Democratic Congress Research Articles

The change in aggregate budget behavior in the 1990s: a cointegration-error correction model analysis

Using data from 1955 to 2005, the estimates presented imply a long-run equilibrium relation between U.S. federal government revenues and expenditures, but one that is consistent with a continuous expansion in the deficit. There is evidence of a structural break that led to deficit reduction and surpluses from 1996 to 2001, which coincides with several noteworthy economic and political outcomes including the only time when a Democratic administration and Republican Congress were in power simultaneously. The results support the view of a long-run deficit bias in federal budget decision-making. Absent behavior similar to that of the late 1990s, a change in budget rules may be needed to avoid the large deficits forecasted under current law.

Regulators Seek to Redefine 'Working Life'

RISK ASSESSMENTLast week, two senior Democrats in Congress demanded that the Bush Administration kill a proposal to change how the Department of Labor conducts the risk assessments that underpin worker safety regulations.

The Untold Story of the 1964 Civil Rights Act: How the GOP Helped the Democrats Destroy the Solid South

Some forty years ago, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 initiated the national government's effort to redress racial injustice. This act remains one of the landmark pieces of modern social legislation. Historians and political scientists have long argued that congressional Democrats led by civil rights icon Hubert Humphrey and the wily President Lyndon Johnson hoodwinked the Republicans and their leader, Senator Everett Dirksen of Illinois, into supporting an act that was stronger than the Republicans had wanted. As one participant in the struggle argued, What a genius Hubert Humphrey was in letting Dirksen think he was writing the final draft of the bill. Dirksen was only switching 'ands' and 'buts.' Humphrey pulled the greatest charade of all time. Dirksen sold out cheap. Although this account has become the standard wisdom, a closer look reveals it to be misleading and incomplete. True, Republicans did help the Democrats pass their act. But at the same time, the Republicans efforts had a second effect, namely, helping the Democrats destroy the solid Democratic South, transforming it into a region supporting Republicans. This political transformation helped create our modern American politics, at once more polarized and more favorable to Republicans than in mid-twentieth century.

US Presidential Election 2008: Policy Implications for US—China Trade and Investment

AbstractThe next US president will be elected in November 2008. Since the relative stabilization of war in Iraq, the economy has become the national priority of the 2008 US election. In their campaign efforts, the Democrats have enjoyed greater momentum than the Republicans, in terms of polls, fund‐raising and corporate support. After the Bush era, the next president will seek to restore America's leadership and to engage in multilateralism. Since the 1990s, China has been the most rapidly‐growing US export destination. In terms of US—Chinese trade and investment, the next president, if a Democrat, will, among other issues, review trade agreements and has pledged to co‐sponsor legislation that would allow US companies to seek anti‐dumping duties on Chinese imports based on the perceived undervaluation of the Chinese currency. If a Republican, the next president will support global integration and oppose protectionist measures. The Democratic Congress is likely to oppose Republican policies in general and free trade policies in particular. Both scenarios imply increasing pressure on US—Chinese trade and investment relationships. Because these two nations now account for almost half of global growth, the state of the futureUS—Chinese bilateral relationship has worldwide implications.

“But he didn\'t know how to read it . . .”: The Editing of Harold Strachan\'s <i>Way Up, Way Out.</i>

Born in 1925, Harold ‘Jock\' Strachan is one of the most remarkable, albeit little known, figures, in recent South African history. Founder member of the Liberal Party, member of the Congress of Democrats, Umkhonto we Sizwe\'s first explosive\'s expert,1 artist and Comrades Marathon gold medallist, Strachan is best remembered for two typically courageous actions. During the 1960 Emergency, shortly after the shootings at Sharpeville, Strachan and his wife, Maggie von Lier, took a stand outside the Durban prison in front of 500 black protestors who had streamed out of Cato Manor demanding the release of their leaders, thereby effectively preventing the police from opening fire on the crowd.English in Africa Vol. 34 (2) 2007: pp. 51-66

As Health Care Spending Tops $2 Trillion, President Bush Proposes a Freeze for LTC

As Health Care Spending Tops $2 Trillion, President Bush Proposes a Freeze for LTC

The Importance of Critical Environmental Studies in the New Environmentalism

Over the past few years, environmental studies has been pushed to the sidelines of political discourse as environmental challenges have been overshadowed in world affairs by issues of terrorism, national security and global economic stability. However, a new Democratic Congress in the US and anticipation of a new US president, intensifying global concern about climate change and forward-looking environmental initiatives at the municipal and regional levels the world-over suggest that we may be entering a new era of environmental concern. How should environmental scholars position themselves in the emerging political landscape? This essay argues that, while critical environmental scholarship often occupies the margins of disciplinary space, it is more relevant now than ever before. The essay explains why and how critical environmental studies can adopt the mantle of genuinely effective scholarly engagement.

Leadership Choice and Party Performance: The Democratic Takeover of the 110th Congress—Editor's Introduction

Having been out of power in the House since 1994 and in the Senate for 10 of those 12 years as well, congressional Democrats' takeover of Congress in the 2006 midterm elections was an important moment in American political history. Having won the House and, somewhat more unexpectedly, the Senate by a bare majority, the Democrats recaptured control of an entire branch of the federal government for the first time since Bill Clinton left the White House. Controlling the levers of power in the House and the Senate—the legislative schedule, committees and subcommittees, and, to the extent that party bonds hold, the majority of votes in committee and on the floor—Democrats were poised to influence, but of course not unilaterally control, policymaking in the 110th Congress and the conduct of the last two years of the Bush administration through key congressional resources including funding and administrative oversight. I would like to thank all of the authors in the symposium for their willingness to participate and their excellent contributions. A special note of thanks also goes to Sean Kelly for his encouragement and advice on this project from first conception to final completion. Thanks also to Stephen Yoder and Rebecca Fowler at PS for their patience and guidance throughout.

Congressional Leadership on the Front Lines: Committee Chairs, Electoral Security, and Ideology

During the 2006 campaign, many on the political right expressed anxiety about the slate of Democratic representatives and senators poised to become committee chairs in the event of a Democratic victory. After the election, despite post-election promises of “unity” and “bipartisanship” among congressional Democrats, the question remained: How well would this progressive group of “old bulls” work with the new majority, the existence of which was due in part to the 61 Democrats representing House districts that President George W. Bush won in 2004? (Greenblatt 2007, 524) In this paper, we investigate the claim that Democratic committee leaders in the 110thCongress are out of step with their party caucus by comparing the ideological leadership profiles of chairs in the 110thCongress with those of their Republican predecessors in the 109th, as well as those of Democratic chairs from the “Textbook,” “Reform,” and early “Post-reform” eras. We show that Democratic chairs in the 110thCongress are primarily drawn from the most liberal ranks of the Democratic Caucus, particularly in the House. The authors wish to thank Sara Callow for her excellent and timely research assistance.

The Effect of Race and Ethnicity on Bill Sponsorship and Cosponsorship in Congress

This article examines Black and Latino legislators' use of bill sponsorship and cosponsorship in Congress. As we explain, sponsoring and cosponsoring legislation are unique in that they are among the few activities outside the roll call arena that have both position taking and policy implications. We hypothesize that given minority legislators' lack of influence in Congress, they sponsor and cosponsor fewer bills than do nonminorities. We find support for our expectation; on average, Black and Latino legislators sponsor and cosponsor significantly fewer bills in Congress than do Whites and non-Latinos, respectively. But we also find the relationship to be contingent on which party controls Congress. Whereas Democratic Congresses encourage minorities' bill sponsorship and cosponsorship, Republican Congresses depress it. Because the concepts of participation and representation in Congress are so intimately tied to one another, these findings have a number of implications for the study of descriptive and substantive representation.

What Remains to Be Done

I feel a little like Mary Lasker, who was asked late in her life if she had to start over again whether she would consider a career as a scientist. She replied, “Oh no! I couldn't cut up a frog! And I certainly couldn't perform surgery! Nobody would have me in their laboratory for five minutes

Paulson: Edit Out Credit

Before signing a research and science education bill last week ( Science , 10 August, p. [736][1]), President George W. Bush said he would continue to push for a priority that's not in it: making the corporate “research and development tax credit a permanent part of the tax code.” But next door, Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson appears to be less supportive of the idea. Last month, in a white paper, Paulson said that lower corporate taxes and a simpler system could obviate the need for the research credit. The current credit, he said, “creates complexity”: time-consuming paperwork and exhaustive audits. “[T]he administrative difficulties erode the positive incentives [for research] the provision provides,” the paper said. Has Paulson jumped ship? No, says IBM lobbyist Linda Evans. “The treasury secretary is looking long term,” she says, whereas the White House has more near-term thinking. (A treasury spokesperson did not return calls.) Paulson's ideas are unlikely to get much traction in the Democratic Congress, where a focus is on making the credits permanent; bills that would do that have more than 100 cosponsors between the Senate and House versions, but they've gotten no hearings. [1]: /lookup/doi/10.1126/science.317.5839.736

Political Temperature Rising: Media Literacy, Public Opinion, and Global Warming

Rising temperatures and speculation regarding their effects have made global warming a subject of copious and increasing media discourse during recent years. The amount of debate and discourse has increased markedly in the past year, with reports of rapidly rising temperatures and serious attempts at legislating greenhouse-gas limitations by a Democratic Congress. Few scientific issues exceed this one in terms of political and economic gravitas . At stake is not only the future of the Earth as a habitable environment, but the ways in which more than six billion people use energy. This study of media representation samples the rising volume and intensity of commentary on the issue. The quantity of attention is not in dispute – but what about the quality of this tide of reporting and commentary? To an informed observer, the discourse often displays the tone of a political campaign, a horse race, or a religious revival more than a scientific debate. This study is a fragment of a much larger set of debates and discourses taking place within the United States, and globally. Scientists (an important example being Goddard Institute for Space Sciences director James E. Hansen) have become more sensitive to the disconnection between what they know, and what the media are telling the public. Thus, as opinion leaders they need to creatively “frame” messages that resonate with news organizations. Al Gore has been able to use some capital from his long-term credibility as a spokesman on this issue, his post-2000 role as a counterpoint to the George W. Bush presidency (including its positions vis a vis global warming), his Hollywood connections, and his ability not take himself too seriously while being very serious about the issue. He's what Epstein called a “commissioned story” news source (Epstein, 1974, p. 187). By definition, when Gore speaks on this issue, he is usually newsworthy. Other scientist sources have been required to prove themselves with media to reach media agendas. This involves agenda-setting issues and news media construction of social reality. Ironically, the White House has given Hansen a tremendous boost as a newsworthy subject by introducing an element of conflict in its attempts to censor him.

Democratic Congress Begins to Put Its Stamp on Science

Democratic Congress Begins to Put Its Stamp on Science

Democratic Congress Begins to Put Its Stamp on Science

U.S. BUDGET Six months into their rule on Capitol Hill, the Democrats have attempted to overturn the ban on federal funding for work on new embryonic stem lines, accused the Bush Administration of politicizing science advice, and proposed to increase and reshape funding for climate change research ( [see sidebar][1]). [1]: http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/short/316/5833/1828b

Notes from the Editors, May 2007

» Notes from the EditorsRecent attempts, however tentative, by Congressional Democrats to establish a timetable for the withdrawal of U.S. combat forces from Iraq should be looked upon as a victory for the antiwar movement. Not only is the Democratic Party clearly aware that its current congressional majority was the result of popular dissatisfaction with the war, but nationwide antiwar rallies have recently driven the point home. Under these circumstances, the Democrats had no choice but to challenge administration policy on the war. However, it would be a grave mistake to conclude from this that the political establishment in the United States is severely split on the question of imperialism, or that the Democratic Party is shifting towards a general anti-imperialist stance. Recent attempts, however tentative, by Congressional Democrats to establish a timetable for the withdrawal of U.S. combat forces from Iraq should be looked upon as a victory for the antiwar movement. Not only is the Democratic Party clearly aware that its current congressional majority was the result of popular dissatisfaction with the war, but nationwide antiwar rallies have recently driven the point home. Under these circumstances, the Democrats had no choice but to challenge administration policy on the war. However, it would be a grave mistake to conclude from this that the political establishment in the United States is severely split on the question of imperialism, or that the Democratic Party is shifting towards a general anti-imperialist stanceThis article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

George W. Bush's Federal Aid Legacy

Most presidents since 1933 upon taking office have unveiled plans that subsequently defined or redefined the fiscal between the national government and state and local governments. The New Deal that was fashioned by FDR and the Democratic majority in Congress resulted in an explosion of new federal grant-in-aid programs, and by the end of the Great Depression, billions of dollars were being transferred from the national government to the states and their local governments on an annual basis. However, it must be understood that Franklin Roosevelt and his fellow Democrats in Congress probably did not intend to reshape intergovernmental fiscal relations as much as they sought to provide relief to the economic misery that enveloped the country during this period, and they concluded that the national government was the only government that was up to this Herculean challenge. Unlike Roosevelt, Dwight Eisenhower did come into office with a federalism vision and a determination to methodically sort out functional and fiscal responsibilities in our federal system. To assist in this endeavor, Eisenhower called for the establishment of the Commission on Intergovernmental Relations (better known as the Kestnbaum Commission) in 1953. Later, Eisenhower was able to capitalize on the visibility and political attention created by the Commission's report to persuade Congress to establish the former U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental as a means to direct concerted attention to interlevel relationships (Benton 2006). However, perhaps the greatest attention given to federalism issues, occurred during the Nixon and Reagan administrations. Upon assuming the presidency in 1969, Richard Nixon unveiled what he called his New Federalism, in which he promised to return responsibility for the implementation of many federally funded programs to the states and their local governments via a series of block grants with few strings attached, while also providing them with a new and almost unrestricted type of federal funding-revenue sharing. And, in spite of the fact that Democrats controlled Congress during Nixon's presidency, the Congress agreed with most of his proposals (Conlan 1988). Ronald Reagan, seeking ways to balance

Itching for a Space Fight

The battle between the White House and congressional Democrats over NASA's budget dominated two hearings last week. Senator Barbara Mikulski (D-MD), who chairs NASA's funding panel, told NASA Administrator Michael Griffin that “there is simply too much pressure on NASA's budget.” Her proposed solution—adding $1 billion to the agency's $17.3 billion 2008 request—would reprise a bipartisan effort that failed last year.

Wither labor? reassessing organized labor's political power

Popular accounts of the labor movement suggest that unions have become weak organizations. There are, however, trends that indicate laborʼs political power has not waned in recent years. Using data from multiple sources, the results in this study indicate: (1) despite declines in union density, the percentage of union households has remained steady for two decades; (2) unions continue to produce a strong Democratic vote from its membership, even from its white male members; (3) unions are among the top campaign contributors and spenders in American elections; (4) unions hold significant influence among congressional Democrats and have made gains at the state and local level; and (5) public opinion of labor unions has remained consistently positive for several decades.

Social Security Politics: Ideology and Reform

The purpose of this study was to examine the distribution of dominant values, actors, and ideological advocacy coalitions influencing the Social Security debate across two presidential administrations. Through content and cluster analyses, we analyzed federal legislative hearing testimonies on Social Security reform spanning 11 years. Witnesses consistently expressed six dominant values: (a) advancing the market, (b) self-interest, (c) generational equity, (d) belief in market activity, (e) recommendations for market solutions, and (f) favoring the replacement of Social Security with private accounts. We identified three advocacy coalitions: conservative, progressive, and nonaligned. Conservatives dominated the hearings and were more consistent in their expression of market values when compared to progressives, who expressed social contract values less frequently. Congressional Democrats were inconsistent in upholding Social Security's social contract values. The distribution of testimonies paralleled historical, political, and economic events. Our research indicates that one can interpret social policies as well as policy options as sets of values, and these as ideological models. We anticipate that the coherence on one political ideological view (market) and the relative lack of consistency in another (social contract) will be highly consequential for the future of Social Security, U.S. politics, and the public.