Jeffrey Shantz, Active Anarchy: Political Practice in Contemporary Movements. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2011, 180pp. $us 60.00 hardcover (978-7391-6613-0). In Active Anarchy, Jeff Shantz details number of case studies that demonstrate the influence of on contemporary social movements. Although the case studies provide somewhat limited scope--they stem from the late 1990s and early 2000s and focus almost exclusively on activities in Toronto, Canada--Active Anarchy is useful contribution to number of recent sociology texts that underline the participatory and egalitarian principles that have made prominent influence on movements that aim for radical social transformations. To contrast with typical caricatures of as menacing and chaotic disorder, Shantz provides detailed analysis of anarchist practices. He illustrates the nuanced and principled commitment of anarchists in their efforts at organizing, publicizing, and putting their bodies on the line (p. 112). Grounding contemporary case studies in literature from the classical anarchist tradition, Shantz relates how anarchist movements are motivated by sentiments of mutuality, conviviality, affinity, and affection (p. 127) that aspire to build new communities and institutions. Unlike the fictitious anarchist menace often promoted by police and media, anarchist movements are better exemplified by their commitment to others through community building, an opposition to violence (state and non-state), and respect for life and freedom. Active Anarchy aims to detail what Shantz calls anarchy. He says that rather than take an approach that views as political or revolutionary movement that 'enters into' specific social struggles, I address those anarchists who emphasize the immanent anarchy in everyday practices of mutual aid and solidarity (p. 2). Shantz avoids discussions that are overly-theoretical or uncritical celebrations of by offering case studies that demonstrate how draws on previous traditions but can also innovate and experiment (p. 153). In focusing on practices of everyday anarchism, he positions his work against many of the recent ethnographies on in the global justice movement. Shantz argues that much of the focus of academic literature on is simply a jumping off point for discussions of political theory (p.3) or as a metaphor for anti-globalization politics more broadly (p. 24). While Active Anarchy pays tribute to many of the new manifestations of anarchism, Shantz is skeptical towards political expressions of that take the shape of lifestyle-politics. He is careful to acknowledge some positive elements of new movements, but his identification with struggle anarchism is prominent throughout the text; so much so that there are points in his narrative where his primary antagonists are not capitalists, or the church or the state: they are contemporary anarchist writers like David Graeber and Richard Day. These authors (and others) have detailed the influence of within the Global Justice Movement, relying on complex analysis of power and domination that places class within mix of oppressive structures and practices of contemporary capitalism. Shantz clearly disagrees with their lack of class struggle emphasis. Shantz cautions against the lifestyle-oriented politics of affinity, noting that some contemporary writers have ignored the renewal of explicitly class-struggle oriented forms of that have emerged recently as contemporary anarchists come up against limits in the politics of affinity (p. 42). To underline the class-struggle practices of everyday anarchism, Shantz explores number of anarchist-inspired projects; from long-term free schools and info shops, to short-term black blocs and street reclamations. Throughout seven case study chapters, he examines the limits and possibilities of affinity-based organizing and consensus decision-making processes, and provides ethnographic accounts of DIY politics, punk movements, book making, dumpster diving, and direct action tactics. …
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