundUnderstanding the epidemiology of battlefield casualties is required for plans and coordinated efforts towards improved combat trauma care (CTC) performance and outcome. The engagement of the Armed Forces of Nigeria (AFN) in containing Boko Haram Terrorism (BHT) and insurgency in Northeast Nigeria has increased the risk of combat injuries to the troops. This study determined the characteristics of combat injuries sustained by soldiers on counter terrorism and counter-insurgency operations to contain BHT.MethodsA retrospective cross-sectional study of combat casualties managed in 7 Division (Field) Hospital, [an equivalent of UN Level 2 facility] Maiduguri, Northeast Nigeria between November 2013 and October 2014. Using data obtained from a designed Operational Casualty Card that contains their sociodemographic characteristics, categorization (as Combat Arm, Combat Support Service, Civ-JTF), nature, mechanism and sites of injury as well as inpatients records. The data were collated and analysed using SPSS version 20.ResultsA total of 209 casualties were treated. The age of the casualties ranged from 18 to 57 years with a mean of 30.6 ± 7.7 years and males constituting 99%. Over two-third (71.3%) casualties had gunshot injuries while 14.3% and 8.1% sustained improvised explosive device (IED) and fragments injuries respectively. Over three-quarter (77.5%) sustained injuries on the upper and lower extremities while 17 (7.7%) and 12 (5.7%) had injuries on thorax/abdomen and head/neck respectively. Nineteen (9.1%) casualties resulted from friendly forces/colleagues.ConclusionThe study revealed that gunshot and IED/blasts on the extremities were the most frequent mechanism and pattern of injuries sustained with less than a tenth of the casualties resulting from friendly forces. Training health personnel on CTC, deployment of combat lifesavers to improve pre-hospital CTC, employment of skilled Orthopaedic Surgeon and other relevant surgical subspecialties and timely air evacuation of critical cases from the Field Hospital to the Base Hospital are recommended.

Collateral Damage: The Legacy of the Secret War in Laos

As part of its Cold War counterinsurgency operations in Southeast Asia, the U.S. government conducted a “Secret War” in Laos from 1964-1973. This war constituted one of the most intensive bombing campaigns in human history. As a result, Laos is now severely contaminated with UXO (Unexploded Ordnance) and remains one of the poorest countries in the world. In this paper we document the negative long-term impact of conflict on economic development, using highly disaggregated and newly available data on bombing campaigns, satellite imagery and development outcomes. We find a negative, significant and economically meaningful impact of bombings on nighttime lights, expenditures and poverty rates. Almost 50 years after the conflict officially ended, bombed regions are poorer today and are growing at slower rates than unbombed areas. A one standard deviation increase in the total pounds of bombs dropped is associated with a 9.3% fall in GDP per capita. To deal with the potential endogeneity of bombing, we use as instruments the distance to the Vietnamese Ho Chi Minh Trail as well as US military airbases outside Laos. Using census data at the village and individual levels, we show the deleterious impact of UXOs in terms of health, as well as education, structural transformation and rural-urban migration.

Counterinsurgency in South Africa: the Afrikaner Rebellion, 1914–1915

ABSTRACT The entry of the Union of South Africa into the First World War, as well as the subsequent invasion of German South West Africa (GSWA), served as a trigger to the Afrikaner Rebellion. In September 1914 the Union Defence Force (UDF) suffered a major reverse at the Battle of Sandfontein. However, in addition to the German threat, South Africa faced a second, more serious internal threat. The socio-economic realities of early-twentieth-century South Africa, felt most keenly among rural Afrikaners, magnified the rift between the competing interests of Afrikaner nationalists and the Union government loyal to the Crown. The Union’s entry into the war was a step too far for many Nationalist Afrikaners and ultimately precipitated the outbreak of the rebellion. As a result, the operational focus of the UDF shifted to the internal military threat posed by Afrikaner rebel forces. The Afrikaner Rebellion brought about the first counterinsurgency operation of the UDF within the borders of South Africa. By harnessing its operational and tactical mobility, and operating from the central position and along internal lines of communication, the UDF swiftly dealt with the rebel revolt. This article evaluates the counterinsurgency operations conducted by the UDF in suppressing the Afrikaner Rebellion.

Sport Diplomacy: Sport’s Impact as a Form of Soft Power on Peacebuilding and Nation-Building in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

Since the founding of the first Israeli and Palestinian soccer clubs in 1906 and 1908, respectively, sport has played an intimate role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Whether as a training ground for counter-insurgency operations or an extension of the nation’s foreign policy apparatus, sport has been utilized by both parties as a tool for peacebuilding and nation-building. The purpose of this article is to examine whether sport, through what is termed sport diplomacy, can help establish the conditions necessary for successful peace negotiations in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. To this effect, the paper adopts the analytical lens of sport as a form of soft power. Following this framework, the paper considers how sport diplomacy operates as a tool for image-building, constructing a platform for dialogue, trust building, and as a catalyst for reconciliation in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The article concludes that sport can indeed help establish the conditions needed for successful peace negotiations; however, sport should not yet be employed as a path to reconciliation until such time as a political peace is firmly established.

Irregular Warfare and Modern Defense – Counterinsurgency Operations

Nowadays, there are a lot of dangers, not only those related to the military. Particular attention should be paid to the threat of guerrilla activity. Therefore, the aim of this article is to indicate the essence of contemporary guerrilla operations in conflicts, and their methods of operation that allow them to achieve their goals. It was also assumed that the modern crisis response operations, and especially COIN (counterinsurgency) operations, constitute a comprehensive approach to counteracting guerrilla activity.
 This article uses theoretical methods. Using the analysis and synthesis of materials and studies, the most important conclusions were pointed out.
 The leading role in prevention insurgency activities lies with the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and their crisis response operations. In the Strategic Concept NATO 2010 specialists are putting more attention to conducting counterinsurgency operations (COIN). COIN operations are nowadays the most comprehensive tool for combating guerrilla activity, which mainly hits the civilian population. The concepts of using the assumptions of anti-Partisan operations should be implemented on a full scale, including in the armed forces of the Republic of Poland.
 Particular attention should be paid to the threat of the guerrilla activity in conflicts. These problems are complex and they deal with many aspects (social, economic, cultural, political and many others). Moreover the partisans activities are irregular and they are often targeted at civilians. This article indicates the methods and techniques used by insurgents in the fight against the state / government. Reference has also been made to the activities that inhibit their activity - complex counterinsurgency operations.

‘On the side of a righteous vengeance’ – Counterinsurgency operations in Roman Britain

ABSTRACT This article provides a brief overview over military action in Roman Britain during the four centuries of Roman rule, taking a closer look at how the Roman army reacted operationally to military threats to Roman rule. It covers the use of infrastructure to rapidly move forces within the province and the establishment of zones of control both through military frontiers restricting movement and by placing garrisons within the province, depriving any potential enemy of the means to sustain himself

English

Borderline as a defence line is central in countering transnational insurgency. Yet, countries in African Sub-region are lackadaisical about redefining inherited colonial borders. Primarily, the study examined the origin of Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF)  counterinsurgency (COIN) operational mandate as well as the linkage between border, threat of insurgency and MNJTF COIN operation  in Nigeria's northeastern region. It derived data from secondary sources and method of analysis adopted was content descriptive analysis ; enemy-centric and population-centric COIN theories upheld  this study. Interestingly, study reveals that in 1994, MNJTF was established by Nigeria to deal with insurgent from its northern borders and later expanded to include African neighbours. That in 2015, MNJTF was formally authorized  under a new concept of operation to cover COIN with the mandate to: Create a safe environment in areas affected by Boko Haram activities; prevent expansion of insurgency activities and facilitate overall stabilization programme to fully restore state authority. However, study found four evidences linking the threat of insurgency to the porous/undefined nature of the shared borderland with Niger, Chad and Cameroon: (1) the overlapping pattern in community settlements on the borderland makes it difficult for MNJTF to effectively counter insurgents; (2) it favours illegal arms trafficking;  (3) borderland forested area serves as shelter and factory base of the insurgents; (4) borderland ecological factor strengthens insurgent membership and operation in the terrain. Therefore, paper argues that with the present character of the shared borderland in northeastern Nigeria, countering insurgency would remain challenging. Paper recommends policy guide for effective COIN.   Key words: Arms trafficking, ecological factor, insurgency, counterinsurgency, Nigeria's northeast.  

Ocular defect rehabilitation in battle causality with custom made ocular prosthesis – A case report

The disability associated with the loss of an eye can cause significant physical, psychological and emotional disturbances. A maxillofacial Prosthodontist can boost the physical and psychological well being of such patients by restoration of functional and esthetic requirements. A 30 year old male serving soldier who sustained a blast injury to the left eye during a counter insurgency operation in the northern sector of the country was referred to Department of Prosthodontics for prosthetic rehabilitation of missing left eye. A custom made heat polymerized polymethyl methaacrylate ocular prosthesis was fabricated for the patient which restored normal opening of the eye, some degree of movements and esthetically pleasing appearance. Keywords: Ocular defect, Custom ocular prosthesis.

India–Thailand Security Cooperation: Strengthening the Indo-Pacific Resolve

In the past, India’s resolve to connect with countries further to its east centred on its relationship with ASEAN as a group and lacked a holistic outlook as it emphasised on a lopsided approach that left out the security dimension. The bilateral relationship between Bangkok and New Delhi marks an emerging departure from this past trend. In the recent past, Thailand has emerged as a bright spot in India’s vast array of security relationships, with growing focus on maritime security, counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations, joint patrols and exchange of personnel in training. Besides boosting interoperability, increasing joint actions seek to marry India’s Act East policy with Thailand’s Look West policy, both of which emerged in the past decade of the twentieth century. Both countries look to strengthening their resolve in the Indo-Pacific, even as the region’s stability gets further complicated by sharpening Great Power politics. This article scrutinises the India–Thailand relationship from a security perspective and tests the compatibility of this emerging bilateral relationship with a regional security architecture conceptualisation in the Indo-Pacific. As such, this article seeks to fulfil two important goals: fill the literature deficit in India–Thailand relations that has often been eclipsed and subsequently neglected by the overarching canvass of India–ASEAN relations and analyse India–Thailand bilateral relations from the perspective of an emerging security partnership in the complex labyrinth of relationships in the Indo-Pacific.

Civil Society Must Be Defended: Misinformation, Moral Panics, and Wars of Restoration

AbstractIn this article, I propose that we think of the recent concern over fake news, misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracy theories as a moral panic. I revisit Stuart Hall and his co-authors’ concept, updating it in two ways. First, I focus on how the current panic has altered what they called “primary definers” (which now includes professional journalism, as a result of their own waning authority). Second, the new alliance of panic actors (journalism, technology companies, intelligence agencies, politicians, civil society organizations) are expressions of a crisis policing that is now martialized. I assess this new nexus in terms of a breakdown of civil peace into outright hostilities; as a counterinsurgency operation. I draw on Michel Foucault’s strategic analysis of power and society that challenges boundaries between politics and war. This nexus is waging what I call a war of restoration, one that has significant implications for dissent and oppositional knowledges.