Takie Sugiyama Lebra, The Self in Cultural Logic. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2005, 303 pp. In the prologue of The Self in Cultural Logic, Takie Lebra introduces herself as an ambivalent expatriate, alienated from her home country and struggling to come to terms with its limitations-and yet irreversibly Japanese (ix). In her important contributions to anthropology, Takie Lebra has embraced the role of cultural ambassador, presenting japan in ways that encourage Americans to appreciate commitments to society. In Constraint and Fulfillment, her rich ethnography of middle class women in a small city outside of Tokyo in the mid 1970s, Lebra revealed how the division of labor between men and women brought housewives unexpected and yet undeniable forms of empowerment and gratification (1984). Her ethnography of self-reconstruction in a Buddhist-based healing cult revealed the importance of self-accusation and reflection on one's obligations, drawing a sharp contrast with the self-forgiveness customary of Western countercultural psychotherapies (1974: 357). The book under review here offers a unifying theoretical framework for understanding these seeming contradictions, highlighting tensions and trade-offs in the relationship between and society in Japan. Through this frame-work, Lebra is able to show how social pressure and intimacy, propriety and insubordinacy co-exist in social relations. Lebra acknowledges her debt to Parsons early in the Prologue. She was trained as a sociologist in the heyday of structural functionalism, and this influence is plainly on in the formalized view of that provides the book's architecture. Venn diagrams and charts with circulating arrows populate the book. Students who are new to Japan will appreciate the clarity with which Lebra reveals the abutting worlds of official ceremonial appearances and hidden, backroom dealings, and her analysis of how the two are intertwined. In this endeavor, Lebra does not shy away from the very real issues of social fragmentation and corruption that face Japan today. For example, she includes police corruption and domestic violence as examples of the darker side of paternalism. Her discussion of wedding ceremonies as a form of self display includes not only a discussion of traditional ritual but also an example of the bridegroom, recently laid off, who hires an actor to play the boss' at his wedding. By developing and expanding the now-familiar uchi/soto (inside/outside) and ura/omote (back/front) dichotomies that have been popular in postwar Japan anthropology, Lebra sheds light on a vast range of otherwise unrelated social institutions and practices-including welfare reform, school discipline, domestic violence, corporate restructuring, mother-child suicide, seniority promotion, divorce, police violence and benevolence, attention to hierarchy in language, standardized patterns in Noh theater, and treatment of alzheimer's patients, to name only some. Yet even while Lebra confronts the social tensions that play out daily in the popular media, she misses the opportunity to engage with critical lines of current scholarship. Her structuralist framework, which proposes a unifying set of motivations to explain a vast range of behavior, implicitly sees behavior as rooted in shared cognitive schemas, rather than in historically rooted ideas and practices. This framework, which tends to see subjects as actors of prescribed roles rather than agents, pays insufficient attention to the problem of ideological persuasion or resistance-and to the very sophisticated ways in which the state (and its constituent institutions, such as schools and companies) have gone about drawing its members into the fold. At times, the geographic mapping of social spheres of interaction replaces an analysis of why abiding by prescribed norms is compelling or accepted by citizens-and what might make them less acceptable. …