Conservative Nationalism Research Articles

Intersectionalities of the Left and Right in Latin America and Europe. An exploration of contemporary political processes

The current rise of new right-wing groups with a particular combination of intransigent economic liberalism and conservative nationalist fascism, a kind of liberfascism, advocates for both a strict apology for the capitalist market and the exclusion of anything that challenges its model in the political and cultural spheres. Based on the populist discourse that exploits the discontent caused by neoliberal democracy, they gain followers for nationalist, cultural, and racist reasons that in the end are nothing more than right-wing deception to protect the rule of capital. Faced with the restoration of an already exhausted neoliberal model, an intersectionality appears between the Left and the Right which, far from confirming the diagnosis of the end of ideologies and the deactivation of the class struggle, rekindles conflicts over capital. This article deals with such a situation. It argues how intersectionality is not a privilege of the Left, but is also used by the extreme populist Right to channel discontent and propagate its particular brand of oppression. It is concluded, based on examples of struggles in Latin America and Europe, that an intersectional and transversal politics must be developed in the face of the hegemony of the new populist and nationalist Right; the political tactic must not be local, but must pursue a new international strategy.

The memory politics of Cursed Soldiers, antisemitism and racialisation

AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between racism and the memory politics of the anti‐communist underground in Poland. It explores a covert antisemitism behind the conservative nationalist hegemonic project of transforming the anti‐communist underground into the ideologically charged symbol of the Cursed Soldiers. It demonstrates that under the conditions of the condemnation of antisemitism, the symbolism of the Cursed Soldiers has become a covert way of expressing anti‐Jewish prejudice in hegemonic memory politics. The paper argues that this covert antisemitism must be seen in the broader context of historical racialised antisemitism and racialised structures of Polish national identity. The paper challenges the notion of Poland as a country free from racism, by unpacking the role of racialisation in the dominant understanding of Polishness. It demonstrates how the memory politics of the Cursed Soldiers fit into the racialised logic of the dominant ideology of Polish national identity.

‘The Hagia Sophia Cause’ and the Emergence of Ottomanism in the 1950s

Abstract Focusing on the symbolism of the Hagia Sophia for the conservative nationalist movement, this article examines the emergence of Ottomanism as an attempted challenge to the Kemalist reading of Ottoman history. The Hagia Sophia, the former imperial church that was converted into a mosque by Sultan Mehmed ii and served as the imperial mosque of the Ottomans, lost its religious function and was opened as a museum in 1934 by governmental decision. This ‘secularization’ of the building could be openly criticized especially after the transition to multiparty democracy in the late 1940s. Demands for reconverting the museum into a mosque were gradually transformed into public campaigns led by the protagonists of the conservative nationalist movement. This article analyses these campaigns as reflected in the printed press from the 1950s onwards and explores how the Hagia Sophia has since been instrumentalized for the reproduction of a xenophobic, anti-Western, Islamic and Ottomanist nationalism.

The Bible Told Them So: How Southern Evangelicals Fought to Preserve White Supremacy, by J. Russell Hawkins

As I write this review, state legislatures across the United States vote to limit the work that public schools and even public universities can do to teach the nation’s history of racism, white supremacy, and Black resistance. J. Russell Hawkins examines the kind of history that many conservative nationalists want neither to hear nor to allow. It is, then, a pressing and timely read. The book focuses on segregationist theology and politics from 1955 to 1970 among South Carolina Southern Baptists and members of the Methodist Church (after 1968, the United Methodist Church). Hawkins makes two central arguments: first, that segregationist evangelicals’ politics followed their theology—that they read scripture and understood Christian orthodoxy in a way that drove their political engagement. Secondly, Hawkins argues that segregationist theology persisted, largely unchanged, even after the civil rights movement forced an outward shift in language and strategy, from segregationist rhetoric to a colour-blind family-values rhetoric.

Christian Europe Redux

AbstractThe notion of ‘Christian Europe’ has returned with a vengeance in recent times. It figures prominently in the political rhetoric of conservative nationalists, who link appeals to Europe's Christian heritage and identity to avowedly illiberal political projects. This article examines this revived idea of Christian Europe by contrasting it with the meanings that prominent Christian Democratic leaders ascribed to the term in the post‐war era. This contrast is insightful because it reveals what is distinctive about present understandings of Christian Europe, and it is politically relevant because some of the most committed contemporary proponents of Christian Europe claim to be ‘true’ Christian Democrats. Using Ernst‐Wolfgang Böckenförde's work on the emergence of the modern state as a broad analytical frame, I show that today's visions of Christian Europe are more modern, statist and secular than their post‐war counterparts.

Between Transnational Cooperation and Nationalism

Focusing on the involvement of feminist activist women from Czechoslovakia in the Little Entente of Women (LEW), this article examines the ideological and political limits of transnational cooperation within such an international organization, one that aimed to promote women’s rights and pacifism in Central and Eastern Europe. The case of Czechoslovakia suggests that deep, ideological divisions between liberal feminist and conservative nationalist threads within the LEW’s national branch seriously undermined eff orts at unity and “global sisterhood” on the international level. It became possible to overcome ideological and political differences in the 1920s without questioning the very existence of the LEW. However, the antirevisionist political agenda of states involved in the LEW was a decisive factor in its reorganization. This article characterizes the rather limited impact of the LEW’s activities in Czechoslovakia and presents new details on its reorganization in the 1930s.

Necessity and Fate

The article focuses on the problem of necessity in the social sphere. The concept of necessity is, first, introduced as a derivative of cause-and-effect and logical relations. Then the author emhisezes the peculiarity of the sphere of social interactions which consists of the fact that social reality is constituted by language and can therefore be considered as a discursive universe. Due to this peculiarity, the necessity in the sphere of social relations has not a causal but a quasi-causal character. The latter means that the relationship between individual phenomena has the character of “events” that are formed in a certain narrative context. Here, reality loses the role of the ground for events and performs only the function of reference. In this case, necessity functions as the attribution of the role of cause to certain events. To demonstrate how these theoretical positions work in practice, the author considers the political doctrine of K. P. Pobedonostsev (1827–1907), a jurist, lawyer and prominent political figure of his time, who shares the views of Russian conservative nationalists. This analysis allows us to confirm the hypothesis that there is always a gap between political action and real processes. From this, in turn, it follows that the necessity of political actions is caused not by the logic of the mere fact but by the logic of the interpretation of the facts within the framework of a certain political program. After that, the author argues that, in the field of social, two scenarios for justifying necessity are possible — mythical and argumentative. He analyzes and compares these two types of scenarios as well as the ideas of necessity formed within them. The last part of the work examines the concept of fate as a subjective side of the question of necessity. The author also argues that the place of unfolding fate is a discursive universe. From this, it follows that fate is intertwined with events that are quasi-causal; therefore it has a probabilistic character. Thus, the connection between fate and necessity is broken.

From Museum to National Temple: Hagia Sophia as a nationalist site of memory in the 1950s and 1960s

From Museum to National Temple:Hagia Sophia as a nationalist site of memory in the 1950s and 1960s Umut Azak (bio) KEYWORDS Hagia Sophia, Politics of Memory, Turkish Nationalism, Islamic Nationalism, Conservatism, Anti-Westernism The recent closure of the Hagia Sophia Museum and its conversion to its pre-1934 status as a mosque marked the beginning of a new phase in the history of the monument's rich symbolism. From 1950 onwards, for conservative nationalist and Islamist groups, the building's closure to worship signified the oppression and silencing of the Ottoman/Turkish/Islamic heritage. Indeed, for a wide range of intellectuals as well as political leaders, the aspiration to reconvert the museum into a mosque has been a "cause" (Ayasofya Davası).1 This cause was inherited by subsequent generations, which included figures such as Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who described a future reconversion as a "longed-for moment" (hasretle beklediğimiz an).2 The emotional power of this rhetoric is derived from an Ottomanist and nationalist nostalgia for the golden age of "superiority over the Christian West" under the leadership of Sultan Mehmed II the Conqueror. In opposition to this glorious age is the contemporary era of "decay," supposedly inaugurated by the Kemalist/republican Westernizing reforms. According to this narrative, the Hagia Sophia Museum was waiting to be "re-conquered"—this time from "enemies within"—and to be restored as a symbol of national victory. President Erdoğan's declaration of 10 July 2020 was the culmination of precisely this type of nationalist zeal. This short piece [End Page 191] aims to shed light on the political and historical context that gave rise to the "Hagia Sophia Cause." The first calls for reconverting Hagia Sophia can be traced to 1950. In that year, the periodicals Büyük Doğu (Great East) and Sebilürreşad (Fountain of the Right Path) published editorials in support of the new Democratic Party government's decision to undo the 1932 ban on the Arabic call to prayer (adhan), celebrating it as the beginning of a new era of religious freedom. The authors of these publications, Necip Fazıl Kısakürek (1905–1983) and Eşref Edip Fergan (1882–1971), no doubt saw this development as opening up a space for pressuring the government on other issues, such as the reconversion of Hagia Sophia. Early demands for "liberating" Hagia Sophia were expressed especially in several articles about the 500th anniversary of the conquest of Istanbul by Sultan Mehmed II. These articles depict Hagia Sophia as "the biggest gift given to the Turkish nation by Mehmed II," the ruler who crushed the Byzantine Empire in 1453 and converted its imperial church into a mosque.3 Hagia Sophia, then, is "not a Byzantine ruin but a Turkish monument (mâmure)" and hence the 500th anniversary of the conquest should be celebrated, it was argued, by reopening it as a mosque.4 These authors were the pioneers of the Hagia Sophia Cause; all of them were obsessed with the conquest of Istanbul and shared a deep "nostalgia for the epoch of the Conqueror" (Fâtih Devri nostaljisi).5 These first calls for reconversion were taken up by the Society of Nationalists (Milliyetçiler Derneği), an umbrella organization composed of several nationalist and anti-communist associations. In an open letter, published widely in April 1952, the chair of the society described Hagia Sophia as "the symbol of the conquest of Istanbul" and a "magnificent sign of Turkish power and glory." Characterizing Hagia Sophia's closure to worship as "unfair and cruel" and "a source of pain and spiritual torture for Muslim Turks," the letter urged the government "to stop this torture."6 [End Page 192] According to the society, the forced closing of Hagia Sophia as a place of worship for Muslims was clearly an attack on freedom of conscience, and thus a violation of the constitutional principle of secularism. This argument—that "true" secularism calls for the building's reconversion—has been repeated by several other writers, who have insisted that the previous regime's version of secularism was not only wrong but also an attempt at "Christianizing the nation and starting a war...

Scholar and Spokesman: Benoy Sarkar on the West, Religion, Nationalism and Internationalism

Benoy Kumar Sarkar was both a serious scholar of history and society and a spokesman who wanted to promote ideas of equality between East and West and highlight the secular achievements of the Hindus. He has been hailed as a pioneer of Neo-Indology, a premature postcolonial sociologist, a conservative nationalist and an anti-colonial internationalist. Elements of several ideologies can be found in his writings. This article assesses his critique of orientalist constructions of East and West, the features of Hinduism and Buddhism and their influence overseas, the peculiarities of nationalism and Hindu-Muslim relations in India and the conservative, authoritarian and cosmopolitan elements in his writings on nationalism and international affairs.

«БОРЬБА ЗА АУДИТОРИЮ»: МЕТАФОРЫ В ТЕКСТАХ РУССКИХ КОНСЕРВАТОРОВ К. XIX – Н. ХХ ВВ.

The article presents an attempt to reconstruct the system of thinking of Russian conservative nationalists of the late Empire period based on a comparison of the formal and substantive features of their texts, which were dedicated to the "Finnish question". Taken together, these texts constituted a single "anti-Finnish discourse" created in order to influence the government and public opinion on the status of the Grand Duchy of Finland. However, they were united not only by origin and content, but also by common formal characteristics such as rhetorical features and tricks, vocabulary, and syntactic constructions. Metaphors were the most important formal element of this discourse. They can be combined into four conventional metaphorical models: historical, military, criminal, and physiological. The analysis of metaphorical series allows us to make conclusions not only about how well publicists commanded methods of propaganda influence on the audience, but also about the logic of their thinking. With the help of metaphors and auxiliary linguistic tools linked to them, “one’s own” and “alien” social strata were marked, an ideal society was described, and discourse authors’ attitude to the current situation in the country was demonstrated.

Положение латинос в США во время президентства Д. Трампа: обзор проблематики политических трансформаций в публикациях американских авторов за 2018–2020 годы

Introduction. The overview’s subject is the problem of Latin Americans’ situation (citizens and noncitizens of the USA) during the D. Trump’s presidency, reflected in new works by American authors. The historiography overview consist of researchers’ monographs from American universities and analytical articles from academic journals and periodicals. The overview’s logical systematization is based on two principles: the established chronological framework and the grouping of author’s views on a particular problem. Relevance. The overview topic’s relevance is caused by significant reduction in the rights and increased prosecution of Latinos in the contemporary of the United States which is emphasized by the American authors themselves. The authors emphasized the theoretical basis for the new migration political process was making D. Trump’s conservative nationalist policy which is called “America First”. The implementation of such policy leads to new challenges in ensuring national security, exacerbating social conflicts and splitting the American society. Purpose. The work’s purpose is to highlight new trends in the US immigration policy that significantly restricted the rights and freedoms of Latin American citizens and Latin American refugees living in the country during this period. Methods. The author of the article used the following methodological tools: the scientific principle of objectivity, which allowed us to assess the degree of subjective information contained in the publications; the ontological (substantive) approach, which was used to clarify the actors of conflict interaction in the process of the White House’s transformational policy presented in new American studies; the institutional method based on the research works, which allowed us to determine changes in the functions and activities of the US government’s departments when dealing with immigration issues and the situation of Latin American citizens and non-citizens in the United States during the D. Trump’s presidency. Results. The results consist in the recognition of the nativist and conservative nationalist policy of the US government towards Latin Americans by the American academic and expert community, which contradicts the values declared by the American society and contributes to its separation and division creating greater inequality within it. Although the historiography overview did not aim to examine Latinos’ situation in the United States in historical retrospect. All of these could be noted in the above works that no American author noted an improvement in the situation of Latinos during D. Trump’s presidency, compared to the previous administrations of B. Clinton, G.W. Bush and B. Obama. Many authors noted that new problems have been added to the old problems of Latinos and incoming immigrants. The results area. The results obtained can be used by Russian Americanist researchers to conduct their further researches in the fields of area studies, international relations, international processes, and the history of foreign countries. Conclusion. The Latinos’ situation analysis in the United States during the D. Trump’s presidency was based on American authors’ publications for 2018–2020, which suggests not only the devastating impact of the White House’s transformative policies toward Latinos, but also the changing structure of American society itself, which is inherently immigrant.

Der faustische Pakt. Goethe und die Goethe-Gesellschaft im Dritten Reich by W. Daniel Wilson

Reviewed by: Der faustische Pakt. Goethe und die Goethe-Gesellschaft im Dritten Reich by W. Daniel Wilson Katherine Arens W. Daniel Wilson. Der faustische Pakt. Goethe und die Goethe-Gesellschaft im Dritten Reich. Munich: dtv, 2018. 368 pp. Daniel Wilson, now a professor emeritus in the Department of Languages, Literatures and Cultures at the Royal Holloway College at the University of London, has again opened up the Goethe industry to new insights, after his earlier works that have taken the author out of the cotton wool in which the notion of "Weimar classicism" had wrapped him. Der faustische Pakt turns our attention to the Goethe-Gesellschaft (Goethe Society), founded in 1885, to show how its claimed affinities to the humanism disguised a long-standing commitment to conservative nationalist views and an alignment with the Nazi regime—to creating a Goethe who would ultimately become commensurate with Nazi ideology and cultural imperatives. Wilson adduces facts drawn from many archives to produce a well-researched and superbly written story of cultural opportunism that illuminates the many shades of grey in the cultural politics of the Nazi era, and how their legacies remain at play today. Most critically, he has filled in precise details about the post-May-1933 organization of the society, which have been vague since 1945 when its organizational files disappeared. Wilson found instead the correspondence of the leadership to tell an increasingly disturbing story of scholarly humanism. The alignment of the Goethe Society with the Nazi cultural projects started slow. From its early years on, the Goethe Society had been an important cultural reference point for the Bildungsbürgertum, the educated population of Germany. Gustav Roethe, the society's president until 1926, worked toward establishing Goethe as an internationalist and moved to consolidate individual local author societies under the national organization. Receiving no state support, the society boasted a considerable membership as well as patronage by the ruling aristocracy. As the Weimar Republic's financial crises led to declining memberships, reimaging Goethe as an antisemite made him a potential asset for Nazi cultural politics. The Nazi government had begun to intervene in organizations after 1933 in its move toward a kind of cultural Gleichschaltung; the Goethe Society was vulnerable initially to charges of liberalism because 8 percent of its members were Jewish and 20 percent international, with the result that after 1933 the society did not admit any new Jewish members (keeping many that they had for financial reasons until a 1938 general exclusion). "Jewish" themes like Goethe's interest in Spinoza were kept out of the society's journal; Roethe's cosmopolitan and tolerant Goethe was refigured as an antisemite, with skirmishes at both local and national levels of the organization. By the 1936 Olympics, new funding became possible as part of Germany's image building—and the society found its lifeline in ways effaced or denied after the war. In the volume's first chapter, "Goethes Janusgesicht," Wilson draws out how these two possible readings of the author were crafted out of a body of work large enough to find support for both readings. The subsequent six chapters are [End Page 390] organized chronologically to chart this course in detail; they are solidly documented, based on the private correspondence of important members of the society's leadership and internal records of the society's business and meetings. What emerges is the society's sense of dedication to its cultural mission under a pronounced sense of threat, leading to decision-making that prioritized the society's survival at all costs. The prime mover in this preemptive decision-making was Hans Wahl, the vice president of the society and director of the National Goethe Museum, who became a party member in 1938 and an early member of the "Kampfbundes für deutsche Kultur," which put the organization under the patronage (but not direct control) of Joseph Goebbels and his Reichsschrifttumskammer and helped it to evade the total government takeovers that were becoming increasingly common and that often required wholesale surrender of archives and museum holdings. Instead, the Goethe Society preserved itself as it fell into a kind of codetermination and collaboration with government institutions. These decisions, however, created a...

«СЕВЕРНЫЙ ВОПРОС» В РОССИЙСКОМ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ЯЗЫКЕ 60–70-Х ГОДОВ XIX ВЕКА

The study is dedicated to the emergence of the Russian Arctic politics language which is considered as a set of specific idioms, rhetoric, grammars, and categories. The formation of the Russian Arctic politics language took place during drastic transformations of Russian public and civil political life in the 1860s and 1870s. As any political language, it developed through discussions on political matters: political economy, international relations, and law. Moreover, as every political language, it became an instrument for rationalizing and constructing reality. The rhetoric and pragmatics of the “Russian North protectors”, such as manufacturers V.N. Latkin, M.K. Sidorov, public persons V.L. Dolinskiy, D.L. Mordovtsev, and others, are analyzed in the article. Attempting to gain governmental support for their business projects and promoting the position of “state international policy”, they developed an alarmist conspiracy method of speech (discourse) about the North of Russia, making themselves closer to the dynamically forming conservative nationalist opposition to the liberal reforms. From that perspective, the “Northern question” was constructed as one of weak points of the liberal government. Idiomatic and speech constructions of the “Russian North protectors” were grounded on the thesis about the threat of alienation of the North of Russia. In the 1860s, this resonated with the moral panic originated from the Polish riots of 1863–1864 concerning the “disruption” of the wholeness of the Russian state, and with the “military anxiety” provoked by the eastern crisis of 1875–1876 in the next decade. The author concludes that the key part in forming the Russian Arctic politics language was played by society, which, however, failed to include the “North question” in the current Russian agenda.

“True Heirs to a Heroic Russian Past” or “Russians in Name Only”: Sitka Creoles as Seen by the Late Nineteenth Century Russian Orthodox Clergy

The paper examines the criticism levelled against the Creoles of Sitka (persons of Russian and Alaska Native descent) by the Russian Orthodox priests who came to minister among them in the late 19th-early 20th century. These clergymen accused their parishioners not only of immorality but also of not being truly Russian, as far as their language and culture were concerned. By focusing on this criticism, the paper explores the symbolic significance of Alaska’s Russian colonial and missionary history and its legacy in the conservative nationalist ideology of the Russian Orthodox clergy. Particular attention is paid to the causes to which this clergy attributed the decline of the Russian culture and devotion to Orthodoxy among the Creole population of this frontier American/Alaskan town.

Great Expectations and Interwar Realities: Hungarian Cultural Diplomacy, 1918–1941

Great Expectations and Interwar Realities: Hungarian Cultural Diplomacy, 1918–1941

Reproducing ‘hegemony’ thereafter? The long-term political effects of the Gezi protests in Turkey

ABSTRACT This study examines an understudied aspect of the Gezi protests: its long-term effects on the hegemonic politics of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) government. Building on the insights of Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, and Stuart Hall on hegemonic struggles and populism, it contends that the Gezi protests forced the AKP to reformulate its hegemonic strategies by deconstructing the relation formed contingently between the AKP and democratization, and thus, exposing both the limits of the neoliberal and Islamic/conservative hegemonic politics of the AKP, and the authoritarian tendencies of this government. The article maintains that the AKP, in response, turned to focus its efforts on becoming not hegemonic, but dominant by adopting a full-blown authoritarian populism, which, rather than entailing the closure of all democratic channels, favours retaining some for mobilizing popular support for its increasing authoritarianism. It is demonstrated that this popular support has been secured by the AKP through the articulation of a discourse that ignites fear and anxiety among the conservative religious and conservative nationalist segments, by portraying all opposition as detrimental to their interests and lifestyles. The article concludes that counter-hegemonic movements like Gezi may lead to significant political changes in the long run, even if they are repressed.

Elections in Indo-Pacific: 2019: Introduction to the Special Issue

This special issue presents analyses of the elections in India, Japan, Thailand, the Philippines and Australia, each written by a specialist with extensive experience of domestic politics and elections in their country of study. These articles offer detail and rich analysis of the elections in the five Indo- Pacific countries, all held in 2019. The analyses presented in this issue reveal some clear trends emerging from these elections. First, the ruling parties in each of these countries were returned to power or given endorsements, producing continuity in government. Second, in most cases the opposition forces seem frail and divided. Third, on the Asian political landscape, as in many other countries around the world, conservative nationalist and right-wing populist leaders dominate national politics.

ПОЛИТИКА ПАМЯТИ, ВЫЗОВЫ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ И СТРАТЕГИИ ПРЕОДОЛЕНИЯ СОЦИОКУЛЬТУРНЫХ УГРОЗ В ОЦЕНКАХ РОССИЙСКИХ И АНГЛОЯЗЫЧНЫХ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЙ КУЛЬТУРЫ

The article presents a brief overview of contemporary debates on the politics of memory in Russian and English-speaking cultural studies. In Russian studies, the focus is on the loss of national identity and the crisis of professional standards in historiography. The main bearers of memory are state institutions and the academic community of historians. From this point of view, the global neoliberal elites are contractors and bearers of threats to national identity, which can only be resisted by preserving established traditions and building binary oppositions of “our'” and “alien”. In English-speaking studies, the emphasis is predominantly on cross-cultural dialogue and interdisciplinary cooperation, which involves revision of the boundaries between history, anthropology, psychology and social research. The key memory carriers are individuals and (informal) cultural communities, which are always engaged and cannot follow the positivist criteria of scientific objectivity of the 19th century model. Contractors and bearers of threats here are the conservative nationalist institutions and states that restrict private practices of commemoration. Both these models prove to be limited and contain internal contradictions. This is especially true for the transcultural dialogue and maintenance of academic standards, which are impossible in the conditions of constructing “our” – “alien” opposition. In this respect, an important function of research on memory and culture as a whole can be a rethinking of the very binary nature of these oppositions and the rejection of alarmism, largely caused by the specifics of the modern (present day) temporal regime, which tries to completely control and subjugate both the past and the future.

Poland’s politics

Although Poland’s ruling conservative nationalist PiS (Law and Justice) party achieved an impressive result in October’s parliamentary election, it now faces a better organised and more diverse opposition, the loss of the upper house and a newly emerged rival further to its right. PiS is likely to retain the presidency in next year’s election, although it could conceivably be unseated by a strong candidate who united the mainstream opposition vote.

Right-wing populisms north and south: Varieties and gender dynamics

Populist and nationalist movements have long histories and ideologically may appear as left-wing or right-wing. Feminist scholars have explored the gender dynamics of conservative nationalist movements or national-identity projects, revealing the social-reproductive burdens placed on women as well as the reasons why such movements resonate with some women, but gendered populism remains largely unexplored outside Europe. Through feminist and world-systems lenses, we put the spotlight on the contemporary wave of right-wing populist-nationalist movements, including Islamist movements, providing country vignettes and a closer look at Turkey to identify links to economic and cultural aspects of neoliberal capitalist globalization and to explore varieties and gender dynamics. Prospects for renewed progressive mobilizations against the wave of right-wing movements are also considered.