Conservative Ideology Research Articles

Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich Serving Russia

The new edition of Perm historian D.M. Sofyin monograph, that has been substantially revised and supplemented in comparison with the fi rst edition, is devoted to the personality and multifaceted activities for the benefi t of the Fatherland of the extraordinary and contradictory fi gure of Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich. On the basis of the wide array of sources, many of which are being introduced into scientifi c circulation for the fi rst time, and available historiographic base, the author, while taking into account the comments of the reviewers, tries to present to the readers the updated text of the book about one of the most demonized representatives of the Romanov dynasty, who at the same time can be confi dently attributed to the adherents of conservative ideology, not in its theoretical, but rather practical dimension, for all his state activity was permeated with the idea of preserving and strengthening autocracy and following the established age-old traditions.

Factors Associated with Vaccine Hesitancy in the State of Alaska.

Vaccine hesitancy (VH) is a major public health problem which includes not only concerns about vaccine, but often includes beliefs not aligned with evidence. The etiology of VH is complicate, including genuine concerns about vaccine safety to beliefs in disproven or unsubstantiated theories. Understanding VH includes determining the factors associated with people most likely to be susceptible. To identify characteristics of persons more likely to have VH based on perceived vaccine safety. We conducted a cross sectional, targeted online survey of 1,024 respondents. The survey collected data on demographics and vaccine beliefs. A seven-question VH scale was created based on an extensive literature review. When measured, this scale had high internal validity based on Cronbach's Alpha (α = 0.80, 95% CI, 0.79, 0.82) and provided a continuous measurement to understand the VH degree. Persons reporting a conservative political ideology had the highest VH score ([Formula: see text] = 15.0), followed by other ([Formula: see text] =12.7), moderate ([Formula: see text] =9.29), and liberal ([Formula: see text] =6.72). Education level was another strong indicator of VH, decreasing from the highest score of high school graduates ( [Formula: see text] = 13.2) to graduate degree holders ([Formula: see text] = 9.22). The more conservative a person's political ideology, the higher the VHS. We asked for ideology, rather than political party, although they are related, they are not the same. Ideology influences more domains than voting patterns. Higher educational attainment shows a protective effect against VH. These findings have direct implication for public health interventions, new interventions should be designed to be more accessible for persons with less formal education and more amenable to persons who hold a more conservative ideology.

Representing cervical cancer in a government social media health campaign in China: moralizing and abstracting women’s sexual health

This article analyses an award-winning film produced as part of the Chinese government’s ‘Healthy China Initiative’ to increase awareness of cervical cancer among young women. The film was designed to be social media friendly, using a more accessible popular style, and it achieved over 350 million views on Chinese social media. The aim had been to shift away from a tradition of more formal, authoritative public information content. Using multimodal critical discourse analysis in the broader tradition of critical health communication studies, the findings support other critics of Chinese public health information in relation to women’s reproductive health. Despite the accessible style, the authors find a highly conservative ideology of womanhood, where the actual nature of cervical cancer, caused by the very common Human Papillomavirus, is obscured in a highly moralized message about sexual abstinence. The film also represents a view of Chinese health services that glosses the difficulty of access for many, as well as public concerns about corruption and clientelism.

Dominant ideologies in sexual health education discourse in Saudi Arabia: a critical discourse analysis of school curricula

ABSTRACT Lack of sexual health knowledge among Saudi Arabian adolescents suggests the need for investigation into the sexual health education curriculum provided in schools. This study explored the dominant ideologies that shape sexual health education discourse in Saudi Arabia. To date, there have been few analyses of the ideologies underpinning Saudi Arabia’s school curriculum and the approach that is taken to teaching about sexual health. Examining the ideologies informing sexual health education in Saudi schools can assist in a shift towards more comprehensive approaches. In this study, critical discourse analysis was used to identify the underlying ideologies present within Saudi school curricula as they relate to sexual health education. Our findings suggest that conservative ideology dominates sexual health education discourse. Significantly, it is more strongly present in the curricula available to girls and young women. Sexual health education’s discourse currently reflects social/cultural perspectives and avoids the inclusion of more comprehensive health-related information that would better enable young people to protect their health.

Political Attitudes and Disease Threat: Regional Pathogen Stress Is Associated With Conservative Ideology Only for Older Individuals.

What environmental factors are associated with individual differences in political ideology, and do such associations change over time? We examine whether reductions in pathogen prevalence in U.S. states over the past 60 years are associated with reduced associations between parasite stress and conservatism. We report a positive association between infection levels and conservative ideology in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s. However, this correlation reduces from the 1980s onwards. These results suggest that the ecological influence of infectious diseases may be larger for older people who grew up (or whose parents grew up) during earlier time periods. We test this hypothesis by analyzing the political affiliation of 45,000 Facebook users, and find a positive association between self-reported political affiliation and regional pathogen stress for older (>40 years) but not younger individuals. It is concluded that the influence of environmental pathogen stress on ideology may have reduced over time.

Who is more responsive to brand activism? The role of consumer-brand identification and political ideology in consumer responses to activist brand messages

PurposeThrough activism, brands participate in the sociopolitical controversies that shape society today. Based on social identity theory, this study aims to examine the moderating effects of consumer–brand identification (CBI) and political ideology in explaining consumer responses to brand activism. Furthermore, the role of perceived marginalization that can arise in the case of consumer–brand disagreement is explored.Design/methodology/approachThe hypothesized effects were tested in three experiments. Study 1 (n = 262) and Study 2 (n = 322) used a moderation analysis, which was supplemented by a mixed design analysis with repeated measures in Study 1. In Study 3 (n = 383), the mediating effect of perceived marginalization by the brand was tested using a moderated mediation model.FindingsThe results show that strong CBI as well as a conservative ideology buffer the negative effects of consumer–brand disagreement on brand attitude and word-of-mouth intentions. In the case of agreement with a brand’s stance, no direct or interactive effects of brand activism on consumer responses occur. Perceived marginalization by a brand mediates the effects of brand activism.Originality/valueThis study extends the “love is blind” versus “love becomes hate” debate to the realm of brand activism and finds evidence for the former effect. It also contributes to the research on political consumption by highlighting the role of political ideology as an important boundary condition for brand activism. Perceived marginalization is identified as a relevant risk for activist brands.

Explaining Political Polarization Over Abortion

Abstract. Why are antiabortion attitudes more prevalent among conservatives? We show that people who prioritize courage, deference to authority, and caring for kin are more likely to oppose abortion and that these associations are mediated by conservatism. However, group loyalty, which is usually associated with conservatism, surprisingly predicts proabortion attitudes. In two studies ( N = 525), we disambiguate the effects of social dominance orientation and fusion from conservative ideology. These findings suggest that attitudes toward abortion are shaped by moral concerns that are then recruited by political ideologies. Understanding the relationships between morality and political ideology is crucial to managing the effects of divisive social issues on polarization.

Internet as an ideology: nationalistic discourses, and multiple subject positions of Chinese internet workers

ABSTRACT Ideology works. This article examines how the Internet as a capital actor has become a nationalist ideology in China. Disclosing how nationalism serves to facilitate the expansion of China-based Internet platforms in the age of informational capitalism, we directly confront the Chinese Internet as an ideology apparatus that works to fulfill a dual logic of capital and territorial power. This article contributes to the study of three types of Chinese Internet workers: programmers, white-collar employees (excluding programmers), and assembly-line workers, and focuses on how nationalist discourses are created, which enthrall but at the same time are questioned by different workers who help fabricate nationalism as well as challenge it. We conceptualize topos of threat and referential strategy of collectivization as cultural and media tactics, driven by the nationalistic sentiments that form part of the “common sense” of Chinese users. We further analyze the multiple subject positions of Chinese Internet workers into hegemonic position, negotiated position, and oppositional position to discover the complexity of labor subjectivity which may create discrepancy or sometimes even challenge the Chinese Internet as an ideology. This study sheds light on how subject positions could disrupt a homogenous process of merging nationalism with populist sentiments, a conservative ideology that is prevalent in today’s China.

Palimpsests of trans rights: trans-positive stickers and the contestations of transphobia in public space

In recent years, the rights of trans people in the United Kingdom and elsewhere have been increasingly under scrutiny. This paper considers forms of resistance to Trans Exclusionary Radical Feminism (TERF) and neo-fascist gender conservative movements in Edinburgh, Scotland through an analysis of trans-positive stickers in public space. Using an archive of 461 images of trans-rights-related stickers photographed in Edinburgh between August 2018 and May 2022, we explore how trans-positive activism is publicly (en)countering transphobic politics and discourses. Our analysis begins by examining palimpsests of conflict, or the layerings of trans-positive and transphobic stickers – removed, written on, or covered up – in the materiality of public space. We then turn to the transformative potential of stickers as materials of resistance, arguing that trans-positive stickers can undermine transnormative, TERF and neo-fascist gender conservative ideologies and political tactics. Stickers offer public expressions of allyship, communicate political solidarity across social justice movements and marginalised communities, and also provide representations of non-normative trans identities and embodiments. Through this analysis, we present the political potential of stickers as important materials of public resistance that intervene in transphobic political and cultural discourses to produce trans-affirming encounters in public space.

“She Deserves It All (?)”: Romance and Tradition in Qiong Yao Films of the 1960s

Abstract Qiong Yao films are known for telling stories of romance. This essay focuses on the female characters in Qiong Yao films produced by the Grand Motion Picture Company (GMP) in the 1960s. Founded by Li Han-xiang in 1963, GMP played a key role in the evolution of Taiwan cinema in general and Qiong Yao films in particular. The 1960s was to Taiwan a time of political and ideological conservatism. Discipline and obedience to authorities were prioritized as an official strategy to celebrate the traditional values and principles of Chinese culture. The Confucian-oriented ideology toward women dominated. The paper proposes that most women portrayed in the Qiong Yao films by GMP remain in the traditional status, emotionally and economically dependent on men. The paper posits that the gender-based/biased authoritarian hierarchy represented in these romantic dramas was closely associated to the patriarchal social structure and the mainstream political ideology. GMP’s 1968 film Love Eternal will be used as a case study to show how “the limits of proprieties” must be followed and what devastating effects were produced in the case when these traditional values were challenged and violated.

Harm Hypervigilance in Public Reactions to Scientific Evidence

Two preregistered studies from two different platforms with representative U.S. adult samples (N = 1,865) tested the harm-hypervigilance hypothesis in risk assessments of controversial behavioral science. As expected, across six sets of scientific findings, people consistently overestimated others’ harmful reactions (medium to large average effect sizes) and underestimated helpful ones, even when incentivized for accuracy. Additional analyses found that (a) harm overestimations were associated with support for censoring science, (b) people who were more offended by scientific findings reported greater difficulty understanding them, and (c) evidence was moderately consistent for an association between more conservative ideology and harm overestimations. These findings are particularly relevant because journals have begun evaluating potential downstream harms of scientific findings. We discuss implications of our work and invite scholars to develop rigorous tests of (a) the social pressures that lead science astray and (b) the actual costs and benefits of publishing or not publishing potentially controversial conclusions.

POLITICAL CULTURE AND SOCIETY'S POLITICAL ORIENTATION IN THE DIGITAL AGE


 This study aims to analyze the relationship between political culture and people's political orientation in the digital era. The digital era has had a significant influence on the way people obtain information and engage in political activities. In this context, political culture is important because it can affect the political orientation of society. This study uses a qualitative approach with qualitative descriptive analysis techniques. The results of the study show that political culture which consists of political values, political participation, and political mindset influences people's political orientation in the digital era. Societies that have a participatory political culture and democratic values tend to have a more active and critical political orientation in the digital era. Meanwhile, people who have an authoritarian political culture and traditional values tend to have a more passive and conservative political orientation in the digital era. This research contributes to the understanding of the relationship between political culture and people's political orientation in the digital era and provides implications for the development of strategies for political participation and management of social media in the future.

William Luther Pierce’s The Turner Diaries on Neo-Nazi Violence Language Usage in Social Media Propaganda “Unite The Right” Rally

The US has a long history of revolution where the ideological and cultural systems are deep rooted in the people. Apart from its democratic system, the country is also full of conservative ideology of racism, where one of them is Neo Nazi. This article employs in-depth method using Structural-Functional Approach to describing how neo-Nazi compiling their power as a group, Critical Discourse Analysis to analyze how William Luther Pierce’s The Turner Diaries can make impact of the movement, and Neo-Nazi as a white supremacy ideology based on post-nationalism concept showed that the similar norms and perspective in different countries can lead to unity and integration as well as omit borders from Germany to the United States. Moreover, factors of language and government system can also intensify of the method result. From the confederation and The Turner Diaries, the ideas of white supremacy were disseminated and manifested through the parade and Jason Kessler’s propaganda in social media towards the campaign of anti-Jewish, Asian, and black people. All the factors matter for the neo-Nazi movement to run the rally and the fuel for defending their identity.

Cosmic Dancers, Cosmetic Shells: Exploring the Queer Potential of London’s Blitz in the Early Thatcher Era

This paper concentrates on the ways in which masculinity and male (homo)sexuality were challenged, depicted, and expressed within the New Romantic subculture of Margaret Thatcher’s first term (1979-1983). Centring on the subculture’s nucleus, the Blitz nightclub in London’s Covent Garden, which served as a safe space in which its clientele could explore their identities away from the prevailing Conservative ideology of the time, I examine the work of prominent figures who prompted reflections on attitudes towards mainstream gay visibility and the shift in representations of queerness within popular culture in Thatcher’s Britain. Considering the legacy of punk’s contradictory attitudes towards non-heterosexual identities and its ‘do-it-yourself’ ethos with questions of class, this paper questions the intersections of and tensions between identity and consumption under Thatcher. Tracking the rise of the young, arts-oriented demographic of the Blitz and those who facilitated the subculture’s move from outside, to inside of the mainstream popular music scene, namely Steve Strange of Visage and Boy George, I offer a queer reading of their output that illustrates the subversive subculture’s ability to bring non-heterosexual masculinities into mainstream popular music in early 1980s Britain, concurrently demonstrating that assessments of the subculture as being only aesthetically-oriented are too reductive.

Теория моральных оснований: современный взгляд на психологические факторы политических убеждений

<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Objective. </strong>The research is aimed at analyzing of the main achievements of Moral Foundations Theory in the study of problems of political psychology, as well as at reviewing its criticism and limitations.<br><strong>Background. </strong>In recent years, the problem of the psychological origins of political orientations and views has attracted considerable attention of researchers, due to the practical significance of predicting election results and preventing the manipulation of voters' opinions in democratic countries. One of the most popular and productive modern approaches explaining the psychological factors of political orientations is Moral Foundations Theory. The article discusses the key ideas of this theory in the studies of problems of political psychology, describes the methods developed and the results achieved. Special attention is paid to criticism of Moral Foundations Theory and empirical studies demonstrating its weaknesses and limitations.<br><strong>Conclusions. </strong>The studies show that conservative or liberal political orientations, and right or left views are associated with moral foundations, but these facts are found predominantly in Western countries. This conclusion is well supported by the results of Moral Foundations Questionnaire, however, the assessment of moral foundations using content analysis shows significantly lower correlations. Moral foundations also play an important role for intergroup relations, demonstrating associations with tolerance towards various groups and support for a hard or peaceful foreign policy. The prospects for further research within this approach include the improvement of instruments, the expansion of research in different cultures and a more careful consideration of the context in which the consequences of moral foundations are investigated.</p>

A Corpus-Based Contrastive Research on the Reports on Beijing Winter Olympics in Chinese and American Media

The COVID-19 epidemic, the biggest “black swan” event of recent years, has a profound impact on international relations and accelerates the evolution of the international relations pattern. The strategic interaction between China and the United States has taken on new characteristics, with a proliferation of Cold War thinking and conservative ideology in the United States and a rise in hostility towards China, as evidenced by the China-related reports in the New York Times, a mainstream media in the United States. The Olympic Games, as a worldwide sporting event, is covered in detail by the media of various countries. Due to the influence of political stance, ideology and cultural differences, the expression of emotions and value evaluation of the coverage of the Olympic Games vary among the media of different countries. Based on a self-built corpus, this paper compares and analyses the coverage of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics by the New York Times and the People’s Daily, the mainstream media in China and the US, from four parts of the corpus, including subject words, index lines, collocative words and collocative phrases, in conjunction with critical discourse analysis theory. The aim is to compare the different reporting strategies of the mainstream media in China and the United States when the Winter Olympic Games were held in Beijing, analyze the reasons for the differences in the coverage of the Olympic Games, and understand the perspective of American media workers, their communication skills that different from China, thereby achieving mutual communication between the Chinese and American media, eliminating misunderstandings and jointly creating a favorable international dissemination environment. This will ultimately contribute to building a new type of international relations with win-win cooperation and establishing an international image conducive to China’s development.

Under God and Under Threat: Christian Nationalism and Conspiratorial Thinking as Links between Political Orientation and Gun Ownership

Conservative political orientation is a strong predictor of gun ownership in the United States. We explore the extent to which this relationship is mediated by two related belief systems: Christian nationalism and Right-Wing conspiratorial thinking. Drawing on nationally representative data from the sixth wave of the Baylor Religion Survey (N = 1,248), we use logistic regression and the Karlson-Holm-Breen method to analyze gun ownership, disaggregated by type of gun and reason for ownership. Christian nationalism and conspiratorial thinking underlie political effects on automatic and semi-automatic guns, handguns, and guns owned for protection, especially among non-Hispanic white respondents. Christian nationalism and conspiratorial thinking are less salient to driving political differences in long gun or recreational gun ownership. Findings elucidate the belief-based mechanisms underlying the societally important link between conservative politics and gun ownership, demonstrating how beliefs pattern who owns guns (and why) in the United States.

Descriptive Representation under Group Conflict Scenarios

Jane Mansbridge (1999) challenges critics of descriptive representation, writing that it leads to improvements in substantive representation. Theorists, however, continue to debate the degree to which groups can be represented by single individuals in government as gains in descriptive representation fail to be transformative. The effects of descriptive representation are more complex than they are often presented as new descriptive representatives do not always win acceptance. Even as there are substantive policy gains through descriptive representation, there are also setbacks for groups through the mobilization of opposition groups. There is also pressure on descriptive representatives to moderate their positions and be less vocal. Given the dominant position of privileged groups and their conservative ideologies that defend inequality, substantive gains from descriptive representation are less than implied by descriptive representation advocates.

COVID-19 vaccination: Conspiracy theories, demography, ideology, and personality disorders.

To understand the role of personal experience, religious and political beliefs as well as conspiracy theory beliefs on the acceptance of COVID-19 vaccination. Just under 400 adults completed online questionnaires assessing to what extent they endorsed conspiracy theories (CTs) and an evidenced measure of personality disorders (PDs). One month later, they were asked about having the COVID-19 vaccine. We examined the relationship between demographic (age, sex, education), ideology (political and religious beliefs), general beliefs in CTs, PDs and attitudes toward vaccination. We found, as anticipated, conservative political orientation, religiosity, Cluster A PDs, and conspiracy thinking correlated negatively with vaccine acceptance. Analysis of variance (ANOVA) showed that the group of vaccine accepting individuals differed from the group of individuals either hesitant or resistant to the vaccine with respect to education, personal ideology, general conspiracy theory adherence, and cluster A PDs. Multinomial logistic regression indicates that religiosity, conspiracy thinking, and lower levels of education predict vaccine hesitancy or rejection. Implications for "rolling out" the vaccine are discussed in terms of who to target and how to address misbeliefs about vaccination. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

¿Qué determina la elección público-privada en la sanidad española?

Introduction and objectivesThe aim of the study was to analyze, which individual characteristics (sociodemographic, attitudinal and political factors) mediates in the choice in Spain in 2022, of a private versus public health care alternative for family doctor, doctor specialist, hospital admissions and emergencies. MethodsUsing the health barometers of the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS), we carried out four logistic regressions (then, average marginal effects [AMEs]) whose dependent variables are the preference for a private choice of family doctor versus a public one, the preference for a private choice of doctor specialist versus a public one; the preference for a private choice of hospital admission versus a public one and the preference for a private choice of emergency admission versus a public one. The dependent variables are binary (1=private; 0=public). The sample consisted of more than 4,500 individuals older than 18years old distributed representatively throughout Spain. ResultsThe probability of choosing private rather than public is correlated with the age of the individual: those over 50years are less likely to opt for a private alternative (P<.01), as well as by ideology and satisfaction with the way that the national health system (NHS) works. Patients with a conservative ideology are more likely to choose private options (P<.01) and individuals with greater satisfaction with the NHS are less likely to choose private ones (P<.01). ConclusionsSatisfaction with the NHS and patient ideology are the most relevant factors for private versus public choice.