Conflict Resolution Practitioners Research Articles

Empowering women for creative solutions in interpersonal conflict at work

Purpose Creativity plays a crucial role in interpersonal conflict within organizations, yet little research has explored its antecedents in this context. This study aims to investigate power and gender as the main determinants of creativity in interpersonal conflict within organizational contexts. Design/methodology/approach Two studies were conducted. The first study involved 226 employees from various organizations (Mage = 39.39, SD = 10.39), whereas the second study used a conflict simulation with 160 participants (Mage = 36.90, SD = 10.45) forming dyads. Both studies investigated the impact of relative power (i.e. having more power than the other person) on creativity in conflict, with a focus on the moderating role of gender. Study 2 also manipulated contextual creativity, which served as an additional moderator in this relationship. Findings Results largely supported our hypotheses, indicating a positive relationship between relative power and creativity in conflict. Importantly, this relationship was stronger among women. Study 2 further focused on the distinct dimensions of creativity, highlighting differences between idea originality and effectiveness. Practical implications The findings hold practical significance for organizational leaders and conflict resolution practitioners, and they further underscore the importance of considering gender dynamics in conflict resolution processes within organizations. Originality/value This research contributes novel insights into the understanding of creativity within organizational conflicts, emphasizing the interplay between relative power, gender and creativity. Additionally, the exploration of different dimensions of creativity (i.e. originality and effectiveness) adds depth to existing literature in this area.

Are consociations bad for women? Assessing the effectiveness of gender quotas in Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia

ABSTRACT To overcome ethno-national segregation, conflict resolution practitioners have promoted consociational power-sharing. After power-sharing arrangements were instituted, to address women’s under-representation in parliaments legislated gender quotas were also introduced. Gender quotas have been adopted in many post-conflict settings, but their effects remain understudied. In this article, by combining consociationalism and gender quotas theory, and applying a feminist institutionalist analytical approach, we examine the disparate effectiveness of gender quotas in two consociations: Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia. We pair the two countries to evaluate why gender quotas have produced different outcomes and demonstrate that formal and informal institutions matter for quota effectiveness.

The Impact of Technology on Conflict Resolution in Syria

Purpose: The study sought to analyze the impact of technology on conflict resolution in Syria
 Methodology: The study adopted a desktop methodology. Desk research refers to secondary data or that which can be collected without fieldwork. Desk research is basically involved in collecting data from existing resources hence it is often considered a low cost technique as compared to field research, as the main cost is involved in executive’s time, telephone charges and directories. Thus, the study relied on already published studies, reports and statistics. This secondary data was easily accessed through the online journals and library.
 Findings: he results show that technology has had a profound impact on the way conflicts are managed, negotiated and ultimately resolved. Technology has enabled conflict resolution practitioners to access a wide range of resources and data, as well as to develop new strategies, tactics and tools to help them resolve conflicts more effectively. Technology has had a significant impact on the effort to bring about a resolution to the Syrian conflict. It has enabled the UN and other organizations to monitor the delivery of aid and to ensure that it is reaching those who need it most. Ultimately, technology has enabled the international community to engage more effectively with the conflict and to provide the necessary support and assistance to those affected by it.
 Unique Contribution to Theory, Practices and Policies: The communication theory and the resource mobilization theory may be used to anchor future studies in the conflict management sector. The study results will also benefit other stakeholders such as the policy makers as well as researchers and scholars from different parts of the world. The top management of conflict management sector in the country will also use the study findings to improve technology performance in all their activities and programs. The study recommends that the adoption of effective conflict management policies in the technology sector will help to improve efficiency in their major operations and activities.

Conflict resolution in activist networks: Reflections on prework, power, and engaging with change in Appalachia

AbstractThis paper explores key lessons learned during the design and facilitation phases of a conflict resolution workshop with environmental activists in rural Appalachia. As these practice notes and analysis highlight, conflict resolution (CR) practitioners can support activists by engaging in robust preparation work in order to better understand how activists work together, how that work evolves over time, their frames for making sense of conflicts and new possibilities for collaboration. This work raises timely questions about the role of outside facilitator partiality in CR processes, especially when differences of power and marginalization within activist networks reveal fault lines that disrupt collaboration and trust.

Gender Mainstreaming in Peacebuilding and Localised Human Security in the Context of the Darfur Genocide: An Africentric Rhetorical Analysis

Summary A wide body of scholarship has been developed on the Darfur crisis in Western Sudan which started in February 2003.1 Such scholarship includes various academic works by scholars such as Apiah-Mensah (2005, 2006), Deng (2007), Howell (1974), Mohamed (2007), Rankhumise (2006). Among other issues identified by these scholars and conflict resolution practitioners, was the need to establish a nexus between human security and development as a key in conceiving an understanding of human peace and security. The conflict in Darfur and its impact on human security and development also caught the attention of regional and international organisations, including the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN). It is on this basis that this article seeks to employ an Africentric perspective (also read as Afrocentricity) for the purpose of analysing the place of women during the Darfur peacebuilding process with a focus on the underlying factors that led to the marginalisation of women. Methodologically, this article is heavily dependent on conversations and interdisciplinary critical discourse analysis in its broadest form. Contrary to the official narrative, this article contests the notion that in the post-genocide era in Darfur authentic women voices have found expression in peace-building. The argument established in this article is that existing domestic and inter-national legal instruments have given a false sense in terms of women inclusion in the post-genocide political life of Darfur.

Ecological dimension of conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh

This article examines the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh not only from the point of the usual historical, ethnic and religious context, but also from the point of the environmental and resource dimensions, which are often ignored by researchers and practitioners of conflict resolution. The so called Six Weeks War significantly changed the current state of the conflict, and through focus group interviews and scientific analysis, the authors try to assess the impact of the environmental aspect on this conflict and substantiate its importance. The authors also hypothesize that the importance of environmental and resource factors is ignored by researchers and local residents, although these factors could become one of the foundations for building relationships, building trust and long-term conflict resolution.

How to Handle Armed Conflict Data in a Real-World Scenario?

Conflict resolution practitioners consistently struggle with access to structured armed conflict data, a dataset already rife with uncertainty, inconsistency, and politicization. Due to the lack of a standardized approach to collating conflict data, publicly available armed conflict datasets often require manipulation depending upon the needs of end users. Transformation of armed conflict data tends to be a manual, time-consuming task that nonprofits with limited budgets struggle to keep up with. In this paper, we explore the use of a deep natural language processing (NLP) model to aid the transformation of armed conflict data for conflict analysis. Our model drastically reduces the time spent on manual data transformations and improves armed conflict event classification by identifying multiple incidence types. This minimizes the human supervision cost and allows nonprofits to access a broader range of conflict data sources to reduce reporting bias. Thus, our model contributes to the incorporation of technology in the peace building and conflict resolution sector.

Illuminating interviews: Insights into the hearts and minds of conflict resolution practitioners

This article shares insights gleaned from interviews with nine experienced, successful conflict resolution practitioners engaged in a variety of interventions from a variety of organizations. The interviews were conducted first with graduate students participating in a class on “Reflective Practice.” Subsequently, the authors conducted a second round of interviews to appeal to a wider audience. Questions and topics addressed by the respondents included childhood disposition for this kind of work, critical milestones along the way, helpful characteristics/attributes, satisfaction they derive from their work, greatest challenges, lessons learned, and examples of “reflecting‐in‐action” utilization.

Building peace through systemic compassion

More than an individual emotion experienced by conflict resolution practitioners, compassion constitutes a primary norm of the field of peacebuilding. Three domains of peacebuilding practice are showcased: first, the human rights agenda of the United Nations, second, the practices of everyday peace, and third, the strategies among professionals of interactive conflict resolution. Motivated by the compassion‐related programs in these domains, we propose that peacebuilders develop strategies that are intended to foster compassion among the conflict parties. The notion of systemic compassion is introduced and illustrated with examples within current practice.

Public Diplomacy and International Conflict Resolution: A Cautionary Case from Cold War South America

AbstractCan public diplomacy help resolve protracted international conflicts? Both rationalist and constructivist traditions identify significant domestic obstacles to international peacemaking. However, Robert Putnam's concept of “reverberation” implies that diplomats can expand their adversaries’ win-sets for cooperation by engaging foreign publics. This paper analyzes a most-likely case, with archival evidence: Argentine Ambassador Oscar Camilión's unsuccessful quest for Argentine-Brazilian rapprochement in 1976–77. Although the two countries later overcame rivalry, public diplomacy contributed negligibly to this success: internal Argentine divisions created mixed messages toward Brazil, Brazilian leaders launched a competing public relations operation, and these two currents obstructed and nearly terminated Camilión's mission. This case illuminates the paradoxes of Argentine foreign policymaking under military rule and offers a cautionary tale for scholars and practitioners of public diplomacy and conflict resolution.

Reaching for ripeness: promoting negotiation through unilateral conciliatory action

PurposeWhile the process of negotiation has been studied extensively, little research has been done on the factors that lead parties to the negotiation table. In light of this, the purpose of this paper is to examine effects of unilateral conciliatory initiatives (UCIs) (actions) on the willingness and preparedness of parties to negotiate.Design/methodology/approachThe study used a separate-sample posttest, 2 × 3 factorial design. Subjects were placed into simulated intractable resource- and identity-based conflicts. Groups then received UCIs (in the form of economic aid and apology) intended to benefit the other and contribute to a high commitment to de-escalation (ripeness). Ripeness was measured by increased empathy; and decreased distrust, escalatory behaviors (operationalized as aggression and autistic hostility), anger, win-lose/competitive orientation and negative attributions.FindingsUCIs were shown to impact both the state and the process of ripeness. Apology facilitated ripeness in an identity conflict and positively impacted five of the six resistance areas in a resource conflict. Economic aid likewise affected ripeness in an identity conflict but did not impact a resource conflict better than an apology. The offer of an apology affected empathy in both conflict types but economic aid did not do so in a resource conflict. It was also observed that an identity-based conflict produced less trust and increased negative attributions than did a resource conflict.Originality/valueThis suggests that identity and resource conflicts activate some resistance areas differently. It also reveals that similar interventions may be effective in both conflicts but that each UCI affects particular resistance areas differently. The findings suggest that there should be an increased emphasis on apology by conflict resolution practitioners. The practical and theoretical implications of apologies and resource sharing in de-escalation are discussed, to facilitate their appropriate use in resolution strategies that reduce tensions within conflict.

Engaging with the Violent Past to Motivate and Direct Conflict Resolution Practice in Northern Ireland

Collective memories can form a barrier to conflict resolution in societies affected by violent conflict. Although engaging with conflict history is an important aspect of conflict resolution practice, it is not fully understood how to achieve this in these complex and emotive environments. This article presents the case of local grassroots conflict resolution practitioners in Northern Ireland who have developed an alternative narrative about the violent past that they draw on to motivate and direct their practice. It provides insights into how conflict resolution practitioners in intractable conflicts can engage with the violent past in ways that support increased understanding between identity groups.

Negotiating Security: Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement and Kenya’s Political Accord

This article examines the negotiation of security in landmark peace agreements brokered in Sudan (2002−2005) and Kenya (2008). It reviews the dominant literature on peace agreements, arguing that preoccupation with agreements' durability has led to the neglect of questions about whether and under what conditions agreements work to improve human security. The article calls for a different approach to analysis of peace agreements' quality that addresses how transformative they are of security conditions for ordinary people. Applying this lens to the Sudanese and Kenyan accords, it outlines the agreements' commitments to improved human security and the range of factors that shaped and undermined prospects for the realization of those commitments in practice, even prior to implementation. It concludes with lessons for international conflict resolution practitioners.

A logic-based model for resolving conflicts

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the extent to which formal logic can be applied to conflict analysis and resolution. It is motivated by the idea that conflicts can be understood as inconsistent sets of interests. Design/methodology/approach – A simple propositional model, based on propositional logic, which can be used to analyze conflicts, has been introduced and four algorithms have been presented to generate possible solutions to a conflict. The model is illustrated by applying it to the conflict between the Obama administration and the Syrian Government in September 2013 over the destruction of Syria’s chemical weapons programme. Findings – The author shows how different solutions, such as compromises, minimally invasive solutions or solutions compatible with certain pre-defined norms, can be generated by the model. It is shown how the model can operate in situations where the game-theoretic model fails due to a lack of information about the parties’ utility values. Research limitations/implications – The model can be used as a theoretical framework for future experimental research and/or to trace the course of particular conflict scenarios. Practical implications – The model can be used as the basis for building software applications for conflict resolution practitioners, such as negotiators or mediators. Originality/value – While the idea of using logic to analyse the structure of conflicts and generate possible solutions is not new to the field of conflict studies, the model presented in this paper provides a novel way of understanding conflicts for both researchers and practitioners.

Regional mediation strategy: The case of Zimbabwe

ABSTRACTThe growth and survival of the field of conflict resolution can only be attained if practice is used to generate theory, rather than a reliance on the current situation where theory attempts to direct practice. Some conflict resolution practitioners believe that theory and practice cannot be separated. This article evaluates the art of mediation using Zimbabwe as a case study, where the strategy was used in an attempt to resolve the Zimbabwean conflict that began in 1999. Employing primary and secondary sources, the article delineates the major characteristics of mediation and clarifies principles of the strategy. It further establishes the affinity and dissonance between practice and theory. In addition, it asserts that in the Zimbabwean case, the achievements of insider-partial mediation as a strategy were limited. In the long term the mediation strategy failed because the Government of National Unity did not fulfil all the outstanding issues enunciated by the global political agreement as a precursor to free and fair, credible and legitimate elections. In opposition to the mediation targets towards sustainable peace, Zimbabwe witnessed rushed elections before the accomplishment of the issues at stake, leading to the overall failure of the insider-partial mediation.

The Future of Public Participation: Better Design, Better Laws, Better Systems

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, conflict resolution practitioners faced a dilemma: they understood how to design better ADR processes but were often unsure of their authority to offer ADR and were entrenched in systems that made it difficult to use ADR. Today, public participation faces a similar dilemma. We know what good participation looks like, but using better participation is challenging because of legal and systemic impediments. This need not be the case. In this article, we assert that tapping the full potential of public participation requires better designs, better laws, and better systems.

Christianity and Militancy in Eastern Indonesia: Revisiting the Maluku Violence

IntroductionThis article discusses the destructive contributions of religious identities, discourses, doctrines, teachings, symbols, actors, organizations, and networks, especially within Christianity, in the intensification of communal violence in the Moluccas, particularly in the city of Ambon and the province of Maluku more generally. I have analyzed elsewhere (Sumanto 2015) the damaging roles of Islam and Moluccan Muslim jihadists in the exacerbation of collective violence, so I will not repeat it here. What is striking in the literature on the Maluku conflict is that some scholars tend to emphasize, if not overemphasize, the central role of the Laskar Jihad, a Java-based Islamist paramilitary group, in intensifying the violence, while neglecting the contribution of Ambonese or Moluccan jihadist groups, and to a greater degree Ambonese/Moluccan Christian ones. Some scholars (e.g. Sidel 2006) even tend to portray Christians as victims and Muslims as perpetrators of the havoc. This article will thus complement the existing otherwise fine literature on the Maluku conflict.It is imperative, however, to note that even though this article focuses on the roles of Christians and Christianity in the fighting, this does not mean that all Christian communities in Maluku were engaged in the battlefield and in the opposition against Muslim groups. As I wrote elsewhere (Sumanto 2013; 2014), there were a number of ChristianMuslim peace groups such as the Peace Provocateurs, the Concerned Women Movement, the Young Ambassadors for Peace, the Baku Bae Movement, the Team 20 Wayame, the Titian Peace Institute, the Maluku Interfaith Center, to name but a few. While some groups were no longer active after the end of the collective conflict, others are still working on peace-related activities, establishing intergroup trust, rebuilding communal ties, healing traumatized war victims, and so forth. There are also numerous individuals- religious leaders, academics, activists, journalists, village chiefs, conflict resolution practitioners, and the like-who have been working tirelessly for peaceful coexistence and interreligious conciliation since the beginning of the violence in 1999.As for the role of the church, particularly the Moluccan Protestant Church, the region's largest Christian congregation, this also varies from place to place and from era to era, depending on who ran the Protestant Synod and Catholic Diocese, and on local pastors, church officials, and local Christian communities. Whereas in some areas of the hot spots (such as Rumahtiga, Poka, Paso, and some places in Ambon city such as Kudamati and Mardika), the Church directly led the violence, it was in the opposing camp in other places. While some Christian elites forced the Synod to back and provide financial and institutional resources for warfare and Christian militias groups, others (such as the former chairman of GPM Synod, Rev. I. J. W. Hendriks and his successor Rev. Dr. John Ruhulessin) defended the Church and Christianity as a source of peace and reconciliation. Similarly while some pastors and church elites established a group of Christian warriors (see below), others created a group of peacemakers.In addition, although this article focuses on the role of religion, nevertheless I do not argue that religion in itself is the sole source of violence. Certainly religion does not cause communal violence. Just as guns do not kill people, religion does not slaughter human beings. However, religion provides teachings, doctrines, rituals, symbols, metaphors, and discourses that can be easily used, misused, or manipulated by those (such as actors of violence, agents or managers of conflict, and interest groups) with material or immaterial interests. This is precisely what happened in Maluku where radical Christians (and militant Muslims)-both elites and lay people-utilized, translated, and transformed religious symbols, doctrines, and discourses into Moluccan social settings, not only to awaken a spirit of fighting or justify their violent acts, but also to protect and safeguard their lives. …

Amnesty: a ‘conversation’ within the medium of culture. A dialogue approach to the strategy of amnesty in protracted social conflict situations

In contemporary conflict resolution there are various strategies in place to assist the liberal peace-building project. This article investigates the controversial strategy of amnesty within protracted social conflict situations. It challenges the juridical approach towards the strategy by exploring amnesty as a ‘dialogue’ or ‘conversation’ within the medium of cultures. The author will utilise Feller and Ryan's eight multidisciplinary characteristics of ‘dialogue’ to explore amnesty as a conversation among its participants and wider society. This is supplemented by a case study examining the amnesty process under the Amnesty Act 2000 in the East-Central African nation of Uganda. It concludes with theoretical and policy implications for both scholars and practitioners of conflict resolution.

Debriefing in peacemaking and conflict resolution practice: models of emergent learning and practitioner support

This paper examines four models of debriefing practices applied by the team of authors in settings working with conflict resolution and peacemaking practitioners. It examines the effectiveness of these methods in particular, and of the practice of debriefing as a reflective tool in the context of peacemaking practice. All research was conducted as part of an Applied Practice and Theory team, under the supervision of Dr. Susan Allen, at George Mason University's School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution.

Needs before Tools: Using Technology in Environmental Conflict Resolution

Environmental conflict resolution practitioners have become increasingly interested in using information technology to work collaboratively across sectors. Discussions to date, however, have focused on specific tools rather than the underlying objectives that software can accomplish. Technology, like any other technique in a practitioner's repertoire, is a solution to a specific challenge identified through reflection‐in‐action. Explicitly defining the needs one wishes software to meet prevents using technology for technology's sake, provides criteria to choose between similar products or evaluate a tool's success, and helps identify needs for which suitable tools do not currently exist.