Although the terms and (as in British Empire and Her Imperial Majesty) call up images of grandeur, in the colonies the business of empire was often quite humdrum and meant getting involved in the most detailed aspects of the lives of the common subjects, including those of the fast-growing urban underclasses. One of the places where the urban underclass of a rapidly expanding, densely populated, multicultural, imperial port city becomes visible is in the Aden Residency Records for the first half of the twentieth century. Prostitutes under close surveillance of local policemen; female organizers of zar ceremonies pushed out of business by religiously up-standing, middle class male opponents; bumboatsmen competing for licenses;1 ex-slaves fleeing back to their masters to escape the hardships of coolie labor; and hapless urban immigrants frantically petitioning against official deportation all come into view, however briefly, in the Aden Residency Records. This urban underclass, however, experienced British influence mostly through local intermediaries. In British Aden some of these intermediaries (such as Indian clerks and administrative assistants) belonged to the local bourgeoisie, while others (such as policemen, petition writers, and peons of various kinds) belonged, sometimes only barely, to the working class. Since, in Aden as elsewhere, law was one of the major instruments of colonial transformation, colonial courts are important sites to observe the nitty-gritty and the down and dirty of imperial and colonial transformation. Aden was occupied by the British in 1839 and became dramatically more important after the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. As it developed into an international coaling station, it attracted labor migrants-both from its own rural hinterland and from across the seas -most of whom joined the swelling local working class and urban poor. At the same time, a colonial middle class emerged associated both with trade in all its aspects and with the colonial bureaucracy. Apart from a short hiatus in 1917, Aden was administered from British India until 1937, when it was transferred to the Colonial Office in London. South Yemen gained its political independence from Britain in 1967.2 The Aden Residency Records for the first half of the twentieth century include a number of files dealing with the two positions of government qadi of the colony, those of the two neighborhoods of Aden and Sheikh Othman. They do not include the actual court records or qadis' registers (sijills), although those were kept at the time, but consist of the administrative files kept-in English-on the qadis' affairs by Indian and British officials and include correspondence-in Arabic-addressed to the latter by the qadis.3 The records throw light on the work of the government qadis as they performed the marriages, legalized the divorces, and settled the disputes of their clients in accordance with the prescriptions of the Shafri madhhab (school of law, or orientation) and the texts associated with it. Especially when the qadis' decisions or actions came into dispute and attracted British administrative attention, the records contain great detail about the rulings and reasonings of the qadis. The content of these is not in itself new to scholarship about Islamic law. It is the ways in which they shaped and were shaped by the specific context of early twentieth-century British Aden that increases our understanding both of Aden's urban society and the history of Islamic law. Collier's 1975 insight that legal action does not occur in an isolated sphere but can only be understood in relation to the wider organization of socio-cultural life, while now a truism, remains valid, for in this case too the records only yield new knowledge if we place the information about the law in the context of the surrounding community.4 Sally Merry, a specialist in anthropology, spoke about her work in the colonial court records of Hawai'i as ethnography in the archives. …