Conclusion Of Peace Research Articles

Regensburg Convention of Electors 1636/1637
 and Brandenburg's Struggle for Imperial Peace

The subject of this article is the policy of the Electorate of Brandenburg, aimed at concluding peace with the warring powers of the anti-Habsburg coalition during the Regensburg Convention. According to the ruling emperor, the purpose of the convention
 was to elect a Roman king – the future Emperor Ferdinand III. However, the Brandenburg Elector Georg Wilhelm set as his task the conclusion of peace, which should be preceded by an amnesty for the classes that did not sign the Prague Peace. During the
 preparation for the convention and the convention itself, it became clear that the Saxon Elector Johann Georg was pursuing an anti-Brandenburg policy. On his initiative, Brandenburg found itself drawn into a war with Sweden, then Johann Georg invited his colleague Georg Wilhelm to make concessions: to transfer Pomerania to Sweden in the name of peace in the Empire. During the convention, Brandenburg proposed to begin negotiations using the mediation of the Polish king. This was rejected by the majority of the Electors. Then a proposal was made to begin negotiations together with the emperor on concluding peace with Sweden and France. As a result, negotiations with Sweden
 failed. On the issue of amnesty for the Duchy of Württemberg, the Brandenburg delegation failed. As a result, under the influence of the leader of the delegation and a supporter of the Emperor Schwarzenberg, Brandenburg agreed to the election of the Roman king. As a result, Brandenburg's peace policy failed.

Między traumą Trianon a integralnością Korony św. Stefana. Koncepcje i próby odbudowy Wielkich Węgier 1920-1947

The goal of the article is to undertake a cause and effect analysis of political events and to present the effects of the Treaty of Trianon as factors significantly influencing Hungarian efforts to preserve the integrity of the Holy Crown. Stefan. The analysis of the achievements of historiography leads to the conclusion that finding a way to connect the “lost lands” with the Kingdom was supposed to be an antidote to political, social and economic problems resulting from territorial losses. Opportunities to implement the idea of Greater Hungary until the mid-1930s were seen in federal plans integrating state organisms located along the Danube. It is not possible to implement the plans drawn up, e.g. by Oszkár Jászi, Elmér Hantos, Gusztáv Gratz and Miklós Makáy, as well as the deepening economic difficulties, were to cause that even at the ideological level the Hungarians were to abandon all attempts at a federation. Hopes of crossing out Trianon would find their outlet in alliances with countries striving to revise the treaties concluded after the First World War. The relationship with the Third Reich allowed for a short-term recovery of fragments of Slovakia, Transylvania and Transcarpathian Ruthenia and gave hope for a return to the pre-1914 borders. However, these acquisitions proved to be unsustainable. The conclusion of peace in Paris in 1947 closed the way for the restitution of Greater Hungary. Although nowadays both the concepts of the Danube federation and the postulates of territorial changes have only the value of a historical argument, they do not mean the abandonment of the idea of Nagy-Magyarország. This concept has now only changed its formula in the direction of connecting Hungarians living in neighboring countries with the Motherland.

ВПЛИВ МІГРАЦІЇ З УКРАЇНИ НА ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКІ ЕКОНОМІКИ ПІД ЧАС ВІЙНИ З РОСІЄЮ

The war in Ukraine may hinder the economic recovery of Europe. The Russian invasion has caused a large-scale humanitarian crisis - almost seven million Ukrainians have left the country. The conflict and related sanctions have disrupted the region’s exports of goods such as metals, food, oil and gas, pushing inflation to levels unseen for decades. Real economic growth in the European Union is expected to fall well below 3% in 2022, down from the 4% estimated by the European Commission before the war. Further trade disruptions or increased economic sanctions could plunge the European economy into recession. The slowdown in growth is particularly noticeable in the countries that are in close proximity to Ukraine, Poland and Hungary – countries that also host large numbers of Ukrainian refugees. Poland plays the most important role among the countries receiving war refugees from Ukraine, with an estimated 3.5 million people who arrived in Poland between 24 February and midMay 2022. This is due not only to the geographical factor (shared border), but also to the long-standing tradition of labor migration between Ukraine and Poland. Despite this, the unprecedented flow of war refugees clearly raises questions about future events and problems related to the stay of Ukrainian citizens in Poland. In this article, we have estimated the possible future number of immigrants from Ukraine to other countries, and in particular to Poland, and pointed out the related problems. The presented scenarios indicate that regardless of the developments on the front line, it should be taken into account that the number of immigrants from Ukraine to Poland would be significantly higher in the coming months (or possibly years) than at the beginning of 2022, and this creates certain problems for public services and public institutions in Poland. Forecasting the future situation according to the pessimistic scenario predicts the continuation of the conflict with varying intensity over the next few years. This will mean that large parts of Ukraine will still be at risk for the next 18 months. This will lead to a constant flow of refugees as well as economic migrants to Poland. In addition, it is predicted that the ban on leaving Ukraine for men aged 18-60 will be significantly liberalized or even abolished. According to the pessimistic scenario, about 3.1 million Ukrainians will live in Poland in the medium term (economic migrants who arrived in Poland before the start of the war and refugees from the war). According to the optimistic scenario, a quick conclusion of peace is expected, which will stabilize the situation in the near term, and will bring relatively favorable conditions for Ukraine (territorial, reparations, the possibility of joining the EU, etc.) in the medium and long term. This could lead to a relatively large reduction (within 12 months after the signing of the peace agreement) in the number of women and children, a certain outflow of men (including those who lived in Poland in the pre-war period).

Enemy of All Virtues: Once Again on the Image of Simeon the Great in the Oration “On the Treaty with the Bulgarians”

This article focuses on the Bulgarian Tsar Simeon I the Great (893-927), who in the second half of his reign entered into a protracted military and ideological conflict with the Byzantine Empire. He wished not only to extend his dominions at the expense of his southern neighbour, but also to equal him in titular power, and it is possible - although scholars differ on this point - that his aspirations reached even further, namely Constantinople itself. Either way, Bulgaria under his reign posed a serious threat to Byzantium and its main antagonist. The death of the Tsar in 927 and the conclusion of peace with the Empire by his son, Peter I (927-969), finally put an end to the conflict between both the states. The celebrations marking the conclusion of the agreement provided an opportunity to take stock. In a rhetorical speech written for the occasion, Simeon's actions and aspirations were severely criticised – through comparisons to figures from ancient literature and biblical texts, the Byzantine speaker discredited the attitude of this ruler. Comparisons to those of them who aroused negative connotations in listeners and readers deprived Simeon of all the virtues belonging to a Christian ruler and, above all, of the cardinal ones by which he should, above all, legitimise himself.

WOJNA I POKÓJ W KONSTYTUCJI RP

Art. 116 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland provides that a state of war and the conclusion of peace are declared by the Sejm acting in the name of the Republic of Poland. These two notions, having no constitutional definition, come under the rubric of established notions, i.e. concepts whose meaning derives from doctrinal findings and provisions of law, as well as from constitutional principles and values. The Sejm’s power to declare a state of war and, consequently, declare the conclusion of peace is part of Polish system-of-governance traditions. The parliament’s power to declare war actually characterizes most of the democratic systems, even if it could be argued that waiving this prerogative in practice characterizes it as well, reflecting the preponderance of the executive power in the domain of foreign policy. The wording of Art. 116 rules out an invasive war, also in the form of a war of prevention or a preventive self-defence. The Sejm may adopt the relevant resolution only in case of armed aggression against the territory of the Republic of Poland, or if international treaties impose an obligation of common defence against aggression, i.e. as a consequence of an act of aggression. Being of key importance for the constitutional regulation of war and peace, this constraint is commensurate with international law, which the Republic of Poland is required to respect pursuant to Art. 9 of the Constitution, and is also commensurate with the Preamble to the Constitution. In a democracy, acts of war – as an important government prerogative – may only be conducted pursuant to the relevant constitutional provisions which define the conditions that must be met for such acts to be legitimate. The conduct of a war, after all, does not warrant the suspension of the Constitution. A democratic state ruled by law must not conduct a war otherwise than on the basis, and within the constraints, of law – if it is to retain its constitutional identity. For the use of armed forces abroad to be commensurate with the Constitution, such use must not represent an act of aggression, nor can it represent any acts violating the principles of the United Nations Charter. If past experience is to be a guide, democratic constitutions are not capable of preventing anti-democratic changes in the system of governance, nor are they capable of preventing wars. War represents a failure of the Constitution, by destroying its foundation, the belief in inalienable and inherent dignity of the person.

The question of peace in medieval domestic international and inter-principal treaties

Solving the current problems of our time is impossible without turning to history. Today, in times of great war, millions of eyes are directed forward, to the unknown post-war future. Without pretending to be able to give any principled advice to contemporaries, the publication introduces how their medieval ancestors stopped wars, concluded peace treaties and organized post-war life. The Middle Ages of Ukraine are mainly associated with the activities of the East Slavic state formations headed by princes from the Rurik dynasty. Thanks to historical chronicles (so-called Litopys or Letopis) and European archives, a lot of information about peace treaties has been preserved, as well as a certain number of originals or copies of peace treaties of the 10th-14th centuries. Practically all of them are currently published and put into scientific use. Such treaties cover the relations of East Slavic state formations with each other, as well as with other states and state formations: steppe hordes, neighboring kingdoms, church military orders, independent bishoprics and self-governing cities. From the available historical sources, we learn about the principle of the current treaty, which was that not only in the event of a declaration of war, but also in the event of a change (death, deprivation of power) of the signatory of the treaty (prince, king, khan, Grand Master of the order, etc.), peaceful relations were suspended until the moment of concluding a new contract or the time of sending ambassadors with the proposal of such a contract. There is no agreement – there is no peace, because there is no one who guarantees this peace. This gave rise to the practice of renewing old treaties without revising them, which was based on the principle of respect for antiquity common to all of medieval Europe. Another principle on which all peace treaties were based is the forgetting of previous grudges. Any conflicts that occurred during the war, during the period of validity of the previous treaty or during the time between the end of the previous treaty and the conclusion of the new one (the so-called rozmir’ya) were to be resolved during the conclusion of peace and in the future there was no need to mention them. Demands to return to consideration of previous conflicts were considered a violation of the treaty and the beginning of war. The Eastern Slavic legal worldview left no room for discussion: there is a time of war (rozmir’ya) and there is a time of peace, which creates a new legal space and should not be burdened by previous conflicts. The article also highlights information about the possibility of temporary peace agreements, the practice of armistice, the possibility of arbitration, the procedure for compensation to the affected population, the participation of princely people in the contractual process, etc. Key words: East Slavic state formations, Kyivan Rus, Old Rus, Medieval Law, Old Rus Law, law-making treaty, International treaty, Source of Law, Legal history

The Form of Government in Russia in the XI – First Third of the XIII Centuries

The article discusses the form of government in Russia in the XI – first third of the XIII centuries by way of discussion. It is proposed to characterize the form of government in Russia during this period as a democratic republic, since the authorities in it were: the invited Grand Duke, the Council under him and the People’s Assembly. The competence of the Veche included extensive powers: inviting the prince to the Grand Princely Table and denying him this honor, both at the end of the term of the contract (“row”) established with him, and before the expiration, in case the prince disagreed with the Veche in resolving issues related to public administration, the amount of taxes, the disposal of funds, land ownership, appointment of administrative persons (posadnikov, tiunov, sotnikov, etc.); judicial proceedings (supreme court); declaration of war and conclusion of peace. Such a political, economic and administrative competence of the Veche allows us to conclude about a republican, not a monarchical form of government. The position proposed in the article on these problems is justified by the information contained in the chronicle sources: The Tale of Bygone Years, the Laurentian and Ipatiev Chronicles.

Трансформация публичной сферы в годы Первой мировой войны: отношение к войне и миру

Introduction. The paper analyses the Russian public sphere during World War I. Special attention is paid to the peculiarities of the functioning of the periodical press under the conditions of military censorship. The paper demonstrates how censorship restrictions regulated the discussion of issues that were of special political importance and transformed the publicity regime in the country. Methods and materials. The presented work is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The methodological framework for writing the article is the public sphere model proposed by J. Habermas, as well as special methodological approaches developed in the works of N. Luhmann. With a view to understanding and analysing the processes taking place in the public sphere, the research method of case studies is used. The source base of the study, in addition to publications in periodicals, consists of official documents regulating the activities of military censorship institutions in Russia. Analysis. The study reveals and demonstrates the possibilities of the periodical press to create a special sphere of publicity in the country through the information impact on the population. The article states that the press at the early stage of World War I did not differ in the variety of opinions, made no attempt to develop an objective overview of what was going on. First of all, the issues of the “fair war” and “inevitable victory” were brought up, which fueled the atmosphere of patriotic euphoria. At the same time, the military censorship suppressed any attempts to discuss the possibility of making peace between belligerent countries, even if they came from the supporters of military conflict, as it was the case with the article by P.A. Sorokin. The same trend was observed both in 1915 and 1916. Mentioning peace on the pages of the periodical press was equated with violations that the enemies could use to their advantage. Results. Thus, the press acted as only one, albeit very important, element of the public sphere within which the formation of public opinion took place during World War I. The mechanisms of the public sphere fulfilled one of the key tasks: due to its influence the population was mobilized in all areas of its practical activity. At the very beginning of the war, the press stood in solidarity with the authorities regarding the inevitability of the future victory of Russia and the need to protect the Fatherland from enemy attacks. The question of the duration of hostilities and the advent of peace was more complicated. However, as the war continued and the internal political crisis grew, the attitude towards the early conclusion of peace was changing, gradually transforming into hatred of all the actors of the war in the public sphere, with its own authorities taking the place of the enemy governments. Throughout the war, the pressure on the media by the censorship striving to maintain a pro-government publicity regime increased. However, at some point the transformation of the public sphere became irreversible and in many ways predetermined the events of 1917. The authors’ contribution. E.А. Antyukhova has defined the methodological approaches to the interpretation of the documents of the periodical press of World War I in terms of the public sphere, demonstrated its possibilities in the formation of public opinion. V.F. Blokhin has analyzed the existing points of view in the domestic and foreign historiography on the features of the functioning of the periodical press under the conditions of World War I, demonstrated the work of military censorship at different stages during the military conflict.

The Triumph of Peace: International Congresses and European Society in the Time of Courts and Alliances

The formation of the first state system in Europe took place from the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, as a result of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), to the Utrecht (1713) and Rastatt-Baden (1714) Congresses which finished the end of the war of the Spanish Succession. The legal fixation of the Westphallian system was accompanied by its public perception and acceptance. First of all, this was demonstrated by International Congresses, which were not only a common negotiation process, but also a place of representation of the significance and culture of each state. In fact, the European Congress was a carefully designed triumph of peace within the continent, which required considerable funds, was widely covered in the press and glorified in celebrations, paintings, the release of commemorative medals, poetry and even fashion. The article presents the most striking examples of the analysis of the representation forms of Peace Congresses. The author believes that negotiations between states and the conclusion of peace made a significant contribution to the civilization heritage of Europe. The factor of transition from war to peace was the strongest stimulus for the transformation of the government structure in line with the monopolization of power, the development of trade, the banking system, productive forces and culture, which changed people's attitude to their own personality and environment. The publicity of International Congresses can also be considered as incentive for the development of the Law of Nations and as an act of humanitarian diplomacy. Peace Congresses were designed to minimize the heavy legacy of military conflicts in the historical memory.

Sacralization of Peace by the Choice of Dates for Conclusion of International Treaties within Westphalian System

The issues of peace have always been important for historical science. However, in recent years, international historiography began to pay attention to Peace congresses' symbolism and socio-cultural design. The symbolic power of "special days" whether it is a Christian holiday or an event of exceptional significance allowed people of early Modernity to express their attitude to reality and power. An analysis of the choice of the dates for the conclusion of Peace by adversary states within the Westphalian system demonstrates three persistent variants of the dates. The first is signing a peace treaty on Saturday, Sunday, or a Christian holiday. The most striking example of this option is the signing of the Peace of Westphalia itself (treaties in Münster and Osnabrück on October 24, 1648), on Saturday the day before the second Sunday after Trinity. The second option involves a reference to an important event in the past. For example, the Peace in Passarovitz between the Holy Roman Empire and Porta (1718) and the Russian-Turkish Peace in Kuchuk-Kaynardzhi (1774) were signed on the same date July 21, the date when Istanbul and Peter the Great signed the Prut Peace Treaty in 1711. Since the age of the Enlightenment, when the "Right of Peace" began to compete with the "Right of War" in political theories, the date of Peace could be directly determined by the end of negotiations. Sometimes the conclusion of the Peace became a Christian holiday. Peter the Great decided to consecrate the day of the conclusion of the Nystad Peace Treaty by transferring the relics of the Holy Grand Duke Alexander Nevsky from Vladimir to the new Russian capital St. Petersburg. Conclusion of the Peace was used as a tool of social constructivism, implemented through modeling. The political idea was symbolically grounded in significant historical or religious dates. Combining the historical precedent, the Christian holiday and the end of the war emphasized the sacred nature of Peace as the highest social value.

Legal and Political Aspects of the Council of National Defense Functioning in 1920

<p>The Council of National Defence, established on 1 July 1920, was to be a temporary governmental body having full legislative and executive power in all matters relating to the conduct and ending of the war, and also with the conclusion of peace with Bolshevik Russia. As regards the above matters, the Council of National Defence was to issue orders and regulations, which were immediately enforceable. Despite acquiring very broad powers, both legislative and executive, none of its regulations went beyond its competence scope. The Council of National Defence regulations had to be approved by the Legislative Sejm in order to be valid. During the three months’ period of its functioning, the Council of National Defense issued over 90 different legal acts aiming at strengthening of defense of the Polish State that was threatened with a loss of its independence. The Council of National Defense played a major role in holding back the Bolshevik invasion of Poland. It contributed to formation of a large army, and made the nation regain its faith in successful end of the military conflict with Soviet Russia.</p>

THE SACRED PLACES OF THE KAZAKH HISTORY:MARTOBE AND KULTOBE

The article discusses the sacred places of the Kazakh history of the late Middle Ages: Martobe and Kultobe - historical places where the steppe elite once a year (usually in the fall) gathered for a general meeting and resolved issues - the conclusion of peace, the declaration of war, the redistribution of pastures, and the determination of nomadic routes. The article has collected and analyzed all known data from historical sources reporting on these places.Based on documentary data and a historiographic survey, the localization of the Martobe and Kultobe hills is presented. Archeology data and messages from representatives of the Kazakh intelligentsia of the 19th and early 19th centuries. XX century together with information from Russian scholars and the results of research by modern historians, they can more reasonably localize the location of Kultobe near the late medieval city of Turkestan and Martobe near the city of Sairam, and make an assumption about the chronological framework for holding general Kazakh meetings in these places.

No Lazy Compromises!

The conclusion of peace between Russia and Ukraine is an important goal. But experience shows that concessions to Russia do not secure lasting peace in the post-Soviet space. Western indulgence and Ukrainian weakness send the wrong signals. Concessions to Moscow from Kiev will not lead to a solution of the basic conflict and could destabilize Ukraine.

Conclusion of Peace in Printing Forms of Communication of Westphalian System (Based on Peace Journalism in the Middle of the XVII and the Beginning of the XVIII Centuries)

The article presents a comparative political analysis of peace journalism during the end of the Thirty Years’ War and the first decades of the Age of Enlightenment. The author believes that the Early Modern Period became the first peak of peace journalism, and peace congresses were the highest point of international
 communication. The Thirty Years’ War was the first religious-political conflict, during
 which information on military events, both officially propaganda and oppositional
 one, was spread throughout the continent. The article notes that it was peace
 journalism that gave the name to this long and destructive European war. Almost
 half a century later, from peace congresses in Ryswick (1697), and in Utrecht
 (1713), a new «medial type» appeared, which purpose was to periodically familiarize
 European society with the development of the negotiation process and comment
 on the events taking place. To convey events to the reading public and for propaganda
 the activities of sovereigns and governments, materials of peace congresses
 began to be published shortly after their conclusion.
 In general, by the Age of Enlightenment, the peace press had obviously changed, new international publications appeared, peace projects had been created, and the periodicals became more open and full of discussion. Many years of the
 conflict had contributed to the growing perception of Europe as an international
 community, and performative nature and congress journalism emphasized European character of peace and the protopatriotic moods evoked by the concept «Europe ». The author comes to the conclusion that the peace journalism of the studied period was a form of communication that perfectly reflected the contradictions and
 transformations in European society before, during and after the conclusion of
 peace, and, in general political terms, the developed the function of «enter» that characterized the subject political culture. It was like an indicator showing the level of political competition and helped contemporaries and descendants to look at the ongoing international transformations objectively.

О гносеологических основаниях войны как социального явления

The article analyzes the epistemological foundations of the war. According to the authors, the idea of war is the result of previous cognitive and mental activity of a person. War as a form of struggle involves the use of special knowledge and thinking abilities. A field of specialized knowledge appeared, called the art of war, and then military science. War turned out to be one of the most important spheres of human activity, requiring high achievements in the field of science. Abstract thinking made it possible, by introducing generalized concepts and images ("enemy", "homeland", "good", "evil", "bravery", etc.), to create a categorical field that allows waging a war for certain generalized interests that differ from the private ones. War has a rational motive, goal, methods and means, process, result, and implies a reflexive understanding of the warfare results. Planning and waging war requires a person to search for logical connections, identify patterns and cause-and-effect relationships when solving complex creative tasks and organizing activities in a changing environment. The belligerents strive for the efficient use of funds and the conclusion of peace on reasonable terms. In this sense, war can be seen as a form of a rational solution to social problems.

Soothsayers, Legal Culture, and the Politics of Truth in Late-Medieval England

ABSTRACT Soothsaying or divination has generally been understood by historians within the context of magic, popular culture, and lay religion. This article considers what it might be able to tell us about legal culture in late-medieval England. It argues that soothsayers not only offered people an alternative to the pursuit of justice in law-courts, but also different means of conceiving what justice was: they did not necessarily aim at the conclusion of peace between parties, but rather claimed to unveil the truth. Elaborating this comparison, it argues that this casts a different light on the publicity of late-medieval legal culture.

THE REPUBLIC OF THE UNITED PROVINCES POLICY AT THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA CONGRESS AND THE PEACE OF MÜNSTER CONCLUSION

The Northern Netherlands fought for liberation from Spanish rule for 80 years. The country needed peace and confirmation of sovereignty. Spain, weakened by the war, was also interested in a peace treaty conclusion. Dutch-Spanish negotiations at the Peace of Westphalia Congress had not been held until January, 1646. The parties relatively quickly agreed on the basic terms of
 the agreement. They managed to resolve the issues of colonial conquest, trade, and the closure of the Scheldt. The contradictions, remained unresolved, concerned the position of the Catholic religion on the Lands of the Generality. However, there was no unity regarding the conclusion of peace in the republic itself. The province of Zeeland opposed the conclusion of the treaty. Despite this fact, in January 1647 a preliminary
 peace agreement was signed. It should come into force in case of signing the same Franco-Spanish agreement. In accordance with the Franco-Dutch Union Treaty, its parties undertook not to conclude a separate peace. However, France and Spain could not come to an agreement. As a result of the internal political struggle in the republic, the victory was won by the supporters of the separate peace conclusion.
 On January 30, 1648 the Peace of Münster was concluded between Spain and the Republic of the United Provinces. On May 15, 1648 the parties exchanged instruments of ratification. At the end of May, 1648 the province of Zeeland agreed to the peace concluded.

FROM FRIENDSHIP TO ENMITY SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS (1945-1965)

FROM FRIENDSHIP TO ENMITY SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS (1945-1965)

Uprawnienia nadzwyczajne Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej w świetle przepisów konstytucji kwietniowej z 1935 r.

The subject of the article is an analysis of the President’s extraordinary powers in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 23, 1935 (the so-called April Constitution). It adopted a system of government in which the President held the function of the highest factor in the state (hyper-presidentialism). Supreme state organs, including parliament, government and courts, were subordinate to him. If it was necessary to use the Armed Forces to defend the state, the President could impose martial law. In such a situation, the Constitution allowed for the implementation of a number of extraordinary powers, including issuing decrees with the force of law and the establishment of parliamentary chambers (the Sejm and the Senate) in a reduced composition. In the event of war, the President was given the opportunity to appoint the Supreme Commander and to appoint his successor, whose term of office expired three months after the conclusion of peace. The President also had extraordinary powers during the state of emergency. According to the author of the article, against the background of the April Constitution, the President could also exercise extraordinary powers in the event of failure by the subordinate organs of the state to perform the tasks assigned to them by the Constitution.

Sprawa pruska w pokoju oliwskim z 3 maja 1660 r. cz. 3 Uznanie a zwyczaj prawnomiędzynarodowy w praktyce politycznej dotyczącej Prus Ksiażęcych w drugiej połowie XVII w.

he conclusion of peace in Oliwa on May 3, 1660, ending the Northern War begun in 1655, implied an acceptance of the provisions of earlier treaties, including the bilateral Polish–Brandenburg Treaty of Velawy (1657), regulating mutual relations between Prussia and the Republic of Poland. It was particularly important to recognise the legal and political status of Ducal Prussia after 1657. However, due to the limited recognition of the full external independence of the Prussian principality in the Treaty of Velawy, this matter was the subject of Brandenburgian efforts, aimed at strengthening this position. The problem gained special significance in the context of the coronation of Elector Frederick III as king of Prussia, as Frederick I, which in the face of Poland’s weakness was confirmed by international recognition.