Convergence Thesis Research Articles

The Judicialization of Canadian Environmental Policy, 1980–1990: A Test of the Canada-United States Convergence Thesis

AbstractObservers of the development and evolution of Canadian environmental policy have noted evidence of what appears to be a pattern of lagged emulation of United States environmental initiatives by Canadian authorities. The record of recent Canadian court activities in the area of environmental assessments is cited as evidence that Canadian environmental policy is converging with that of the US. Other commentators, however, have failed to observe the increase in litigation required to justify the convergence hypothesis. Using evidence gleaned from a database of over 150 Canadian superior court decisions on the environment between 1980 and 1989, this article finds little evidence of a systematic pattern of convergence in the judicialization of Canadian environmental policy, and suggests that the reasons for this lie in the different institutional and constitutional structures which define the roles and relationship of the judiciary, legislators and administrative agencies in each country.

The Gender Gap in the 1993 Election

The gradual closing of the gender gap in voting over the last quarter century has given rise to two broad accounts of this trend. The convergence thesis, which is grounded in social location theory, projects an eventual convergence in the partisan preferences of men and women as structural impediments to women's progress are eliminated. The divergence thesis forecasts a long-term gap, with women's interests and policy preferences becoming more liberal than those of men. These two accounts are examined using the 1993 Australian Election Study. The results show marked disparities between men and women in several areas. Overall, the views of women are more conservative than those of men. The implications of these findings are discussed.

Industrialization and the Practice of Medicine: Movement and Countermovement

Using a data set of 50 countries, the relationship between industrialization and four measures of organized scientific health care is examined. The results strongly support the thesis of cultural convergence, i.e., one of the consequences of industrialization is the appearance of a scientific medical infrastructure available to all. However, the provision of modern allopathic medicine does not replace more traditional methods of health care. Data are marshalled which indicate that both traditional and modern systems of health care coexist in parallel structure, with the former being resorted to with considerably more frequency. Ranging from self-care to informal networks to a wide variety of commercially available services, so-called alternative health-care methods are predominant despite the tremendous financial and organizational support of scientific medicine. Reasons advanced for the unabated popularity of traditional practices revolve around the notions of personal control and individual responsibility for one's own health and well being.

Editor's Introduction

It should come as no surprise that Soviet economists are reassessing the hostile reception they formerly gave the convergence thesis, i.e., the view that socialist and capitalist economies (or the Soviet and U.S. systems) would gradually become more similar. But, as might be expected, the newer and more positive response to this thesis is hedged with qualifications. The lead article in our current issue by Iu. V. Shishkov ("Perestroika and the Phantom of Convergence") illustrates these propositions. It seems obvious to Shishkov that the leading capitalist and socialist countries are becoming increasingly similar in "organizational-technological and managerial relations." This reflects a convergence in the level of development of the "productive forces" in these countries, accelerated more recently by economic reforms in the Soviet Union that are designed "to restore within certain limits the unjustifiably ignored market mechanism." The increased reliance of postwar capitalism on state planning and "centralized redistribution of financial and material resources" has also operated to promote convergence.

Government Partisanship and Economic Performance: When and How does "Who Governs" Matter?

This article responds to Jackman's central theoretical and empirical criticisms of our research. First, the policy convergence thesis is far less persuasive than Jackman asserts and there is strong theoretical support for our original argument. Second, the empirical tests presented by Jackman are not as conclusive as he suggests. The Norwegian outlier is better remedied on Jackman's own terms by controlling for oil dependence than by exclusion from the analysis. Once this is done the data are more supportive of our thesis. Finally, we suggest that a pooled time series, cross-section design may provide better tests for our argument than those presently in debate.

Mortality differentials in Canada, 1951-1971: French, British, and Indians.

Mortality differentials reflect in part the social and economic conditions of groups in society. In this paper, the relationship between ethnic origin and mortality is investigated from the point of view of convergence and minority group status hypotheses. Multivariate methods are used to study differences among the French, the British and Native Indian (includes Metis and Eskimos) populations of Canada over three census periods from 1951 to 1971. A significant downward trend in the death rates of all three subpopulations is noted, but substantial differences persist, as the pace of mortality decline over time varies across the three ethnic groups. In the twenty-year interval between 1951 and 1971, Native Indians have experienced spectacular reductions in their overall death rates, but in comparative terms, their mortality levels still exceed those of the French (who show intermediate levels) and the British ethnic groups. The multivariate analysis provides strong support for the minority status effect, which is taken to suggest that the roots of inequalities in survival probabilities are partly a result of social and economic disparities. The convergence thesis received some support: over time the general pattern is one of declining mortality with some narrowing of the differences. An examination of four broad causes of death (neoplasms, cardiovascular, accidents-violence, and "other") suggests that Native Indians are characteristic of populations undergoing epidemiologic and demographic transitions. Their elevated risk of accidents-violence reflects social disruption in the process of modernization. Causes of death of the French and British populations are characterized by higher risks of cancer and cardiovascular diseases, typical of advanced societies.

Recent Regional Growth Patterns: More Inequality

The "convergence thesis"states that when a national economy attains a certain but unspecified level of development, regional income differences will disappear due to market forces. Historically, income data in the United States have generally supported the convergence thesis; however, data for the first half of the current decade are inconsistent with the thesis and invite reconsideration of the issue. In recent years, dynamic or exogenous factors leading to divergence have overwhelmed passive market forces. The long-run convergence thesis may be irrelevant for open regional economies operating in a dynamic world economy. This has implications for regional analysts and policymakers who will need to identify and understand the dynamic factors that are critical in the regional economic development process.

Telematics: Convergence and Social Benefits

Given the general predilection for technology as machines rather than the wider conception as useful knowledge (Macdonald, Lamberton & Mandeville, 1983), it is not at all surprising that the convergence thesis has been so influential. According to that thesis the two major driving forces in the most fundamental technological change human society has experienced are: (i) cost reductions, productivity or quality improvements, and new services and products largely made possible by advances in microelectronics, and (ii) the combination of computer and telecommunications technologies (OECD, 1981:11–14).

The Australian party system: Adversary politics and the convergence thesis

The Australian party system: Adversary politics and the convergence thesis

Intergenerational Class Mobility and the Convergence Thesis: England, France and Sweden

Intergenerational Class Mobility and the Convergence Thesis: England, France and Sweden

The Sequence and Timing of Family Formation Events in Asia

The transition from adolescence to adulthood is marked by a number of role changes none more central than the beginnings of family formation with marriage and parenthood. This paper examines the sequence and time interval between these 2 events: age at 1st marriage and age at the birth of the 1st child. A general conceptual framework for the study of the determinants of early family formation is presented. Within this framework the effects of educational attainment and urban/rural origins on the timing of 1st marriage and 1st birth among women in 4 Asian societies are examined. Some common patterns of family formation were found that lend modest support to Goodes convergence thesis but there are also significant unexplained interpopulation differences. (authors modified)

Fractured weber: A critique of parsons' interpetation

The authors argue that Parsons, through commitment to his “convergence thesis” and to his structural-functionalism coupled with his biological evolutionism, misrepresents Weber. Parsons arbitrarily applies to the Weberian tradition his own criteria biased against history. His general theoretical focus inclines toward the tradition of the functionalist Durkheim and that of the evolutionist Spencer. The authors contend that the later metamorphosis of Parsons' general theory of action into a theory of social systems has resulted in an abstract conception of social reality that is incongrous with Weber's view. The source of the Parsonian bias is further traced in his psychologization of Weber. Finally, it is asserted that Parsons represents a case of a-historicism incompatible with the Weberian tradition, with the consequence that the important contributions of Weber's historical sociology for the understanding of social change in the modern world are lost.

World Perspectives in the Sociology of the Military.

A truly unique compilation, World Perspectives in the Sociology of the Military explores both age-old and con-temporary issues pertaining to the sociology of military institutions and civil-military relations. At the same time it deals with major conceptual, research-empirical, and methodological issues in the field of sociology devoted to military aspects. A concise overview with a socio-logical-political science framework and a perspective utilizing international factors is provided, along with analyses of the major issues of the internal dynamics of military organizations as these issues are reflected in evolving military organizations around the world. The interrelationship between social and political changeand the military, and the way the armed forces responds to and internalizes these changes are also fully treated. The principal focus is on the concepts of professional and organizational perspectives and of civil-military rela-tions. Comparative international factors are provided by chapters on African, European, Middle Eastern, Latin American, and United States militaries, and also included is a section devoted to the methodological aspects of the measurement of military intervention in developing na-tions. In Part I the editors have written an integrated overview and sociological framework for analyzing and critically assessing military sociology. Part II explores the internal dynamics of military organizations, with an emphasis upon professionalism, politics, recruitment, and sociali-zation. Larson first provides an excellent discussion of two major interpretations of military professionalism and civic control. In the following contribution career pat-terns and occupational structure is the topic, and Lang notes that technological and organizational devel-opments in the U.S. military have led to a shift away from combat orientations to resource management. While technological change has had important effects on the American military, Gamier warns against generalizing about the effects of technology on other militaries; he argues that changes in the technology can be mediated by cultural and organizational factors. Kourvetaris and Do-bratz address themselves to the issues of social recruit-ment and political orientation of off icer corps in fourteen countries; they find that the broadening of the social base of recruitment has not been followed by a concomitant process of political democratization of the officers' politi-cal attitudes and/or behavior. Lucas delineates the nature and content of the military images important in the professional socialization of Army ROTC cadets. Cockerham's research on airborne paratroopers argues against the importance of the sociali-zation process; using interview data, he analyzes the context of airborne socialization in the United States as a status passage. Ben-Dor outlines a behaviorally oriented theoretical approach to the study of military intervention in the Mid-dle East to begin Part III. Likewise, Thompson advances a synthetic approach for explaining Arab military coups along systemic and subsystemic dimensions of military and civilian structures and regimes. Event data from a number of sub-Saharan African nations were researched by McKown, who suggests analyzing elite political be-havior in order to explain the cause of coups d'etat. In particular she recommends further examination of the variables of elite cohesion and coercive ability and poten-tial. Segal, et al. explore the thesis of convergence and suggest that the emerging pattern for industrial nations of the West may be one of divergence. Convergence can be seen as making the military functionally more indepen-dent of its host society and therefore insulated from it. Using Moskos's developmental construct of convergent, divergent, and segmented patterns of civil-military rela-tions, Kourvetaris traces the linkages between armed forces and society in the context of the military role in Greek politics, both in diachronic and synchronic terms. Drury assesses the effectiveness of military rule in Brazil during 1964-70 and Herspring provides back-ground information on socialist countries, while consid-ering the effect that an increasing reliance on modern technology has had on civil-military relations in East Germany. Sigelman examines five indicators of the extent of military intervention and derives his own Military In-tervention Index. The final contribution by Tannahill dis-cusses new operationalism of military intervention and provides an application of this new variable in the context of military intervention in Latin America.

Occupational Structure in Industrialized Societies: Some Notes on the Convergence Thesis in the Light of Soviet Experience

Critics of the convergence thesis have not seriously challenged the notion that occupational structure is technologically determined and a relatively invariable feature of industrialized societies. This paper discusses some of the conceptual problems raised by the account of the transformation of occupational structure to be found in the convergence literature. The issues are examined with reference to some distinctive features of the Soviet occupational structure which have resulted from policies pursued in accordance with ideological considerations and deliberate growth strategies. The evidence shows that the state of technology cannot be viewed as an autonomous variable and that policies which counteract or reinforce the workings of market forces are of crucial importance. Some of the implications of variations in occupational structure for patterns of social stratification are discussed; recent studies of stratification in state socialist countries have tended to by-pass these questions. The sociological causes of diversity in the occupational structure of advanced societies need to be further explored.

Perceptions of the Great Coalition in West Germany, 1966–1969

Cet article se fonde sur une étude poussée de la Grande Coalition, survenue entre les Chrétiens Démocrates (CDU) et les Sociaux Démocrates (SPD) de 1966 à 1969. La source des données reside dans des interviews avec (1) un échantillon représentatif des représentants au Bundestag de chacun des partis alliés, (2) un échantillon non-aléatoire de fonctionnaires et de membres actifs de ces partis dans trois régions de l'Allemagne de l'Ouest, et (3) dans des questions incluses dans une des enquêtes nationales de l'Institut infas. Toutes ces données furent recueillies pendant la durée de la coalition.Les perceptions dont il est question dans l'article ont trait à la nature et à la possibilité de maintien de la Grande Coalition, au degré selon lequel on l'a accepté et à l'évaluation des politiques qu'elle a produites. Elles ont trait aussi à l'évaluation des vues voulant que la coalition ait favorisé un rapprochement entre les deux alliés, longtemps adversaires l'un de l'autre, et qu'elle ait aidé le sempiternel parti d'opposition, le Parti Social Démocrate, à se hisser sur un pied d'égalité avec l'autre dans le gouvernement du pays.Tandis que les vues sur la nature de la coalition sont diverses et souvent obscures, il apparaît évident que le peuple, bien plus que les politiciens, désirait qu'elle se maintienne. Parmi les politiciens, c'étaient les parlementaires qui l'acceptaient le plus, et les membres actifs, en particulier ceux du SPD, qui l'acceptaient le moins. L'évaluation des politiques issues de la coalition était très favorable, en particulier chez les parlementaires. C'est du Parlement, et de façon générate dans les rangs des conservateurs des deux partis, que le sentiment d'un rapprochement entre les deux tendances était le plus fort. Quant à l'opinion voulant que la compétition entre les deux partis était devenue plus égale, elle relevait avant tout d'une vue partisane, tout particulièrement forte chez les membres actifs du SPD. Mais au total, l'idée d'une tendance à l'égalité dans la compétition s'affermissait.La faveur dont a joui la coalition n'a pas empêché qu'elle prenne fin, et les politiques qu'elle a produites n'ont pas suffi à la rendre célèbre. Il n'y a pas de doute que l'égalisation des chances dans la compétition a encouragé le SPD, en 1969, à former, sans avoir la pluralité des sièges, le premier gouvernement de coalition soumis à son leadership.