Consociational Theory Research Articles

Organizing Democracy: How International Organizations Assist New Democracies (by Paul Poast and Johannes Urpelainen)

Organizing Democracy: How International Organizations Assist New Democracies (by Paul Poast and Johannes Urpelainen)

Analysis of the Systems for Representation of Minorities in Public Administration

The paper analyses the implementation of the principle of equitable representation in North Macedonia. It examines existing consociational theory and the elements of consociationalism. It attempts to answer the question whether the theory supports the adequate representation of minorities in respect of the promotion and protection of their rights. The focus of the paper is on the instrument called “Balancer calculator” (балансер калкулатор) – an instrument used to set employment thresholds in the public administration in North Macedonia. This instrument strives towards the principles of equitable representation, set within the Constitution and the Ohrid Framework Agreement, additionally regulated by the relevant law and bylaws. In practice, this instrument is used to balance representation of the ethnic communities in public administration and to improve their position in general. The paper gives a critical approach to the implementation process since the tool is not adequately set or implemented. These come from its abuse as a purely calculative instrument, putting the numbers of the represented groups in first place, apart from the need of merit–based requirements; its inability to address the needs of smaller ethnic communities; and its ambiguity and irrelevance coming from the non-existent legal clarification of the communities’ identity markers. The paper does not offer options, but it opens discussion upon these questions whose answers may help towards the creation and establishment of more relevant policies for representation of minorities within public sector.

Consociationalism and the State

The state has never been a central category in consociational analysis, but recent developments have put the state on the radar of consociational scholars. This article is the first to survey and systematize insights on the role of the state in consociational theory and practice. The article does so by providing an overview and review of the answers to three guiding questions. First, who owns the state? Second, what comes first—consociation or state building? Third, is there an inevitable tradeoff between consociationalism and state strength? All these questions and answers have normative and empirical dimensions, and this article seeks to make a contribution to both. Empirically, the article formulates a research agenda. Theoretically and normatively, the article sketches an original consociational approach to the state that goes back to the early days of the Westphalian state system and has surprising relevance in today’s world.

Checkmate? Corporate Power-Sharing, Liberal Voting Rights and the Kosovo Supreme Court

ABSTRACT After the 2021 parliamentary elections, the Kosovo Supreme Court annulled some 5800 votes expressed for three minority lists running for guaranteed seats of the Bosniak and the Roma minorities. The court considered it impossible that they were cast by members of the respective ethnic communities. This court ruling has wider implications for consociational theory, as it makes novel normative prescriptions about group representation in divided societies. The debate in Kosovo closely mirrors similar controversies elsewhere, such as the ‘Sejdić-Finci’ case in the elections of the state presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, or the reserved parliamentary seats in Lebanon.

CONSOCIATIONAL POLITICS AND DEMOCRATIZATION: PAKISTAN’S EXPERIENCE

The present paper is an attempt to evaluate consociational political strategies, grand coalition and segmental autonomy, in the political and democratic history of Pakistan from 1947 to Signing of Charter of Democracy in 2006. We challenge conventional wisdom and argue that it was not only centralized nature of Pakistani state which created hurdles for flourishing democracy and politics of accommodation, adjustment and respect. Rather, lack of consociational political strategies on the part of political elites also contributed to developing politics of contention. Through investigation of political history of Pakistan, the paper argues that failure of political elites to develop consociational political strategies had negative impacts on issues related to segmental autonomy, proportional representation and supremacy of parliament which are the core principles of Arend Lijphart’s consociational theory. While investigating role of Judiciary, the paper argues that as per consociational theory, superior judiciary has failed to play a-political and constitutional role.

CONSOCIATIONAL POLITICS AND DEMOCRATIZATION: PAKISTAN’S EXPERIENCE

The present paper is an attempt to evaluate consociational political strategies, grand coalition and segmental autonomy, in the political and democratic history of Pakistan from 1947 to Signing of Charter of Democracy in 2006. We challenge conventional wisdom and argue that it was not only centralized nature of Pakistani state which created hurdles for flourishing democracy and politics of accommodation, adjustment and respect. Rather, lack of consociational political strategies on the part of political elites also contributed to developing politics of contention. Through investigation of political history of Pakistan, the paper argues that failure of political elites to develop consociational political strategies had negative impacts on issues related to segmental autonomy, proportional representation and supremacy of parliament which are the core principles of Arend Lijphart’s consociational theory. While investigating role of Judiciary, the paper argues that as per consociational theory, superior judiciary has failed to play a-political and constitutional role.

Consociational Democracy in Lebanon: Modern Challenges and Development Prospects

This article explores some key problems of the organization and operation of the Lebanese confessional political system. The study is carried out within the framework of the comparative approach and, in essence, is a comparison of the Lebanese realities with the ideal type of consociational democracy in order to identify country specific features and find ways to overcome the growing instability. Arend Lijpharts consociational theory is used as the main analytical tool. Based on the analysis of the formation and development of the Lebanese consociational system, the study identifies its historical roots, as well as its strengths and weaknesses. The article examines the internal and external causes of the Lebanese political crises and assesses the possible ways of evolution of the countrys political regime, including the prospects for the transformation of consociational democracy into a civil one. When applied to Lebanon, the terms consociationalism and political confessionalism are used as synonyms.

The functions and positions of political parties in consociational democracies: theoretical and empirical contexts

An article is devoted to the analysis of the functions and formats of political parties in consociational democracies. In particular, it is defined that parties that represent the interests of certain subcultures in society and that reach a consensus among themselves at the level of political agreements are called segmental. At the same time, parties that encapsulate different subgroups of the society that cooperate inside the party within main features of the consociational theory (grand coalition, mutual veto, proportionality in representations, and independence of segments or society subcultures) are called consociational.
 The theory of consociationalism has received a wide range of theoretical additions and criticism from political scientists over the past fifty years. And while political parties should have been, by definition, one of the key aspects of research within such democratic regimes (parties are part of large coalitions and agents of representation of certain subcultures), there is very scarce number of literature that focuses on this aspect. Therefore, the presented article provides a description of the functions of political parties that could be observed as inside their subcultures as well as in interaction with other segmental parties.
 Based on the experience of two European countries in the period of “classical” consociationalism (Belgium and the Netherlands), we explain the functions of the parties we have defined in such societies with examples of relevant consociational practices in them. Simultaneously with the analysis of segmental parties, the article also offers the characteristics of consociational parties. The emergence of such parties has its own institutional and historical features. The way of further development of the party system and the level of preservation of consociational practices makes it possible to understand the nature of changes in the societies. Similarly, the analysis of the forms of party competition and interaction between segmental parties makes it possible to outline the forms of those consociational changes that are taking place in the research countries.

Veto Rights and Vital Interests: Formal and Informal Veto Rules for Minority Representation in Deeply Divided Societies

ABSTRACT In consociational theory, veto rights are a primary means by which ethnic groups defend their vital interests. Yet, the uses and effects of vetoes are variable. Sometimes, the veto is protective, used as a policy of last resort to facilitate inter-group cooperation and community protection. At other times, the veto is a blocking mechanism, used against minority interests or to immobilise the legislative agenda. What accounts for this variation in veto outcomes? In this article, we set out a new framework for assessing veto variability and apply the framework to three consociations – Northern Ireland, Bosnia & Herzegovina, and North Macedonia. We argue that whether a veto trajectory is blocking or protective is contingent on the interplay between three dynamics: formal institutional rules; informal forms of dispute resolution, and; the wider political environment in which these formal and informal rules intersect. Our findings aim to refine extant consociational theory, which has largely under-conceptualised these variations in veto trajectories.

Book review: Consociational Theory by Rupert Taylor

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How to Arrive at Peace in Deeply Divided Societies? Using Deliberation to Refine Consociational TheoryHow to Arrive at Peace in Deeply Divided Societies? Using Deliberation to Refine Consociational Theory

In the 1960s, consociational theory was developed to explain how deeply divided societies can arrive at peace. The theory had, on the one hand, an institutional component with an emphasis on power-sharing institutions and, on the other, a cultural component stressing the importance of a spirit of accommodation. Initially, the theory was based on case studies of countries like Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands and Switzerland, which allowed dealing with both institutional and cultural aspects. Later on, when the theory was tested with a large sample of countries, the cultural aspect was increasingly neglected, because it was difficult to empirically operationalize. The key argument of the article is that the concept of deliberation helps emphasize the cultural aspect of consociational theory, in the hopes of refining, not replacing, consociational theory.

Deliberation and Consociation: Joint Pathways to Peace in Divided Societies

In this short commentary, Arend Lijphart continues the conversation on the role of deliberation in promoting the “spirit of accommodation” in deeply divided societies. Jürg Steiner and Maria Clara Jaramillo started this discussion in their article “How to Arrive at Peace in Deeply Divided Societies? Using Deliberation to Refine Consociational Theory” published in this same issue.

Classical Consociational Theory and Recent Consociational Performance

AbstractLijphart’s classical consociational theory, developed between the 1960s and 1975, was based largely on the experience of four western European cases. He argued that the success of consociations depended on the preparedness and ability of elites to cooperate, and that the prospects for success were facilitated by the presence of certain historical and structural factors, including a tradition of accommodation and a “multiple balance of power”. In the past forty years or so, consociations have been implemented, or attempted, in a number of places quite unlike the classical cases. This article argues that a satisfactory explanation of the performance of the new consociations requires consideration of three dimensions additional to those described in Lijphart’s classical account. These are, respectively, the i) external dimension; ii) the security dimension; and iii) the self‐determination dimension.

The United States as a Plural Society: Towards a Consociational Solution?

AbstractAlthough the United States is not a consociational democracy, it is of considerable interest to consociational scholars. Not only is it in many respects a plural society, its political practice and thought include rudimentary elements of consociationalism’s four defining characteristics. That these institutions and practices have not developed further is unsurprising, given the generally unfavorable conditions for racial or ideological consociationalism there. Furthermore, factors such as the U.S.’s competitive political culture and its history of racial inequality present special challenges for consociational theory and practice. Meanwhile, the possibilities for addressing current ideological polarization by consociational means are limited, while ideological cleavage as such presents its own challenges. Nevertheless, several areas for reform remain possible, while changing ethno‐demographic conditions could make U.S.‐American consociationalism more likely in the next several decades. Furthermore, these considerations open up several potentially fruitful lines for further research into consociational democracy and the conditions that foster it.

The Political Side of Consociationalism Reconsidered: Switzerland between a Polarized Parliament and Delicate Government Collegiality

AbstractThis paper builds upon the concept of “coalescent elite behaviour” which is crucial in consociational theory, but contested regarding its actual conceptualization. Contrary to Lijphart's (1968) original assumption that elites are generally committed to an “overarching cooperation”, we hypothesize that institutional venues must be taken in account. Thus, the aim of this paper is twofold: Conceptually, we try to clarify the nature of “amicable agreement” regarding two core institutions (i.e. parliament, government), and regarding executive‐legislative relations. Empirically, we follow a two‐step empirical approach that combines a cross‐time comparison of the decision‐making process regarding the revision of the Swiss basic pension scheme (AHV) with a cross‐case assessment following Fischer's two‐dimensional typology. More generally, our findings serve to inductively refine the “political side” of consociationalism.

Veto power and power-sharing: insights from Burundi (2000–2018)

ABSTRACTVeto power is a key institutional pillar of consociational power-sharing. However, the literature is divided on its impact for institutional functionality. While the founding father of consociational theory, Arend Lijphart, expects veto rights to be exercised sparingly by segmental elites, more recent scholarship emphasizes the need for restrictions (in terms of veto players, veto issues, veto points and procedure) in order to avoid abusive and disruptive veto practice. Burundi’s transition from ethnic conflict to ethnic pacification was strongly based on the use of military and political power-sharing, including consociationalism. This article examines the design of veto rights and their practice in Burundi over the past two decades. The analysis confirms that the institutional design of veto power matters, but it counters the hypothesis that a too enabling veto design induces the abuse of veto rights and disrupts consociational functionality. The Burundi case-study shows that the impact and “shelf-life” of veto rights are best understood by taking into consideration the intersection of veto power with other power-sharing institutions and practices, both formal and informal.

Does Smallness Enhance Power-Sharing? Explaining Suriname’s Multiethnic Democracy

ABSTRACTPointing to a number of informal dynamics in small societies that are supposed to enhance cooperation and consensus, traditional studies on power-sharing posit that small states are ‘most likely’ candidates for stable, multiethnic democracy. These assumptions are, however, challenged by the case study literature on small states which highlights a variety of informal patterns that undermine democratic governance. Addressing this contradiction, the present paper provides an in-depth analysis of power-sharing politics in Suriname, a small, culturally heterogeneous country in South America that initially figured as a prominent case in consociational theory. The analysis reveals that the smallness of Suriname strongly affects and shapes the nature of democracy in the country. On the one hand, clientelism ensures that members of each ethnic group included in power-sharing arrangements have access to state resources and services, thus providing a large measure of political stability. On the other hand, clientelism undermines the functioning of multiethnic democracy by a host of negative side effects, among which economic and social dependency of citizens, executive dominance and authoritarian politics, endemic corruption that goes largely unpunished, and state predation by elites. The upshot is that whereas power-sharing arrangements in small societies might indeed be facilitated by a small population size, there is a heavy price to pay in terms of the quality of democracy.

Who Benefits from Consociationalism? Religious Disparities in Lebanon’s Political System

This study examines the extent to which confessional identities in Lebanon are responsible for shaping individual views toward their government. Specifically, I investigate disparities between religious groups in their perceptions of democracy and democratic principles as applied in Lebanon. Using nationally representative data from the Arab Barometer’s survey of Lebanon, I find that when compared to Maronite Catholics, Druze, and Sunni Muslims, Shia Muslims consistently give higher evaluations of the democratic condition of Lebanon. When compared to members of other religious groups, Shia Muslims are also more trusting of government institutions and perceive Lebanon to be freer. I find little evidence that the application of consociational theory equally and proportionally represents the political needs of the religious groups intended to be served. Rather, my findings reveal religious disparities in evaluations of democracy and political institutions in Lebanon, supporting critics of consociationalism who argue that consociationalism essentializes group-identity to political disputes.

Allies or Opponents? Power-Sharing, Civil Society, and Gender

Feminist critics of power-sharing argue that power-sharing structures privilege ethnic/ethnonational identity and impede women's descriptive and substantive political representation. This paper extends these arguments to consider the extent to which consociational theory addresses the role of civil society and women's political voice in postconflict societies. We argue that power-sharing is overly concerned with formal representation to the detriment of understanding the role civil society can play in peace building. Whilst we acknowledge the importance of civil society retaining a critical distance from political institutions, we suggest several mechanisms for incorporating civil society into power-sharing arrangements. We argue that a consideration of civil society can highlight the gendered issues that are ignored in power-sharing settings, and we conclude that a broader understanding of both “politics” and “conflict” is required for power-sharing to be more equitable to women's descriptive and substantive representation.

Conditions for an Effective Democracy in Multicultural Societies and Countries

The motive behind this paper is exploration of the conditions for effective democracy in multicultural societies and countries. The two principles of social setting in the context of classical parliamentary democracy ensue from a special set of civil and political rights, as basis for cultural identity, which further underlies the collective cultural rights (CCRs) or group-differentiated rights (GDRs). Such setting is initiation into a serious process of changes in classical democracy. The cultural diversity accommodation in the political system of a given democracy is an intricate process that shifts the liberal justice concept and requires a new political system dubbed by some authors as multicultural democracy, instead of merely democracy in multicultural societies. This theory is chiefly known as “consociational theory of democracy”. In this paper, efforts are made to establish the new theoretic and experiential institutions and relations we are to call conditions for an effective multicultural democracy.