Madrid Conference Research Articles

Some International Aspects of Ship Model Research

ABSTRACT Ship model research since mid‐century has experienced a strong surge throughout the maritime nations of the world. The purpose of this paper is to recognize some of the international growth of possible interest to naval engineers.The observations are largely on the International Towing Tank Conference in Madrid, visits to most of the principal European model basins, and the Symposium on Behavior of Ships in a Seaway held at the Netherlands Ship Model Basin, all during September 1957.

Geography and history of the frying process

How far back in time, frying with oil goes, it is difficult to tell. The rules for sacrifice in Leviticus, Chapter 2, the 3 rd book in the Old Testament, which is commonly accepted to date from about 600 BC, distinguishes between bread baked in the oven and that cooked «on the griddle» or «in the pan». Roman authors also describe in the first century AD the frying of eggs. Writers in the Middle Ages, Cervantes and Chaucer both describe the cooking in oil. A number of common proverbs deal with frying in one's own grease in the 14 th Century. Soyer describes the grid iron as a primitive utensil but with considerable possibilities in the use and variation of the cooking process. We need only to recall that splendid painting in the El Prado of the fried egg which Professor Varela used as a frontispiece for the first Frying of Food Conference in Madrid in 1986. Different types of oils can be used for the frying of food. Variations in the composition of vegetable oils can normally be traced back to climatic effects and the location of the growing plants. We can expect the height above sea level, the daylight hour length, the mean temperature and the genetic make up of the plant, all to have an effect. Cool conditions during seed maturation can increase the linoleic acid content In plants such as Guizotia Abyssinica to almost 85% of the oil. Similar results have been reported for peanuts grown at different latitudes in the United States.

The Costs and Benefits for Europeans from their Empires Overseas

Large historical problems are stimulating to debate but difficult to specify and answer in ways that might carry forward our long-standing discourses in global economic history. The papers which form the basis of our essay deal with a meta question and are focused upon the economic consequences (the costs and benefits) for those European societies most actively involved in territorial expansion, colonization, world trade, capital exports and emigration to other continents over the past five centuries. Our symbolic dates mark (rather than demarcate) the beginning and ending of European imperialism. Colonisation occurred in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages but between 1415 and 1789 European powers, particularly Britain but also Spain, Portugal, Holland, France and Italy, founded hundreds of colonies. Individual articles have concentrated upon periods of significance for particular countries and are, moreover, analysed within the context of an international economy, evolving through four eras (or orders) of mercantilism (1415–1846), liberalism (1846–1914), neo-mercantilism (1914–48), and decolonisation (1948–74). OurIntroductiondraws heavily upon six national case studies as well as discussions that took place at a conference in Madrid in 1997. We do not intend to cite particular contributions to the inferences and conclusions in this essay. Our views represent an elaboration upon and an interpretation of the articles that follow.

Whither EU-Israeli Relations? Common and Divergent Interests (review)

Book Reviews 123 question of how we are to keep Zionism alive more than fifty years after its chief reason for being, the creation of the State of Israel, has ceased, fortunately, to exist. Harold J. Harris Emeritus Professor Department of English Kalamazoo College Whither ED-Israeli Relations? Common and Divergent Interests, by Ephraim Ahiram. Frankfurt-am-Main: Lang, 1995. As a consequence of the breakdown of communism, the European Community had to focus its attention on relations and policies towards Central and Eastern European countries. But early in 1994, the ECI Commission developed a new strategy on the grounds that the preaccession policy towards the ex-communist countries must not interfere with the Community commitment towards the Mediterranean region. The summit meeting in Barcelona in November 1995 responded to this view and marked a turning point in the Union's relations with its southern Mediterranean partners. The composition of this meeting was potentially explosive since it included Cyprus, Greece, and Turkey; Israel, Syria, and lebanon. But the idea of political and economic guidelines for the setting up of an institutional framework with thesecountcies was agreed upon. Negotiations are currently underway between the European Community and the various Mediterranean countries; these negotiations have been completed for Tunisia, Israel, and Morocco and are at the exploratory or negotiation stage with Jordan, libya, Egypt, Algeria, Syria, and the PLO. The book Whither EU-Israeli Relations focuses on the problems and interests involved between Europe and Israel. It is the first comprehensive study ofthe subject and was elaborated by a group ofEuropean and Israeli experts. The published papers cover political, economic, cultural, and human rights aspects as well as options for future scientific cooperation. The research project was initiated by the leonard Davis Institute and the lEC=European Community; EU=European Union (since 1993); EFfA=European Free Trade Area; GATT=General Agreement on TariOS and Trade (Geneva, until 1994); wrO=World Trade Organization (Geneva, replacing GATT); NAFfA=North Atlantic Free Trade Area; APEC=Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation; Mercosur=Argentina, Brasilia, Uruguay, Paraguay. 124 SHOFAR Summer 1996 Vol. 14, No.4 Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Tel Aviv. In their introduction, the two editors, Ephraim Ahiram and Alfred Tovias, stress the point that since the Near East peace talks became serious in 1993, overall relations between Europe and Israel have moved to a focus on common rather than divergent interests. That was not always the case in the past. In their view, there was an antiIsraeli policy which reached its peak in the eighties when the Community, in its Venice Declaration, recognized "the legitimate rights of the Palestinian People to exercise fully its right of self-determination," and most ofthe Community members declared an arms embargo on Israel. And they remind us that, on the other hand, it was upon the veto ofIsrael that neither the EC nor its members were invited to co-sponsor, together with the u.S. and the Soviet Union, the initial Peace Conference in Madrid. For many years the disturbed relations were, in the words of the editors, "a function of the oil market." But things have changed meanwhile. Today Europe is the major export market for Israel and a source of Israel's largest share of imports, and it is Israel which urges the Community to assist the Palestinian authorities in building up viable economic structures. For herself, Israel desires economic anchorage in Europe, but to achieve this it is essential that links be strengthened or established with its neighbors at the same time. The strategy for Israel should be, as Luis de Sebastian suggests in his anicle, to conclude trade agreements with different countries and trade blocks (such as EC, US, and EFTA), an approach for which the author coined the term "polilateralism." As for Europe, as long as the Community constitutes "unfinished business," Israel will have to deal with a "moving target in a changing environment" (Leora Rubin Meridor). Ideally, a free trade area should be established between Israel and her neighbors, as Eberhard Rhein, the responsible EC Director for the Mediterranean region, recommends, much in the way Europe and Israel have accomplished their free trade arrangement since 1975 and 1989. Jacob Kol, Victoria Curzon Price, and...

Syria and Israel: from war to peacemaking

This is the first book to deal with the most crucial case of war and peace in the Middle East. Moshe Ma'oz examines the history of relations between Israel and Syria throughout the Middle Eastern conflict. Drawing upon a variety of original sources, the author discusses still little-known episodes in relations between the countries such as Syrian peace offers to Israel in the early 1950s and the mid-1970s; American and Soviet involvement; the role of Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and the PLO; Israel's contribution to the aggravation of the conflict with Syria, and the new Syrian diplomatic strategy since 1988 and the peacemaking process after the Madrid conference (from late 1991). The book demonstrates the crucial importance of Syrian-Israeli relations for the strategic posture of both countries, for the fate of the Palestinian problem, and for the prospects of an overall Middle East Settlement.

Some Basic Aspects of the Agreements Between Israel and the PLO from the Perspective of International Law

The Middle East peace process is a complex web of international negotiations based upon the structure set up at the Madrid Conference that was held on 30 October 1991 and was co-sponsored by the United States and Russia (then the USSR). There are two different but parallel negotiating tracks, a bilateral one and a multilateral one. The bilateral track consists of four separate sets of direct negotiations between Israel, and Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and the Palestinians. The multilateral track aims at building confidence among the regional parties and at solving a number of complicated issues which are addressed in five different forums comprising representatives from states in the region as well as of the international community. The working groups of the multilateral negotiations are focusing on water, environment, arms control, refugees and economic development. With regard to the bilateral negotiations between Israel and the three Arab States, the purpose is to conclude peace treaties, which in the case of Jordan has been accomplished with the Peace Treaty signed on 26 October 1994.

The Practice and Case Law of Israel in Matters Related to International Law

In 1995, the Association Agreement between Israel and the European Community was signed in Brussels. This instrument is the product of years of negotiations. Europe's traditional policy on a linkage between the nature of its economic and political ties with Israel and progress in the Middle East peace process have led to static relations between the two, despite the importance attached by the Community to the region as part of its Mediterranean policy. The achievements of the Israeli-Palestinian (and Israeli-Arab) peace process, which was renewed with the October 1991 Madrid Conference, have at last enabled Israel and the Community to establish the Association status sought by Israel. A true comprehensive understanding of the Association Agreement necessitates therefore an examination of several other subjects such as the previous relations between the sides and the legal arrangements institutionalising these relations; Israel's trade position with Europe; the European Community's Mediterranean Agricultural and Commercial policies, and many other. This, however, cannot be done within the limits of this paper. Instead, this section merely seeks to briefly survey the legal regime embodied in the Association Agreement, that is, its general structure, main features and important legal, economic and political provisions. It should be emphasised that no detailed analysis of the provisions of the Association Agreement is intended, for the Association Agreement encompasses many fields and areas.

Security Council Resolution 242 at Twenty Five

There is hardly any United Nations resolution which is quoted and referred to as often as 242. It has become the cornerstone for all stages in the settlement of the Arab-Israel conflict, as, for example, the Camp David Frameworks (1978) and the Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel (1979). In addition, it has been referred to by the conveners of the Madrid Conference (1991) as the basis for the negotiations which were started at that Conference and are going on as this article is being written.According to the letter of invitation to the Madrid Conference, the parties are invited to achieve peace through direct negotiations along two tracks, between Israel and the Arab States, and between Israel and the Palestinians. The latter are to be part of a joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation. With respect to the negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, they are to be conducted in phases, beginning with talks on interim self-government arrangements which should last five years.

Aspects of Palestinian life under military occupation

In recent years, scholarship in all fields has shown an increasing sensitivity to language, whether in reading the world as a text, or, conversely, a text as a world. An essentially linguistic approach has been employed to read and deconstruct a variety of social institutions. Words have taken on the force of material reality, while material reality itself is viewed with deep suspicion. Some of you, indeed, may have become weary of signs and signifiers, of new French philosophical currents, and of the post-modern hall of mirrors. But bear with me, for in looking at my subject today, my excursions into language are an attempt to clarify, not to obfuscate. In Middle Eastern studies, the linguistic approach has very usefully focused on examining and deconstructing orientalist conceptions of the region and its people, concepts still unfortunately current coinage in the media: I note, for example, the coverage in the 11 November edition of Newsweek of the speech of the Palestinian delegation to the Madrid conference. Newsweek praised the speech's 'direct English'-but only in contrast to a supposed oriental norm of 'the words of the mosque' and 'rhetoric of the bazaar'. The same article also advised readers on 'the perverse logic of the souk' which guided Middle Eastern negotiations. Needless to say, the tortured phraseology of American politicians-of 'modalities' and 'windows of opportunity' and of all those condemned to exist 'behind the curve of history'-received no scrutiny. Aside from what we can call the anti-orientalist project, I feel that scholars and experts in the Middle East have to date not paid sufficient attention to the definitional world that surrounds the problem we address today: how to describe the life of an occupied people, and how they themselves and their occupier have described it. I would like to begin by simply taking the title of my talk and looking at the following words: 'Palestinian', and 'Palestinian life', 'occupation', 'education' and 'development' as they are defined and used in the Palestinian lexicon, the Israeli lexicon, and the international lexicon. I believe this approach will lead us to a clearer view of what is really happening on the ground: to students at Birzeit University deprived of campuses, libraries and laboratories for almost four years in the name of 'security and public order'; to Palestinian prisoners subject to what the Israeli government's Landau Commission calls 'moderate physical pressure'; to our Palestinian 'homeless', whose family homes are demolished by army order, either as a 'deterrent' in a system which has at its heart collective punishment, or as 'unlicensed' in a system which considers Palestinian development as contrary to its interest; and to our merchants, subject to a form of modern pillage under the rubric of'taxation'.

New technology of power augmentation on horizontal axis wind turbines using Mie vanes

Wind turbine performance can be significantly improved by Mie vanes attached to the tips of rotor blades. These small tip attachments, developed at Mie University, feature a considerable power augmentation. At the ECWEC '90 Madrid conference windtunnel experiments were presented in which a maximum power coefficient C P = 0.45 at ψ = 4 was established. This is an augmentation of 27% with respect to the base line (no Mie vanes). Since then more experimental and theoretical work has been performed. With a new model rotor equipped with tapered blades a base line peak C P equal to 0.41 is found at a tipspeed ratio ψ = 5. With Mie vanes a maximum C P equal to 0.48 was reached at the same tipspeed ratio. From the theory developed it is concluded that the physical principles are understood. Still more experimental data need to be gathered in order to tune the theoretical model in such a way that more firm conclusions about the potentials of the concept can be drawn.

Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe: Final Resolution of the Madrid Conference concerning the Establishment of the CSCE Parliamentary Assembly

An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.

Nonsmokers' Rights Go International

THE UNITED NATIONS' World Health Organization (WHO), as part of a campaign against tobacco, is expected early in this new year to circulate a statement of nonsmokers' rights to health officials from a number of nations, especially in Europe. Among other things, the statement emphasizes the right to be free from breathing tobacco smoke in enclosed public places and the need for continued public education on the health consequences of tobacco use. The statement was worked out at the first European Conference on Tobacco Policy, cosponsored by the Switzerland-based WHO and Spain's Ministry of Health and Consumer Affairs. That multinational conference, held in Madrid in November, resulted in health officials from six European countries indicating that their governments probably will adopt the statement. The Madrid conference was held on the eve of the 12th annual Great American Smokeout, sponsored in the United States by the American Cancer Society and intended

Editor's Comment

Editor's Comment Studies in American Fiction is extending an invitation for the submission of articles, notes, and book reviews relating to the life and works of Mark Twain. We will devote the Autumn 1985 number to Twain studies, given a sufficiently rich body of submitted manuscripts , in commemoration of the centennial ofthe publication ofAdventures ofHuckleberry Finn. We are especially interested in papers based on documents and new discoveries, but we will be grateful for studies of high quality regardless of critical approach. The deadline for the submission of manuscripts is February 1, 1985. Please address questions and correspondence to the Editor. The Hemingway Society has issued a call for papers for a conference in Madrid to be held June 24-30, 1984. The conference will feature standard papers, panel discussions, and such special presentations as dramatizations, films, and illustrated lectures. Of special concern are papers dealing with Ernest Hemingway's career in Europe and with new developments in Hemingway scholarship. The deadline for proposals is December 1, 1983. Please correspond with The Program Committee, International Hemingway Conference, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 06106. Jackson R. Brver and Travis Bogard would appreciate hearing from people with knowledge of Eugene O'Neill letters in private hands or in unlisted or uncataloged collections . Write to Professor Bryer at Department of English, University of Maryland, College Park, Mankind 20742. The Editor of the Edith Wharton Newsletter invites reviews, brief articles, notes on work in progress, and reports on teaching experiences. Correspond with Annette Zilversmit , Department of English, Long Island University, Brooklyn Center, Brooklyn, N. Y. 11201. Our readers and contributors may be interested in knowing that in a period in which authors must often wait a year or more for the publication ofan article, Studies in American Fiction has virtually no backlog of manuscripts, despite the fact that we receive nearly 500 each year. As a result, contributors who have articles accepted at the present time should expect to have them published within a matter of months. I am pleased to welcome to the Studies in American Fiction office our new Graduate Assistant, Jeannette Bouchard, who has replaced Gregory Zuch. Jeannette has brought a great deal of cheerful enthusiasm to the office, and we look forward to working with her during the coming vear. J.N. ...

Nuclear Weapons and Nuclear War: The Shape of the Catholic Debate

ARGUMENT ABOUT nuclear policy has been a fact of public life in the West since the awesome power at the heart of matter was first unleashed during the Second World War. This debate has assumed a number of distinct forms, which have been influenced by the political climate prevailing between the superpowers, by the state of relations between members of the Atlantic Alliance, by the development of new technological capacities, by the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and by the level of public awareness and understanding of nuclear-policy questions. Recent events suggest that the state of the nuclear question is assuming a distinctive form in the present moment. US/USSR relations are at a most delicate and dangerous point. Tensions have increased significantly in the aftermath of Soviet actions in Afghanistan and Poland. These tensions are reflected in the US Senate's nonratification of the SALT II treaty and in the acrimonious exchanges at the Helsinki Accord review conference in Madrid. At the same time, the two sets of negotiations which have recently begun in Geneva on strategic-arms reductions and on the control of intermediate-range nuclear forces in Europe have opened at least a slim possibility of new developments in arms-control policy. The new state of the question is also shaped by the significant strains which have recently developed within NATO. A significant intellectual debate has begun within the Alliance about the wisdom of a NATO declaratory policy renouncing the first use of nuclear weapons. Further, technological developments have created the possibility of deploying formidable new first-strike weapons, such as MX and Trident II, and weapons which are difficult to detect both before and after they are launched, such as the cruise missile. Possession and deployment of such

Madrid conference: Failing hopes for agreement

Madrid conference: Failing hopes for agreement

The Helsinki final act and the Madrid review conference: A case study of political non‐communication

Abstract The article is the first authoritative published account of the two Follow‐up Helsinki Act Conferences, at Belgrade 1977–1978 and at Madrid 1980 and still underway. The article describes what occurred at the Belgrade Conference. With the United States taking the lead, the West criticized the Soviet Union and other Eastern‐bloc countries for their violations of the human rights provisions of the Helsinki Final Act. The article points out that the contention of the Soviet Union and its allies that such criticism constituted intervention in their internal affairs is without legal foundation. The author points out that the Concluding Document of the Belgrade Conference, noting the differences between the parties and fixing the date for the next Follow‐up Conference at Madrid commencing in November 1980, was appropriate and preserved the Helsinki process, without compromising its principles. The article reviews the preparatory meeting before the convening of the Madrid Conference in November 1980. It ...

The concept of detente

1980 was not a good year for detente. The year began with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the ensuing state of East-West relations was reflected at the year's end in a deadlocked C.S.C.E. Review Conference in Madrid. The second phase of the Conference began with a sombre declaration by the United States' delegate that ‘detente does not today exist’ though it remains ‘an objective to be sought’. The invasion of Afghanistan gave sustenance to those who had been arguing for some time that detente was merely, in the words of Senator Jackson, ‘appeasement in its purest form’. For many indeed, like Mr. Kampelman, Afghanistan signalled the final end of detente. Others could argue however that the fact that the Madrid Conference could take place at all in such a political atmosphere, thus maintaining the momentum of the ‘Helsinki process’, is a clear indication that detente is at least alive if not well.

Political and military aspects of the Madrid conference

Political and military aspects of the Madrid conference

IV. The Proposed Madrid Conference on Morocco, 1887–88

The future of Morocco was not an issue which suddenly began to agitate international politics at the beginning of the twentieth century, as a sort of left-over of imperialism belatedly brought to mind. ‘We are living… on the crater of a Volcano’ was neither a new, nor untypical view of the situation as seen from Tangier in 1881. Britain had already made an attempt to regenerate the ‘sick man of the West’, before he could cause as many complications as the fellow Muslim invalid to the East, by taking the initiative which led to the Madrid Conference respecting the right of Protection of Moorish Subjects in 1880. But this was not a success. Nor did the attempts which followed to persuade the so-called Shereefian Empire, in its vital strategic position at the entrance to the Mediterranean, to provide itself with the revenue, tools and incentive necessary for reform by the conclusion of a liberal commercial treaty, gain their objective. France also was concerned with Morocco, and the Algerian military point of view, which stressed the security danger of allowing any other power to establish preponderant influence there, was gradually gaining ground. One French minister at Tangier, Ordega, had gone as far as to try and present his government in 1884 with the fait accompli of a revolution in Morocco, with a French protégé on the Moorish throne. But the Paris authorities were not willing, or at this stage even able, to sanction such a forward policy. Spain was the power which, at official level, had long considered it had the right of reversion to the Moorish heritage. But internal weakness precluded direct action, and Spanish governments were reduced to other approaches. The negative one, associated with the conservative statesman Cánovas del Castillo, stressed the need to ‘prolong the dying agony of Morocco’, until Spain had recovered sufficiently to claim her rights. Others, however, argued for a more active policy, and they had an opportunity in the ‘Liberal’; ministries of the 1880's. It is in this context that the activity of Segismundo Moret, Minister of State from November 1885, was of relevance in bringing Morocco further into the international arena.

Skin Friction Resistance of Ships

The International Towing Tank Conference (ITTC) is to hold its 8th meeting in Madrid in September of this year. One of the subjects to be discussed will be the perennial one of how to estimate the resistance of a ship from that measured on a small-scale model in a towing tank. The Skin Friction Committee of the Conference was charged at the last meeting in Scandinavia in 1954, with reviewing the available data and making recommendations to the Conference in Madrid which will, it is hoped, be universally acceptable. Such a decision would remove one of the principal difficulties experienced in the use of model data in comparative studies. It is believed that a review of the present status of our knowledge in this field may be of interest to the members of the Society at this time.