Contemporary Belarus Research Articles

De-abbreviations: From Soviet Union to Contemporary Belarus

AbstractThe article is dedicated to the study of ludic de-abbreviation, backronymization, or, alternatively, humorous decoding of the well-known abbreviations (which usually serve as names for political parties, countries, universities, and so on). A brief survey of the existing research is provided. Then, despite the fact that de-abbreviation was considered characteristic of the Soviet period, now almost extinct, the author focuses on a case study based on contemporary material, which proves that de-abbreviation is still popular and productive for name-giving. As soon as an abbreviation for the name of Belarusian president Alexander Lukashenko, used by the police for safety reasons, appeared in press (2012), it immediately caused dozens of ludic de-abbreviations suggesting alternative names for him. The article focuses on the mechanisms of these renaming de-abbreviations as well as the reasons that caused their peculiarities and multiplicity.

What is to be done? Marx and Mackinder in Minsk

This article is prompted by recent calls for a ‘Marxist geopolitics’. By exploring the case of contemporary Belarus, it argues that a Marxist geopolitics already (or rather still) exists in the world beyond the academic ivory tower. A dissection of foreign political discourse surrounding President Alexander Lukashenka over the last decade exposes two narratives that draw extensively from the repertoire of Soviet geopolitics. Whilst the first Marxist–Leninist storyline revives the early USSR’s geopolitical position as a young state in the midst of a dystopian Western capitalism, the second one is familiar from the dying days of the Soviet empire and tells the story of a state that lies at the centre of a utopian common European house. The conclusion assesses the neo-Marxist concept of the ‘anti-geopolitical’, but finds it to have difficulties in accounting for the struggle of the Belarusian opposition.

Post-Soviet Belarus: The Transformation of National Identity

The paper deals with the formation of a new national identity in Belarus under conditions of post-Soviet transformation. Under the term of “national identity” the author means the identity of the population of the Republic of Belarus that will be adequate to its status of a newly independent state acquired after 1991. Special attention is paid to the existing major research approaches to the problem of constructing this national identity. According to the author’s view, both major approaches are inadequate; the author puts forward a new (third) approach that goes beyond discussions on language and national culture, and corresponds to the concept of plurality of identities. The author describes some paradoxes of national identity based on the opposition of “nation” and “people”. These correspond to the Western model of the “creation of modern nations”, which is not fully applicable to post-Soviet Belarus. All attempts to apply this model to contemporary Belarus lead scholars to several “cultural paradoxes” that can, however, be explained within a new approach.

Alcohol Poisoning in Belarus: A Comparison of Urban-Rural Trends, 1990-2005

The aim of this study was to investigate the occurrence of alcohol poisoning in urban and rural regions of Belarus in the post-Soviet period. All-age male and female alcohol-poisoning mortality and population data were obtained for the years 1990, 1995, 2000 and 2005 for urban and rural regions of Belarus. These data were subsequently recalculated into three age categories and directly standardized. Poisson regression models were used to assess relative changes in rural-urban alcohol-poisoning rates across time. Although extremely high in comparative terms in 1990, alcohol-poisoning rates had nevertheless risen considerably amongst men and women in all age groups in both urban and rural regions by 2005. In rural regions, the rise was continuous while amongst the urban population a small reduction was recorded in 2000 after a comparatively larger rise in 1995. By 2005, although alcohol-poisoning rates were significantly higher amongst rural men and women, the levels of acute alcohol mortality were nevertheless extremely high in nearly every age group in both urban and rural locations. It is probable that both the level and pattern of alcohol consumption in conjunction with the increasing use of illegal alcohol underlie the extremely high alcohol-poisoning rates in contemporary Belarus, and the growing rural-urban divergence in alcohol-poisoning mortality observed in recent years. Immediate action is now required to improve the poor social and economic conditions underpinning extreme levels of acute alcohol mortality, as well as to increase the provision of alcohol treatment services, especially in rural areas.

Homicide in post-Soviet Belarus: urban-rural trends

To investigate the occurrence of homicide in urban and rural regions of Belarus in the post-Soviet period. All-age male and female homicide mortality and population data were obtained for the years 1990, 1995, 2000 and 2005 for urban and rural regions of Belarus. These data were recalculated into three age categories and directly standardised. To assess relative changes in rural-urban homicide rates across time Poisson regression models were used to calculate rate ratios. Between 1990 and 1995 homicide rates rose sharply in urban and rural regions although the rise was greater in the former. Although there was little change in homicide rates in 2000, a notable divergence had occurred by 2005. While homicide rates rose slightly in rural areas, a large fall occurred in the rates of both men and women in urban areas. This resulted in significantly higher rural homicide rate ratios at the end of the study period. With some variations age-specific homicide rates followed this overall general pattern resulting in significantly higher homicide rate ratios in all rural groups aged 15 and above in 2005. It is probable that a combination of factors such as high levels of poverty, the effects of alcohol consumption, as well as the poor provision of emergency medical services underlie both the high levels of lethal violence and the growing rural-urban divergence in homicide rates in contemporary Belarus. Urgent action is now needed to address the deteriorating social and economic conditions underpinning violence, especially in rural regions.

Moral education in contemporary Belarus: return to a Soviet past?

This article discusses moral education in contemporary Belarus. It offers an insight into the problem of educational change in post‐Soviet societies in general and investigates the need for moral education reform in Belarus in particular. It provides a brief description of the situation with respect to moral education in some former Soviet countries and attempts to draw comparisons with Belarusian governmental policies on moral upbringing. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union Belarus has been trying to find its own way of reforming all aspects of life, and moral education reform is no exception. Attempts to introduce courses on the ideology of the Belarusian state into school curricula and the cooperation of the Ministry of Education of Belarus with the Belarusian Orthodox Church are discussed.

Language and Identity in Belarus

This research analyzes self-reported native language and mother tongue data from Belarusian university-age students and discusses the role of language in shaping individual and collective identity. Participants’ gender, language of questionnaire, and region of residence also serve as important variables in understanding identity formation in contemporary Belarus. Mother tongue and native language data analyzed in this article differ significantly, thus suggesting a separation of roles – a symbolic role performed by one’s native language (родной язык), whereas a functional role performed by one’s base language, or mother tongue. “To those who have never undergone forced cultural assimilation, the issue may seem trivial. What difference does it make what language is spoken or what it is called? To those who have had their use of language restricted, however, the matter goes beyond mere defiance. Language is the medium of the culture on which their daily lives and identities are based. To define what language can be spoken is to define the identity of not only the individual but also the country.” – Helen Fedor (1995)

Contemporary Belarus: Between Dictatorship and Democracy by E. A. Korosteleva C. W. Lawson , R. J. Marsh (review)

384 SEER, 82, 2, 2004 collection of historicalpieces, which it is extremely useful now to have in one place. School ofSlavonic andEastEuropean Studies ANDREW WILSON University College London Korosteleva, E. A, Lawson C. W. and Marsh, R. J. (eds). Contemporagy Belarus: Between Dictatorship andDemocracy. RoutledgeCurzon, London and New York,2003. XVii+ 20I pp. Tables. Notes. Index. ?550.o. THEneed fornew literatureon contemporaryBelarushaslong been apparent. Some readersmight express surprisethat, in terms of the subtitleof the book under review, Belarus is described as 'between dictatorship and democracy', but the assembled authors make a good case for their title, seeking to investigate the real roots of President Lukashenka'spopularity at the same time as giving due weight to his flagrantabusesof power. Two of the best chapters,byJan Zaprudnikand David Marples,breaknew ground in terms of historical background. Perceptionsof Belarusianidentity depend very much on when the clock is set ticking. If the story begins with Polatska-Rus'or the supposedlySlavic GrandDuchy of Lithuania/Litva, then the Belarusiansare a centralEuropean (and GreekCatholic)nation emerging from two hundred years (I795-199 ) of Russo-Soviet repression.If the story begins in the 1940S then a Soviet Belorussian nation was created almost ex nihilo,albeit by drawing on earlier versions of original common East Slavic Orthodox identity. The trouble faced by Belarusiannationalistssince I99I is not that the firstversion of Belarusian history is implausible, but that it has little to say to the life experiences of the vast majority of the population, dominated by the twin myths of wartime sufferingand victory, and post-war reconstruction.Marplesisparticularlyacuteon the importanceto Lukashenka of the 'myth of Masherau', head of the local Communist Partyfrom I965 to I980, which 'largely defines the limitations of political change in the postSoviet republic' and also of the fact that Lukashenka'seconomic policies have free-rodeon the physical inheritanceof the Masherauera (p. 24). In a similar fashion, the chapters on modern politics trace Lukashenka's exploitation of pre-existing trends in I994, and sensibly emphasize the mistakes made by the opposition in abandoning the moral high ground by engaging in tricksof theirown duringtheir'alternative'elections held in I999. The book has only a postscripton Lukashenka'sbelated 're-election'in 2001, but there is a sensiblenote of criticismfor the USA, which set its expectations too high and backed a misdirected opposition campaign on the assumption that Lukashenkacould actually be unseated (he claimed 75.6 per cent of the vote to his nearestopponent Uladzimir Hancharyk's I5.4 per cent). Colin Lawson seeksto make a counterfactualcase that Belaruswould have benefitedfromthe marketreformsitlargelyavoided after I996. In her chapter on the proposed Russo-BelarusianUnion, Anastasia Nesvetailova is surprisingly optimistic that 'the 2000 change in Russia'spolitical leadership and the resultingreconsiderationof the Union's politico-economic frameworkdo look promising for Belarus' (p. I62), claiming that Russia is 'effectivelytaking up REVIEWS 385 the burden of economic adjustmentin Belarus'(p. I63), but ratherdownplaying the growing pressure from the Kremlin to sharply reduce debt pardon, energy subsidies and the like. Denis Krivoshev sensibly indicates the contingent factors that have fuelled Belarus' foreign policy 'Russophilia'. Teresa Dumasy agreesthat 'forBelarus[. . .] alliancewith Russia may alwaysremain a greaterprioritythan forUkraine'and notes that 'EU policy mustbe sensitive to such national differences' (p. I90); but both authors stress that this predominant relationshipis not as exclusive as it appears. The volume is one of at leastthree new books about to come out on Belarus. It sets a good standardfor the othersto follow, and will be a boon to students and scholarsalike. School ofSlavonic andEastEuropean Studies ANDREW WILSON University College London Pesonen, Perttiand Riihinen, Olavi. Dynamic Finland.ThePoliticalSystem andthe Welfare State.StudiaFennica.Historica, 3. SK FinnishLiteratureSociety, Helsinki, 2002. 323 PP. Maps. Tables. Notes. Bibliography. Index. ?32.00 (paperback). ON the cover, it says that this book has been written for a general audience. Even so, specialistscan learn a lot from the authors,too. They have produced quite a comprehensive work, written in good and clear Englishin a style that flows. Though to a degree the book is a history, the essential configurations are institutionaland conceptual. Nationalism, the legislature,the stilldualistic executive, thejudicial organs, local self-government,the welfare state, values and goals, the state and economics, the ubiquitousEU you can get straight at them, though...

A populist island in an ocean of clan politics: the Lukashenka regime as an exception among CIS countries

THE COLLAPSE OF SOCIALIST REGIMES in Eastern Europe and Eurasia resulted in the polarisation of politics.' In East Central European and Baltic countries (henceforth, Western post-communist countries2) political parties began to play an important role already in the early stage of transition. In these countries unitary constitutional regimes and free market economies are predominant. In contrast, in the politics of CIS countries informal clan relations are prevalent. It is true that since the end of the 1990s we have seen several examples of successful party building even in the CIS. However, these successful parties, such as Unified Russia and the United Social Democratic Party of Ukraine, have been merely an official facade of clan relations.3 In contrast to the unitary state building in the Western post-communist countries, in CIS countries national-subnational political relations have been extremely deconcentrated, although the constitutions of most of these countries, except for Russia, declare that they have chosen a unitary path of state building. In these countries a patrimonial capitalism, advantageous not only to domestic enterprises but also to the population in general, took shape. The purpose of this article is to examine the Belarusian political regime under President Aleksandr Lukashenka as a populist one, which is uncommon for a CIS country. In order to understand this peculiarity, it is insufficient to compare Belarusian politics with the politics of other CIS countries. It can only be understood in the context of polarisation of post-communist political and economic regimes. Table 1 lists nine criteria distinguishing the two types of post-communist regime. Criterion 1: constitutional definition. While Western post-communist countries adopted either parliamentary or, at best, weak presidential systems, superpresidentialism has become the norm for CIS countries, with the exception of Moldova. These superpresidencies are the successors of the former central committees of communist parties and are functioning as a guarantee for personalised distribution of resources and assets. It is true that most CIS countries adopted semi-presidential, not pure presidential, systems. Under semi-presidential systems the president appoints the

Contemporary Belarus: between democracy and dictatorship

1. Introduction: paradoxes of democratisation in post-communist Belarus E. Korosteleva, Colin Lawson and Rosalind Marsh 2. History and politics in post-Soviet Belarus: the foundations David Marples 3. Explaining post-communist authoritarianism in Belarus Vital Silitski 4. Difficulties of elite formation in Belarus after 1991 Olga Belova-Gille 5. Party system development in post-communist Belarus Elena Korosteleva 6. Electoral politics of Belarus compared Christian Haerpfer 7. President and opposition: specific features of the Belarusian political scene David Rotman and Aliaksandr Danilov 8. Belarus: in search of national identity between 1986 and 2000 Jan Zaprudnik 9. Path-dependence and the economy of Belarus: the consequences of late reforms Colin Lawson 10. Economic policy in Belarus from official and oppositional perspectives Nagezhda Lisovskaia and Julia Korosteleva 11. Russia and Belarus: the quest for the union or who will pay for Belarus' s path to recovery Anastasia Nesvetailova 12. Belarus's external relations Denis Krivosheev 13. Belarus's relations wit the European Union: a western perspective Teresa Dumasy 14. Afterword: the presidential election of September 2001 Index

Independent Belarus: Domestic Determinants, Regional Dynamics, and Implications for the West ed. by Margarita M. Balmaceda, James I. Clem, Lisbeth L. Tarlow (review)

Independent Belarus: Domestic Determinants, Regional Dynamics, and Implications for the West ed. by Margarita M. Balmaceda, James I. Clem, Lisbeth L. Tarlow (review)

Is Belarus a demagogical democracy?

The article analyses the meaning and the forms that contemporary democracy may take, especially in application to the new regimes in Eastern Europe. The evaluation of developing polities always poses a difficulty, as one never knows whether an existent form of government is the final one that a state aims to achieve, or whether it is simply an interim effort to survive transition. Furthermore, there may be as many forms of democracy as there are different states, and the currently prevailing liberal form of democracy may not necessarily be the only or the best means to form a sustainable government. From this perspective, contemporary Belarus provides an insightful study of a regime that may be labelled as 'authoritarian', but in this article is arguably viewed as a 'demagogical democracy' following Aristotle's conceptualisation of a democratic state. I wish to acknowledge the invaluable support of INTAS (99-00245) and the British Academy (SG-31102 and PDF/2001/174), without which the project on which my quotations are based would not have been possible.