Conflict In Northern Uganda Research Articles

Protecting and Meeting Rights of Children during Conflict? Reflections on the Activities of Three Indigenous Social Work Agencies in Northern Uganda

The complex humanitarian emergency in northern Uganda was occasioned by the two decades of conflict. As a result, several development organisations (local and international) responded to the support needs of children and communities affected by the armed conflict in northern Uganda. Some interventions were developed to meet the psycho-social needs of the children at the reception and rehabilitation centres (RRCs) and in the community. Others were designed to respond to the psycho-social challenges of their families and of the returning children. Interventions have also been developed to address the children's resettlement and reintegration needs. In this paper, I make a critical analysis of the activities of three indigenous organisations, namely CARITAS Gulu archdiocese; Gulu Support the Children Organisation (GUSCO); and Concerned Parents Association (CPA), as they carry out support activities for children associated with fighting forces. I utilise a child rights discourse in analysing the interventions and their overall implications to social work practice in a complex context. I argue that, while these interventions were relevant to the circumstances of the children and young people, they in many cases fell short of fully empowering them to engage more proactively with their communities.

Domestic violence in Gulu, Northern Uganda

Background: When guns fell silent in the post conflict northern Uganda, another form of physical injuries has come in place, Domestic Violence also commonly referred to as Gender based violence. This injury from violence leading to physical trauma is one of the leading public health problems in this region. We describe the occurrence and reasons for admission due to domestic violence to surgical ward of Gulu Hospital. Methods: A prospective observational study was conducted in Gulu Hospital over a period of two years (January 2008 to December 2009) using a prepared proforma designed to capture physical injuries admitted. Only patients that met the inclusion criteria for domestic injuries were registered. Informed consent and ethical approval was obtained from the committee of the Hospital. Results: Of 1880 patients registered with trauma, 454 were due to domestic violence (24.1%) and was the commonest form of physical trauma and mainly occurred in December and June and were lowest in February and March. Its frequency of occurrence was followed by bodaboda injuries (21.4%). The majority of victims were females (73.6%) with a female to male ratio of 2.84:1.0. Conclusion: Domestic violence was commonest cause of trauma in Gulu Hospital. More females were affected than males. December and June had the highest incidence. It is a public health problem in the region which drains hospital resources.

The Politics of Staying Poor in Uganda

This paper explores how political actors, processes, debates and institutions influence the reduction and reproduction of chronic poverty in Uganda. Uganda provides a particularly appropriate case study for such work, as the country's recent success in poverty reduction has been significantly related to 'getting the politics right'. However, findings here suggest that politics in contemporary Uganda holds as many threats as opportunities for reducing long-term poverty. The policy processes, debates and interventions that might challenge chronic poverty are steadily moving from the margins of the poverty agenda towards the mainstream. For example, the current review of the Poverty Eradication Action Plan (Uganda's home-grown PRSP) has identified social protection - likely to be a key policy response to chronic poverty - as one of the key cross-cutting themes. However, arguments for targeting the poorest groups and regions currently lack political persuasiveness, as such programmes have tended to become highly politicised and subject to both national clientelism and local elite capture. There is a 'politics of inclusion' in Uganda that stretches to most groups of the chronically poor, although this has yet to be transformed into a 'politics of justice', in part because the institutional representatives of Uganda's chronically poor are currently marginal in terms of command over resources and policy influence. On a broader note, little effort has been made amongst development actors in Uganda to articulate the type of 'pro-poor' or redistributive growth that is likely to be required to alleviate chronic poverty. It might be argued that this reflects a 'global' politics of staying poor in Uganda, with the neo-liberal policy hegemony playing an important role in shaping the possibility of reducing chronic poverty. Many amongst the political elite perceive the rising inequality in Uganda as a potential threat to them, although only over the long-run. Many also see the poverty reduction agenda as externally imposed and profligate with resources, suggesting that if poverty reduction is to stay on the political agenda in Uganda for long enough to impact on chronic poverty, national ownership of the poverty agenda must be broadened and deepened beyond the current 'champions'. Ongoing political conflict in northern Uganda and the perennial threat of regional instability remains the greatest threat to both the chronically poor and the poverty reduction agenda. In addition, the debate over presidential succession and the potential move towards multi-partyism appears to have triggered an intensification of neo-patrimonial political practice, posing a significant threat to the poverty reduction agenda. However, the paper also finds that the policies and programmes likely to challenge chronic poverty can be usefully aligned with the most progressive aspects of political actors and policies in Uganda. These include certain civil society actors, participatory poverty assessments, the local government development programme and social sector ministries. Finally, it is proposed that a number of shifts are required within the ways in which politics is understood within poverty analysis. One example, is that we might need to reconceptualise the long term politics of commitment to poverty reduction in terms of a 'contract' rather than in terms of 'ownership'.

Conflict, education and the intergenerational transmission of poverty in Northern Uganda

AbstractThis article explores the relationship between conflict, education and the intergenerational transmission of poverty in Northern Uganda using a Q‐squared approach, which combines and sequences qualitative and quantitative approaches. The focus is on whether people with education have greater resilience than those without during and following periods of conflict and insecurity. Findings include that conflict in Northern Uganda has resulted in chronic and intergenerational poverty, and that education supports resilience during and following periods of conflict and insecurity – it is a ‘portable’ asset of great value. The article concludes that education should be supported by governments and donors during and post‐conflict. This will support resilience during conflict, limiting the poverty impact of conflict on households and enabling a speedier post‐conflict recovery. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Principles for poverty alleviation among the youth in Northern Uganda

This article deals with the statistical data and analysis con-cerning poverty among the young people in Uganda. The poverty is continuously ascending, with the most affected region being Northern Uganda. The major cause of poverty in Uganda has been the “South-North divide” fuelled by poor political leadership, that divides people along the lines of politics and ethnicity. Poverty has caused many young people of Northern Uganda to resort to rebellion against the government currently in power. This has led to unending political instability and civil strife most especially in Northern Uganda. In this article atten-tion is given to the conflict in Northern Uganda and attempts are made to propose some amicable resolutions. The discussion includes the current poverty scenario in Northern Uganda and possible strategies for reducing the poverty rate that has caused much damage in Northern Uganda.

Peace Versus Justice?

The attempts to solve the armed conflict in northern Uganda have been viewed as Peace versus Justice. This difference reflects another perception of opposites: international (Western) law and (traditional) culture. Jurisprudence and anthropology would seem to represent opposing poles in this drama. Nevertheless, if we see law as a target-oriented law, these two branches of science would have much to offer to each other, being together able to create a reality in which global law and local understandings would both be able to promote glocal peace in a fruitful cooperation. A people's law would promote success and proactive responsibility in the contextual real world populated by human beings with human minds. In this law justice would not be the opposite of peace, but law would be able to promote peace. The challenge is to create de facto functioning measures.

Uganda at a Crossroads: Narrowing the Amnesty?

In exploring the changing role of amnesty in Uganda, this paper will begin by analysing the background to the conflict in northern Uganda, before exploring in Part 3 the crimes and motivations that have characterised this conflict, including crimes committed by both the LRA and the Ugandan state. Subsequently, in Part 4, the current amnesty arrangements will be analysed, including how the amnesty was enacted, implemented and subsequently amended, and the impact that it has had to date within Uganda. The conflict between the Amnesty Act and the indictments issued by the International Criminal Court will be explored in Part 5. Part 6 will then discuss the peace negotiations at Juba and Part 7 will provide an overview of the various transitional justice approaches that were negotiated in the Agreement and Annexure on Accountability and Reconciliation. Finally, some suggestions will be made on the role that amnesty can play during the political transition, if the peace agreement is signed by Joseph Kony and President Museveni.

The Two Decade Displacement in Uganda: The Root Causes

This paper is a brief overview of the war in Northern Uganda looking at the present situation and what led to the war in the first place. The war between Joseph Kony's Lords' Resistance Army (LRA) and the Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) seems to have ended in Uganda and the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) of Northern Uganda are going back 'home' after spending two decades in the camps. The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) released a report which shows that 80% of the 1.8 million people, who lived in camps at the peak of the conflict in Northern Uganda, have left the IDP camps and gone back 'home' after two decades. The majority of them were born in the camps and so it is the only 'home' they know. The insecurity which has been keeping them in camps seems to have come to an end. Uganda is one of the few countries with a national IDP policy although it is not being implemented effectively. The root causes of this conflict date back to the colonial era when Uganda was under the British Empire. The Ugandan borders were drawn arbitrary bringing diverse peoples and cultures together. It was defined by complex and crosscutting regional divide between the Nilotic North and the Bantu South; ethnic, linguistic and religious cleavages. Integrating these diverse groups into a coherent national entity has presented a daunting challenge up to the present day. Through divide and rule, the administration played off one ethnic group against another cementing the differences between the various groups. The war arose out of the divisive political climate that was embedded by British colonialism and perpetuated by post-colonial politics. The British employed a 'divide-and-rule' strategy, pitting southerners against northerners to maintain control. Since gaining independence in 1962, Ugandan politics have been marked by continued tribal and regional divisions, most poignantly the North-South divide. The ICC arrest warrants are causing discomfiture among the Acholi community. It is feared that they are undermining the peace process by forcing the LRA leaders into a situation where they must either face trial at the Hague or continue fighting because they do not want to be arrested and taken to the ICC. They want him to undergo what they call mato oput an Acholi traditional justice mechanism. The Government and the international community are duty bound to ensure the sustainable return and integration of the IDPs. They should ensure that the IDPs have adequate livelihood opportunities and sustainable food supplies. The ICC should take into consideration people’s views, alternate justice systems and the timing of investigations in order to come up with durable transitional justice mechanisms.

The International Criminal Court (ICC), National Courts, Truth Commissions and Peace Negotiations; Complimentary or Alternatives to the Restoration of Peace in Northern Uganda?

The paper discusses the conflict in Northern Uganda and examines the idea of using mechanisms like prosecutions by the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the national courts, truth commissions and peace negotiations as measures to restores long lasting peace, justice and reconciliation.

Information and Communication in Bandit Country: an exploratory study of civil conflict in northern Uganda 1986—2007

The conflict in northern Uganda between government forces and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has created an information seeking environment with deep and unusual problems. This study is based on the literature, enriched by informal interviews in Uganda. Government neglect of the region and the LRA's communication through spirit messages and the symbolic use of violence have exacerbated the conflict by creating an intractable information and communication environment. It is concluded that long term resolution of the conflict can only be achieved through solutions that include the restoration of the institutions and practices of effective communication so as to facilitate information seeking.

Returning home: resettlement of formerly abducted children in Northern Uganda

This exploratory qualitative study considers the subjective resettlement experiences of children forced into armed conflict in Northern Uganda from the perspectives of 11 former child combatants and 11 adult community members. A thematic analysis was performed on the narrative data. The bioecological model was used to provide a conceptual framework for key themes. Major findings included the overarching impact of ongoing armed conflict on returnees' lives, the important role of the family in supporting children's resettlement, the harassment of former child soldiers by community members, and the community's inability to support systematically the returning children in tangible ways. This study recommends that humanitarian services at all levels strengthen the capacity of families to care for the material and psychoemotional needs of former child soldiers within their communities.

Amnesty on trial: impunity, accountability, and the norms of international law

An emerging consensus regards domestic amnesties for international crimes as generally inconsistent with international law. This legal consensus rests on a norm against impunity: the chief role of international criminal law, and of the fledgling International Criminal Court (ICC), is to end impunity for violators of the worst of criminal acts. But the anti-impunity norm, and the anti-amnesty consensus that has arisen from it, now face serious difficulties. The ICC's role in the ongoing conflict in Northern Uganda illustrates the deadlock that has now emerged between countries wishing to retain the power to use domestic politics and criminal law as tools for negotiation with current or outgoing perpetrators, on the one side, and the ICC's determination to apply a consistent international anti-impunity norm, on the other. The paper argues that the anti-impunity norm itself is based on a narrowly retributivist conception of criminal justice. A broader norm for democratic accountability, by contrast, would continue to prefer prosecutions over amnesties in international law, less for the opportunity for deserved retribution for perpetrators than for the public enactment of the deliberative procedures associated with the rule of law.

Invisible Children: Rough Cut

Children, Youth and Environments Vol. 18 No. 1 (2008) ISSN: 1546-2250 Media Review Invisible Children: Rough Cut. George Awuor University of Colorado Citation: Awuor, George. (2008). "Media ReviewInvisible Children: Rough Cut.." Children, Youth and Environments 18 (1). Laren Poole and Jason Russell (2006). Invisible Children: Rough Cut. Invisible Children and People Like You Productions. English (1 hour) Invisible Children is a documentary based on the lives of children affected by the conflict in Northern Uganda. Bobby Bailey, Jason Russell and Laren Poole, three young Americans from California, originally went to Africa in 2003 to witness the devastating civil war in Southern Sudan. This civil war between the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) of the secular South and the predominantly Muslim and Arab Sudanese government in Khartoum was fought from 1983 to 2005 and is estimated to have claimed more than 2 million lives and displaced millions of people. When the three Americans reached their destination in Sudan, they found a desolate environment. There was evidence of war but the population had fled to neighboring countries, includingUganda, where many had relocated to refugee camps. The Americans decided to follow the Sudanese refugees to Northern Uganda. There they discovered another conflict between the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the Ugandan government that has lasted more than 17 years. This war is unknown to most of the international world but has resulted in thousands of deaths, and the displacement and abduction of thousands of children and their families. Much of the misery and death from conflicts in Africa such as this one are due to issues of sharing resources and power. 532 The Acholi people who reside in Northern Uganda resent the neglect they experience from the Ugandan government. Led by a self-styled “prophet,” Alice Lakwena, some Acholis formed the LRA and initiated a war with the government in 1986. After her death, the notorious Joseph Kony took over, but with less support from the local Acholi community. In order to build the LRA’s ranks, he resorted to terrorizing the local community and abducting children between the ages of 5 and 12 from schools and villages. Invisible Children: Rough Cut features a few of the boys who managed to escape from the rebels. The boys recount how child abductees were beaten, forced to beat and kill civilians, and abduct other children. The images of young children in combat are a disturbing reminder of the experiences of the “lost boys” of Sudan who were abducted by the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) during its rebel movement. According to a 2003 Human Rights report, children in the LRA are given weapons training and are forced to fight against the Ugandan government army. The film portrays this harsh reality, as well as that of girls who are abducted and forced to become domestic servants for commanders or are taken as “wives.” They are exposed to sexually transmitted diseases and unwanted pregnancies. Afraid of abduction, large numbers of children lie together on the verandas at night throughout the city of Gulu. Cameras follow six boys as they prepare for a night in a corridor at the basement of Lacor hospital. The boys begin by mopping up water that has leaked into the corridor, and then work on their homework with a dim light from a tin lamp before they lay down on thin mats on the cold concrete floor for another “safe” night. In the film, an American aid worker, a Ugandan member of parliament, a local historian and two local journalists articulate the plight of the desperate Acholi children. They all passionately plead with the Ugandan government and the world community to come to the rescue of the children. Traces of trauma show up in the drawings and the aggressive games the children play. Amidst the fear, pain, hunger and sadness, the children try to make the best of their lives. The resilience exhibited by the children is well- 533 documented in the film. They attend school, play soccer in the open fields and remind the world that they are innocent children with the same instincts and needs as other children elsewhere. I encourage everyone to see Invisible Children: Rough...

Confronting the Reality of Gender-based Violence in Northern Uganda

Two decades of conflict in northern Uganda have had a devastating impact on the lives of thousands of civilians. Like so many of today's ‘dirty wars,’ gender-related crimes have been pervasive. While numerous disciplines over the past century have developed sophisticated theories for understanding the nature and agency surrounding sexual offences, the nascent field of transitional justice is only just beginning to grapple with these issues or design appropriate measures of redress. This paper is based on research undertaken to look at issues of gender-based violence (GBV) in four camps for the internally displaced in northern Uganda in order to provide insight into the nature and prevalence of GBV within a specific context. The findings show that specific GBV dynamics need to be scrutinised within zones of conflict and taken into consideration in the policies adopted post-conflict. The paper both illuminates the nature of such abuses within the Ugandan context and points to the need for concerted attention to be paid to the pervasive gender dimensions of violence when designing transitional justice mechanisms.

Community based volunteers as partners for agencies working with formerly abducted children and youth: experiences from northern Uganda

The 20 year conflict in northern Uganda between the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) and the Government of Uganda has resulted in a severe humanitarian crisis. Agencies working in the sector of psychosocial support over the years have developed a concept to work closely with community members who are made responsible for many of the community based activities. This article describes the experiences of these community volunteer counsellors (CVCs).

Amnesty and international law: the case of the Lord\'s resistance army insurgents in Northern Uganda

The conflict in northern Uganda is about to enter its twentieth year since it began in 1986. As at the time of writing, there is no sign that the conflict is about to come to an end. For a long time, the government has tried the military option to end the conflict but to no avail. However, recently the government under pressure from local and international civil society organizations and the Acholi population opted to talk peace with the rebels. The proponents of peaceful methods to end the conflict have mooted the Acholi traditional reconciliation mechanisms of Mato oput and Gomo tong, and the government instituted amnesty to try and lure the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) from the bush. In their efforts, the peaceful methods proponents have incessantly campaigned against the on-going International Criminal Court (ICC) investigations into the LRA activities. Meanwhile however the LRA has continued to commit egregious international crimes, which its top leadership must answer for. Whilst the abducted and conscripted LRA foot soldiers (mainly children) may be amnestied, customary international law demands that the top leadership of the LRA must be punished for the jus cogens crimes that have been and continue to be committed in the conflict.

The print media and conflict resolution in Northern Uganda

This article reviews the role of the print media in conflict resolution. Using Northern Uganda as a case study, the article seeks to demonstrate that the press can effectively be used either to fuel conflict in a region or to reduce conflict in a region. The article seeks to demonstrate the role played by the print media in conflict and conflict resolution in Northern Uganda. It discusses the role of the press in Uganda, traces the roots of the problem in Northern Uganda, describes the methodology used in gathering data for the study and presents the results obtained from the study, which was conducted in 2001. Finally, the article has identified specific recommendations which if implemented can be used to address the on-going conflict in Northern Uganda. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 4 (1) 2004: pp. 27-43

Accountability of Non-State Actors in Uganda for War Crimes and Human Rights Violations: Between Amnesty and the International Criminal Court

The armed conflict in northern Uganda, between the Lord`s Resistance Army (LRA) rebels and the Ugandan government, is one of Africa`s longest running armed conflicts not of an international character. It has lasted for nearly two decades. In the course of the conflict, serious war crimes of concern to the international community as a whole - particularly intentionally directing attacks (regular use of torture, mutilation, murder and abduction) by the LRA against the civilian population not taking direct part in hostilities - have been committed with complete impunity. This has led to a gross and consistent pattern of human rights violations. Through amnesty, the Ugandan government has, since 2000, expressed readiness to forgive the LRA rebels and their leader, Joseph Kony, of war crimes, if they denounced the rebellion. Yet, the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague has, since 2004, at the request of the Ugandan government, been investigating war crimes committed in the nineteen-year-old conflict between the LRA and the government and recently expressed readiness to issue arrest warrants for the LRA leader Joseph Kony and several of the top brass of the LRA. It has been argued that the ICC`s effort to attain justice through prosecution while peace still eludes the region risks, in the end, achieving neither justice nor peace. This article considers the question whether the domestic amnesty law is counterproductive to the ICC`s work. While acknowledging the need for forgiveness and reintegration, it is argued that those who `bear the greatest responsibility for the crimes committed` should be brought to justice. However, it is acknowledged that since almost 80 per cent of the LRA`s soldiers are children who have been abducted from their families and forced to commit horrendous crimes against their own people, the ICC faces the difficulty of categorising members of the LRA as victims (those who deserve amnesty) or perpetrators (those who should be prosecuted). The ICC needs to be successful in Uganda - one of its first operations - in order to demonstrate to the international community that it is an effective instrument.

Conflicts, poverty and human development in Northern Uganda

The long-running conflict in Northern Uganda has led to major violations of human rights against civilians, destruction of infrastructure and reduced access to social services, and has paralysed economic activity. Creating peace and fostering reconciliation in the region have not been successful either, thereby hindering development and relief activities, which are further constrained by insufficient funding, and lack of capacity at the district and community levels. The main challenges for reconstruction in Northern Uganda are therefore to: 1) achieve peace and reconciliation; 2) provide basic social services to the affected areas; 3) strengthen government capacity to coordinate development and relief activities; and 4) harmonize interventions by the various stakeholders to achieve increased flexibility and transparency.

Reconstructing fragile lives: Girls' social reintegration in northern Uganda and Sierra Leone

In many contemporary African wars, girls and women participate in fighting forces. Their involvement is sometimes voluntary, but often they are coerced or abducted. In these forces, their roles range from porters, domestics, and 'wives' of male fighters, to spies and commanders. Few girls go through official UN processes of disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR). Their human rights severely violated, girls face enormous challenges to physical and psycho-social recovery. Typically, they return directly to their communities, or migrate to where friends or relatives live, or resettle in urban areas, where they are at increased risk of forced prostitution, sexual assault, and/or sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS. This paper examines the experiences of girls who have returned from fighting forces in the recent conflict in Sierra Leone and the continuing conflict in northern Uganda. These experiences are compared with those of women who recalled their experiences when they were girl participants during the Mozambican war which ended in 1992.