Condoleezza Rice Research Articles

Aesthetic Strategist: Albert Wohlstetter, the Cold War, and a Theory of Mid-Century Modernism

OCTOBER 138, Fall 2011, pp. 15–36. © 2011 October Magazine, Ltd. and Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Each morning, as I walk to my office on the campus of Stanford University, I find my path crossed by the shadow of the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace. This is not a metaphor. Founded in 1919, the university’s residential think tank sits yards away from the Department of Art and Art History, its famous tower looming vertiginously over the humanist proceedings down below. The Hoover is so close to the art building, in fact, that one can glimpse the movements of its various fellows—among them, Condoleezza Rice and George Shultz—while holding forth on matters of aesthetics and politics in the seminar room. The workaday proximity to this think tank never fails to startle: its collective influence has shaped public policy for decades, providing Cold War analyses of the Gulag and the nuclear arms race, position papers on the liberalizing of markets, and media dispatches on the “War on Terror.” But other adjacencies are equally as startling. For what has always struck artists and art historians mining the archives of the Hoover is its astonishingly modernist source material, including, to take just a few examples, letters between Leon Trotsky and Frida Kahlo, rich supplies of Soviet broadsides, and photographs by Tina Modotti. These documents draw a decidedly mixed audience in the reading room, a place where artist-veterans of 1968 sit cheek-by-jowl with Reagan-era functionaries. While this description is meant to dramatize a disquieting tension between the institutional culture of the think tank and its artistic holdings, it is also meant to introduce the topic of the think tank’s modernist

Strategic Patience or Back to Engagement? Obama's Dilemma on North Korea

IntroductionAre the days of hope for North Korea's nuclear denuclearization over once and for all? North Korea's recent disclosure of its uranium enriched program (UEP), in addition to its plutonium-based nuclear arsenal, the possible instability of power succession from North Korea's top leader, Kim Jong Il, to his son Kim Jong Un, and the North Korean leadership's blind reliance on its nuclear program as the ultimate guarantor of its regime survival, all point to a pessimistic assessment that it would be impossible to persuade North Korea to negotiate away its nuclear program for whatever rewards might obtain from the United States and the international community.Admittedly many people hoped for some sort of breakthrough on the nuclear front as the Obama administration took office in January 2009, expressing its willingness to engage North Korea. Although he didn't mention North Korea by name, President Obama pledged in his inaugural address to reach out to isolated regimes. As Democratic presidential candidate, Obama also expressed an active interest in engaging North Korea in a presidential debate in September 2008 when he criticized the Bush administration's lack of diplomatic engagement with North Korea, and supported sustained, direct and aggressive diplomacy to resolve North Korean nuclear issues.2Obama's criticism was clearly directed against the Bush administration's non-engagement policy toward North Korea during its first term. In fact, such an approach was inevitable, given the Bush team's fundamental distrust of the Pyongyang regime that had failed to keep its promises despite a series of previous nuclear pacts with the United States, including the Agreed Framework in 1994. The Bush administration avoided any further nuclear deal with North Korea during its first term, determined not to accept any demands from Pyongyang because doing so might leave them open to comparison with the Clinton Its North Korea policy was even described as the ABC (Anything but Clinton) policy.3However, the Bush team's hawkish stance began to crumble when North Korea carried out its first nuclear test in October 2006. Tension was already rising since Washington made a big issue of Pyongyang's secret uranium enrichment program (UEP) in October 2005. North Korea initially acknowledged its presence, but has denied it ever since. Hard pressed by the urgent need to keep North Korea's unfettered nuclear pursuits at bay, chief U.S. negotiator Chris Hill hastened to pull off a series of nuclear deals with North Korea, with the full support of President George W. Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. North Korea froze its plutonium activities and finally submitted its nuclear declaration in 2009, for which it received political benefits from the United States, including being removed from the U.S. terrorism list. However, the previously uneventful nuclear talks stalled when both sides failed to iron out the differences on verification of North Korea's nuclear declaration.It was against this backdrop that many people expected some sort of breakthrough in the stalled nuclear talks when the new Obama administration came in. However, such expectations were shattered by North Korea's unexpected provocations right from the beginning of the Obama administration. On April 5, 2009, North Korea launched a l ong-range ballistic missile that, it argued, was the satellite Kwangmyongsong-2, intended to be put into orbit through a space launch vehicle, Unha-2. The strong U.S. condemnation, followed by the unanimous UN Security Council Resolution 1874, prompted North Korea to embolden rather than change its behavior. In defiance of the UN resolution, the North conducted its second nuclear test in May 2009, which dealt a fatal blow to the Obama administration's efforts for engagement. The second nuclear test unequivocally demonstrated once again Pyongyang's intention of not giving up its nuclear program despite a series of nuclear pacts with the previous Bush administration. …

The “Rhetorical Condition” as Mediator in the Response of African Americans to Perceptions of Terrorism: Condoleezza Rice as Symbol

Although the ethnicity of government policymakers is not a consideration in their ability to make effective decisions, ethnicity is not barren of influence in how one views life and the schemas that one forms. Both in her role as National Security Advisor and as U.S. Secretary of State during the George W. Bush presidency, Condoleezza Rice played a central role in shaping American foreign and global policy and responses to external terrorism and violence toward Americans and others. Her rhetoric on terrorism and violence uses several modes of argument which revealed her rhetorical and psychological schemas. This article explores the value, strengths, and limits of the modes of argument that Rice uses and it shows how what may be perceived as a reading of the dialectic in Rice may also be viewed as a textual and subtextual performance of a reading of Rice regarding the psychology of the rhetorical situation and the rhetorical condition.

Doubting the Global War on Terror

Soon after Al Qaeda's terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001, the Bush Administration described its new grand strategy: the "Global War on Terror". This article examines the 'two-track' process that US neoconservatives and 'echo chamber' media used, to promote the GWOT grand strategy. It re-examines why many experts and institutions expressed doubt about specific claims the Bush Administration made to support the 2003 Iraq War. Historical counterfactuals suggest that the Bush Administration's Global War on Terror could have evolved very differently . . . or not occurred at all.

The Tea Party Is Good for America

New Perspectives QuarterlyVolume 28, Issue 1 p. 49-51 The Tea Party Is Good for America CONDOLEEZZA RICE, CONDOLEEZZA RICE Former US Secretary of State, has just published a memoir, Extraordinary, Ordinary People, about growing up in the segregated South. She was interviewed by Olivia Ward of the Toronto Star for NPQ's Global Viewpoint Network.Search for more papers by this author CONDOLEEZZA RICE, CONDOLEEZZA RICE Former US Secretary of State, has just published a memoir, Extraordinary, Ordinary People, about growing up in the segregated South. She was interviewed by Olivia Ward of the Toronto Star for NPQ's Global Viewpoint Network.Search for more papers by this author First published: 19 January 2011 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5842.2011.01227.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume28, Issue1Winter 2011Pages 49-51 RelatedInformation

<i>New Boundaries in Political Science Fiction</i> (review)

Reviewed by: New Boundaries in Political Science Fiction Edward K. Chan Donald M. Hassler and Clyde Wilcox, eds. New Boundaries in Political Science Fiction. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2008. xii + 362 pp. Cloth, $44.95, ISBN: 9781570037368. This volume continues the exploration of politics and science fiction that began in Hassler and Wilcox's previous collection, Political Science Fiction (1997), which itself began as a special issue of Extrapolation in 1993. Some of the same issues have carried over into New Boundaries, including essays devoted to the Star Trek megatext, cyberpunk, feminist science fiction, Latin American science fiction, and of course utopia and dystopia. Although humanities scholars predominate in the newer book, there are significant contributions from those in the social sciences—political science, government, law—as well as one neuroscientist. In the preface to the previous collection, Hassler and Wilcox had noted the historic anniversaries that attended the preparation of that volume in 1995: fifty years after Victory-in-Europe Day, twenty-five years [End Page 174] after the "Kent State massacre" as well as the less frequently remembered shootings at Jackson State. The obvious historic event that overshadows the current collection is 9/11, which, of course, is only intelligible within the context of ever-increasing technologies of global interconnectivity, of solidifying neoconservative/neoliberal states and economies in the West, of transnational networks aligned against those same Western states, and of reconfigured racial and gender formations. The "new" terrorized/terrorist/ terrorizing state of affairs that attends to the early twenty-first century shapes, to a large degree, what the editors identify as the core issue around which the essays in New Boundaries congregate: "whether identity and meaning in human affairs stem from the results of changing linear, even digital, developments that resemble evolution and 'progress' or from the 'eternal return' of realities such as war, death, and competitive survival" (xiii). Traversing this pattern are the twenty-two essays, which Hassler and Wilcox group into three categories. Part 1, "On the Personal 'New Man,'" might have also been titled "On New Identities," exploring as it does the social and political implications both of what it means, or might mean, to be human and of how the Other is figured and incorporated into the community. Part 2, "On Power and the 'Nation,'" deals with science fiction and militarism, the Bush regime's science fictional politics, and several ideological readings of science fiction television shows and includes two essays on Brazilian science fiction. Part 3 focuses on individual authors, including Iain M. Banks, China Miéville (two essays), Stephen Donaldson, Philip K. Dick, and Walter Mosley. Although it is clear why the editors chose to end the collection with Marleen S. Barr's punchy character sketch of Condoleezza Rice as a cyborg, her contribution would have also fit nicely next to Davis's take on Bush regime rhetoric in part 2. Several essays deal directly and substantively with utopia and dystopia. "Politicized Dystopia and Biomedical Imaginaries: The Case of 'The Machine Stops'" (Decker) historicizes Forster's short story and its embrace of the "incorrect science" of the time by looking at the British fear of degenerating humanity and the ideas of the German physician, popular social critic, and Zionist Max Nordau as expressed in his 1892-93 work Degeneration. "Science Fiction and Politics: Cyberpunk Science Fiction as Political Philosophy" (Michaud) builds off Robert Nozick's theories in the 1970s to make a case for the anarcho-technological utopianism in cyberpunk writing. "A Brazilian Metafiction: Paulo de Sousa Ramos's Dystopian Novella" (Sousa Causo) provides a useful history of the utopian/dystopian tradition in Brazilian literature and situates [End Page 175] the novella's metafictional strategies within that tradition. "Outside Context Problems: Liberalism and the Other in the Work of Iain M. Banks" (Jackson and Heilman) discusses Banks's "Culture" novels as constructing "a perfect liberal utopia" (242) that plays out the confrontation with the alien Other on three levels: "less powerful Others," "Others of equal power," and "Others of superior power." "To the Perdido Street Station: The Representation of Revolution in China Miéville's Iron Council" (Freedman) reads that novel, a la Bloch, as an attempt to "keep...

The ultimate weapon is no weapon: human security and the new rules of war and peace

This title presents a unique combination of British academic and pacifist and American Lt Colonel with background in political science who develop a shared concept of the nature of violence in the 21st century, and a programme for how to make populations threatened by military, economic, and social upheaval feel secure. The twenty-first century has seen millions unemployed. It has seen livelihoods undermined by environmental degradation. Middle-class cities in Europe, Asia, and Africa have become cauldrons of violence and resentment. Tribalism, ethnic nationalism, and religious fundamentalism have flared dangerously, from Russia to Spain. The use of force is unlikely to help. What works when counter-insurgency has run its course: in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and beyond? In this book, two authors brought together from distant points on the political spectrum by their concerns about the repercussions of violent political conflict on human lives, explain and explore a new idea for stabilising the dangerous neighborhoods of the world. They challenge head-on Condoleezza Rice's declaration that 'it is not the job of the 82nd Airborne Division to escort kids to kindergarten' contending that, in fact, it should be. When marginalized populationsare trapped in poverty and lawlessness and denied political power and justice brutality, and fascism thrive. Human security is a new concept for clarifying what peace requires and the policies and priorities by which to achieve it.

American negotiating behavior: wheeler-dealers, legal eagles, bullies, and preachers

Contents Foreword by Madeleine Albright and Condoleezza Rice Part I: Introduction Part II: A Portrait of the American Negotiator Part III: Historical Perspective Part IV: Foreign Perspectives Part V: Conclusion

The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder , and: JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters (review)

Reviewed by: The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder, and: JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters David Lempert, Ph.D., J.D., M.B.A., E.D.(Hon.) (bio) Vincent Bugliosi, The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder (Vanguard Press 2008) 532 pages, ISBN 9781593154813; James W. Douglass, JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters (Orbis Books 2008) 510 pages, ISBN 9781570757556. Over the past thirty years, there are few works in the social sciences that explain how systems of power and punishment or control of leadership work in the major empires of our time—the US and Russia/Soviet Union. Moreover, those works that do exist are mostly outside the social sciences (or outside any discipline) because of what historian James Douglass refers to as “the Unspeakable;” the taboos and controls that prevent us from writing directly about these issues. Two new books that try to do that are Douglass’ work published by a Catholic press, not a university press, and lawyer-prosecutor Vincent Bulgiosi’s work documenting mass murder by President Bush, a topic he says no other book publisher or editor would touch other than Vanguard. Despite the different disciplines and approaches, what links these two books is their discussion of power of the US president in relation to the military-industrial complex-national security state, and whether the US legal system will or can hold these leaders or institutions accountable for murder. Douglass focuses on murders that he attributes to the national security state of a US president and other Americans “they” consider “traitors” (a threat to their goals of assassination, state terrorism and war overseas). In Bugliosi’s book, the murders are those committed by the president and his staff through use of the state apparatus in violation of national (and international) law. From a scholarly perspective, Bugliosi’s book is thin and disappointing. The book offers little more than a potential dissertation topic—a study of how prosecutors, at levels from county and state [End Page 773] attorneys to federal district prosecutors, have been unwilling as of January 2009 to prosecute George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Condoleezza Rice, Donald Rumsfeld, Karl Rove, and members of the “White House Iraq Group”; how other institutions hire these individuals and publish their writings; how the public has been silent; what it means for the US and international legal systems when clear legal violations of murder are not used for impeachment and not enforced; and under what circumstances and at what levels leaders can commit murder with no consequence. Despite similar books that appeared asserting similar legal charges, Richard Nixon, Henry Kissinger, Bill Clinton, Madeleine Albright, and others have followed a ritual script of fortune and fame after their government jobs. Although Bugliosi lays out a clear case for legal prosecution, and provides interesting data on prosecutor’s blind spots and on how US media functions, there is little new in Bugliosi’s book. He begins with the startling statement that Bush’s actions constitute “the most serious crime ever committed in American history.”1 In his view, the death of 4,000 US soldiers in a war against Saddam Hussein who “was not an enemy of the United States”2 makes this a crime. By contrast, the Native American genocides, enslavement and genocides of Africans, imperial wars that have killed millions in Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere, are not criminal activity. The book is mostly a vitriolic against Bush, whom Bugliosi derides as “this punk who hid out during the Vietnam War (sic)”3 and who, with Dick Cheney, has “the gonads of 10,000 elephants.”4 There is something reminiscent of Camus’ voice in L’Etranger here, where Bugliosi’s anger seems to stem from Bush’s lack of emotion and concern over the US deaths. He seems to fault Bush and his “co-conspirators” for the robotic pathology of modern leaders who treat wars like video games while simultaneously appearing “reluctant” to send people to their deaths. Although Bugliosi raises many of the right questions about what has gone “wrong” or “changed” in US culture, in the last chapter of the book, he never...

Taking Care of Washington

In December of 2000, almost a decade before Barack Obama became first AfricanAmerican president of United States, igniting a barrage of postrace discussions, W Bush made history when he appointed Condoleezza Rice to post of National Security Advisor for his incoming administration. Never before had an African American or a woman held position; by holding it, Rice, who was both, became one of most powerful people in world politics. In 2005 when Rice ascended to position of secretary of state, again as first black woman to hold post, history was made once more. Furthermore, Rice joined most diverse administration to that point in US history with more women and minority appointments than any previous administration. That these were all accomplishments of a staunchly conservative Republican was an irony lost on few. After all, according to Angela Dillard, current conservative ideology in America rests on belief that entire genre of pc-isms is holding country back and that the way out of our present morass entails depoliticizing race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, and to some extent, class in public arena (19). Although conservatives acknowledge that both racism and sexism were potent problems in past, they hold firmly to conviction that these troubles have been overcome. While more than willing to take credit for appointing both Condoleezza Rice and Colin Powell to historic positions of power, according to Clarence Lusane, George W Bush and those in his administration responsible for addressing issues of inclusion and bigotry embraced position that except for a few individual cases and a few individual miscreants racism had been overcome (2-3). Similarly, in terms specific to Rice, Lusane states, the administration argues that like race, gender bias was not and is not a factor in how Rice is treated or engaged (9). Rice herself, also agrees to this mantra, contending that she has not only been accepted on relatively equal terms with her white male counterparts, but that discussion of gender bias degrades her achievements. She is unequivocal that she should be evaluated solely on her merits sans gender considerations (Lusane 9). The notion of meritocracy where all are judged solely on individual merit is essence of American Dream; it is a noble goal. Proclaiming its arrival is however, premature. While conservatives claim America has reached a state of race and gender transcendence, this article argues that same old archetypes, in a slightly modernized fashion still reign. One of most effective ways to discern these archetypes is through study of mass media. As K. Sue Jewell has noted, the mass media play an important role in maintaining a social hierarchy of discrimination as they are chief vehicles by which ideology is transmitted through information and imagery (ix). In addition, Patricia Hill Collins has stated that, the media has generated class-specific images of Black women that help justify and shape new racism of desegregated, color-blind (147). For both Jewel and Hill Collins, along with other contemporary race theorists, one of reigning archetypal images in mass media is that of mammy. The original incarnation of mammy as asexual, subservient, ever-happy housemaid, who served because of her devotion and loyalty to, as well as her affection for, her white family is now widely understood as an attempt by white Southerners to justify exploitation of slavery. However, as Micki McElya poignantly stated in her recent book on subject, romanticized narratives of slavery and black fidelity to white masters proliferated long after emancipation because they served a wide range of emotional, economic, and political needs for white and black Americans (13), and, following study suggests, they continue to proliferate for this same reason. Accordingly, this article explores how Condoleezza Rice was portrayed to American public through mainstream mass publication news magazines, arguing that while she may wish to be judged only on her own merits, story that is told of her through these publications is that of a modern-day mammy. …

Controlling the discourse: interviews with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice

Iran's nuclear program has garnered a great deal of media attention for nearly a decade, yet critical discourse scholars have been relatively silent on the matter. To spur more scholarship on the nuclear controversy, this study examines the language of nine interviews with former US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. Analyzing the opening questions of topic shifts, the relationship of scope and topic, and Secretary Rice's portrayal of the US and Iran, I argue that Rice used her media access as a platform to encourage audiences to see Iran's nuclear program as a nuclear weapons program, often with the complicity of her interviewers and always without evidence. In the wake of the unilateralist American invasion of Iraq, Secretary Rice also worked to rebuild a positive image of the White House as she presented the US as a proponent of multilateral diplomacy as opposed to her portrayal of the Islamic Republic as a rogue state.

Condoleezza Rice Challenges NASPA Student Affairs Leaders

Condoleezza Rice Challenges NASPA Student Affairs Leaders

The Strategy of Campaigning. Lessons from Ronald Reagan and Boris Yeltsin - By Kiron K. Skinner, Serhiy Kudelia, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, and Condoleezza Rice

The Strategy of Campaigning. Lessons from Ronald Reagan and Boris Yeltsin - By Kiron K. Skinner, Serhiy Kudelia, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, and Condoleezza Rice

Rape as a war crime; Saving succeeding generations

Concerned over the security of women and girls in situations of armed conflict, United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stated that rape was a crime that could never be condoned; yet, women and girls around the world had been subjected to widespread and deliberate acts of sexual violence. Chairing in June 2008 a thematic debate of the Security Council on women, peace and security, Ms Rice said that “we affirm that sexual violence profoundly affects not only the health and safety of women, but also the economic and social stability of their nations”.

Saviors or Sellouts: The Promise and Peril of Black Conservatism from Booker T. Washington to Condoleezza Rice (review)

Saviors or Sellouts: The Promise and Peril of Black Conservatism from Booker T. Washington to Condoleezza Rice (review)

When the center is on fire: passionate social theory for our times

Introduction: An Offering ... Can We Talk?Part One: Consciousness: Lessons from Hurricane KatrinaOne. Condoleezza Rice, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Double Consciousness Two. Hurricane Katrina and Historical MemoryPart Two: Spirit: The 9/11 AttacksThree. The 9/11 Attacks and Max Weber Four. Moments of Grace/Grace UnderminedPart Three: Labor: The Abu Ghraib Prison AbusesFive. Karl Marx and Alienation Six. Looking for Species Being: Trauma and Its ConsequencesPart Four: Body: The Columbine School ShootingsSeven. Emile Durkheim and Embodiment in the Age of the InternetConclusion: Regeneration Notes Bibliography Index

NATURAL RIGHT AND LIBERALISM: LEO STRAUSS IN OUR TIME

Not long ago, the actor and playwright Tim Robbins directed a production in New York and Los Angeles calledEmbedded. The play is strange, but nowhere more so than in one, infamous scene: a black mass in honor of the deceased political philosopher Leo Strauss, conducted by candlelight by advisers to President Bush in the run-up to the Iraq war. Characters who are transparent representations of Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz and Condoleezza Rice masturbate with abandon, all the while yelping “hail Leo Strauss!” beneath an outsized portrait of his face. The scene reaches a climax with this verbal ejaculation from “Woof” (Wolfowitz): “I'm hard! I'm rock hard!”

A response

A response

Iran's Power in Context

Iran–US relations – strained at the best of times since the 1979 Iranian revolution – have never been worse than during the past six years, due to the much more intense interaction between the two ...

George W. Bush's Secretaries of State and Europe: Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice

By the time George W. Bush became President in January 2001 he had assembled one of the most experienced cabinets in recent US history. In particular his foreign policy team had an almost unprecede...