With the advent of a new world economic order, the proliferation of mass communications, and the formation of new political alliances over the past decade, there has been a redefinition of power relations among various cultures and states. In the process, whether by force of circumstance or as a tactical maneuver, spokespeople from dominant cultures are now openly recognizing that cultures are involved in one another; none is single and pure, all are hybrid, heterogenous, extraordinarily differentiated, and unmonolithic (Said 1993, xxv). After years of having been segregated socially, culturally, economically, and academically precisely because they have been the ideal representatives of hybrid cultures,1 it is with some irony but also relief that Caribbean people are now reading comments such as, We have never been as aware as we now are of how oddly hybrid historical and cultural experiences are, of how they partake of many often contradictory experiences and domains, cross national boundaries, [and how they] defy the police action of simple dogma and loud patriotism (Said 1993, 15). It is in this context that I want to examine how the historical notion and label of Creole