Concept Of Democracy Research Articles

Eksistensi Kotak Kosong Pada Pilkada 2024 Di LampungThe Existence Of Empty Boxes In The 2024 Regional Elections Lampung Eksistensi Kotak Kosong Pada Pilkada 2024 Di LampungThe Existence Of Empty Boxes In The 2024 Regional Elections Lampung

The Empty Box phenomenon is a current that is being discussed ahead of the 2024 elections, which is certainly inseparable from democracy. Empty boxes are predicted to be a solution as well as an inconsistency that erodes democratic values. In Lampung itself, there are two regions that will fight the Empty Box in the upcoming 27 November 2024 Pilkada, which is motivated by several factors, one of which is political domination. Understanding the existence of the Empty Box is important especially for mutual understanding and avoiding misconceptions. This article focuses on how the presence of the Empty Box in the conception of democracy and the empiricism of the community to channel their disapproval of the Single Candidate. This research uses Library Research method, literature study with descriptive and comparative approaches to describe the data into straightforward, detailed and clear sentences that make it easier to understand. The results showed that the Empty Box in the concept of democracy is a solution, but also a new problem, especially in Lampung where there are practices of political domination

Education as initiation into social practices – the case of democracy

ABSTRACT In this essay I scrutinize the challenge Paul Hirst set to educational philosophers in rejecting rational autonomy as the central aim of education and proposing initiation into social practices instead. Although I disagree with some dimensions of Hirst’s argument, I find his main idea of utmost importance in answering some burning challenges of contemporary democratic education. Contrary to Hirst’s thinking, I argue that this theoretical development can be best done within the framework of philosophical pragmatism, on which appropriate interpretations of the concepts of democracy, social practices and habits can be based. In this framework, it is also possible to preserve as educational ideals the pragmatist interpretations of the notions of rationality and autonomy. Based on my theoretical development relying both on early pragmatist and contemporary thinkers, I argue that education for democracy should start from the aim of providing children with emotionally rewarding experiences of participation, membership and belonging.

Renewable energy communities: Democratically legitimate agents in governing the energy transition?

It is crucial that the energy transition enfolds democratically, to increase its legitimacy and improve its outcomes. Although practitioners and scholars increasingly point to renewable energy communities (RECs) as legitimate agents for governing a democratic energy transition, RECs' democratic practices are poorly understood, which challenges assumptions about their legitimacy. We therefore analyzed how and to what extent democratic legitimacy is being pursued and met by RECs in their governance of renewable energy generation projects. Our comparative case study examined four different RECs in Utrecht, The Netherlands. We found that three out of the four studied RECs broadly meet the principles of energy democracy in the initial, developing and implementation phase of their energy generation projects. Significant differences between principles and RECs were found, which refutes the simplistic general assumption that RECs are either fully democratically legitimate or are not democratically legitimate at all. In reality, RECs face several trade-offs between democratic principles, which arise from the different legitimacy needs related to the REC's stage of maturity and the type of energy source it uses. To overcome these trade-offs and uphold legitimacy internally as well as with various stakeholders, RECs strategically organize participation and decision making in different governance spaces and prioritize certain specific legitimacy principles over others. Combining the concepts of energy democracy and democratic legitimacy has brought novel theoretical insights to the fore, and we recommend other researchers to further bridge these distinct but related fields of study.

Parliamentary procedure in the Finnish Parliamentary Reform of 1906. A safeguard of democracy or an obstacle to democratization?

ABSTRACT This article explores the debates and innovations in parliamentary procedure in the Finnish Grand Duchy of the Russian Empire. It focuses on the radical parliamentary and suffrage reform of 1905-06, when Finland’s outdated Diet of four Estates was replaced by a unicameral parliament elected through universal male and female suffrage. Until then, Finland had been a latecomer in parliamentary development, with reformists eager to study and apply European experiences, models, and concepts. These European influences inspired Finnish actors to pursue procedural innovations while balancing the risks and benefits of the dramatic reform. While many parliaments were struggling with limited time and considered imposing restrictions on the right to speak, Finnish reformists chose a different path, embracing the traditional ideals of careful, thorough, and multivoiced deliberation. This approach became heavily politicized and was particularly challenged by socialist newcomers, leading to an open struggle between competing concepts of democracy and parliament.

Democracy, Free Elections, and Gender Equality as Perceived by Recent Immigrants

This study examines how democracy and its political attributes (such as free elections) and social attributes (such as gender equality) are perceived by people who come from nondemocratic countries and have lived for several months in a democratic society. The data were collected in Quebec using an original questionnaire completed by 127 adult immigrants. The results indicate that recent immigrants from nondemocratic countries primarily view democracy as a society based on the rule of law with strong social control. They consider free elections significantly more important to democracy than the possibility to vote for any political party. Contrary to expectations, recent immigrants view gender equality as essential for democracy, although this importance varies according to sphere. Immigrants’ conceptions of democracy also signify the most salient characteristics of the social and physical environment of the host society as the most important democratic features. The study illustrates the multifaceted nature of the process of forming ideas about democracy among immigrants socialized in nondemocratic societies. Not only is theoretical knowledge about democracy as a political system part of these ideas, but everything observed in a democratic society can be perceived as attributes of democracy. The results indicate that immigrants’ impressions of the social and physical environment in their host society should not be overlooked when analyzing their ideas on democracy. Consequently, the study concludes that a more welcoming society can foster more positive visions of democracy among newcomers from nondemocratic countries.

India As a Democratic Nation- Concepts and Perceptive

India, as the world's largest democracy, presents a unique and diverse political landscape. Since gaining independence in 1947, it has upheld democratic ideals amidst challenges of diversity, inequality, and external threats. This paper explores the foundational concepts of Indian democracy, its key features, and its role as a beacon of democratic governance in the global arena. By examining India’s electoral system, constitutional framework, and challenges, we gain insights into how democracy functions in one of the most populous and complex nations in the world.

Geographic Tunnel Vision and the Past and Future of Democracy

Abstract In the twenty-first century, the democracy bequeathed by the past confronts major, diverse challenges. In thinking about how it might be reimagined, it is important to look beyond conceptions of democracy that are associated with a distinctive Western tradition, indicated at an early point by Athens two and a half millennia ago. Recent scholarship has questioned some clear connection of that specific ancient experience with the democracy that has developed since the late eighteenth century, challenging in several ways what might be called “epistemic exclusion.” One challenge concerns a long debate about Athenian uniqueness. A second concerns how the founding generation of modern democracy thought about, or did not think about, Athenian practices. A third concerns whether a broader geography of influence has infused the entire modern history of democracy in which much innovation has happened in peripheral places in hierarchies of wealth and power. These reflections have implications for where to look for good ideas to construct a better democratic future.

Contesting literacies: Beyond the hidden curriculum of the Neoliberal Arts

This essay challenges the broad, ongoing neoliberal transformation of higher education as expressed in contemporary literacy pedagogies based in and around Learning Management Systems. Building on Chantal Mouffe’s conception of agonistic democracy, we seek to model and encourage an alternative–a critical literacy that highlights competing hegemonic projects and the need for active engagement of all in shaping the politics of knowledge.

Kepastian Hukum Syarat Mantan Narapidana Calon Anggota DPD Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 12/PUU-XXI/2023

General Election Contestation (Election) is one indicator of the implementation of the ideals of a democratic country. A democratic state certainly cannot be separated from the ideal of the rule of law, because in fact the state of law and democracy go together. This is because a state administration must be based on applicable law, and the law is implemented as much as possible for the community. In order to support the implementation of the rule of law in accordance with the wishes of the people, the concept of democracy is a concept that is no less important. In the context of statehood, it is appropriate for the voice of the people to be represented by representatives of the people in parliament, both central and regional. The people's representatives are elected through elections by stating the conditions that must be met. However, the conditions listed seem inconsistent and there are even aggrieved parties so that they do not show legal certainty. The purpose of this study is to see aspects of legal certainty regarding the requirements for ex-prisoner who want to run in election contestations, especially the selection of individual candidates for DPD members. The method used in this research is juridical-normative legal research or commonly called doctrinal legal research with statute approach and conceptual approach. The results showed that the requirements for ex-prisoner who wanted to run in the election contestation had changed several times as a result of material tests in the Constitutional Court. The change in requirements is the result of an inconsistent change in attitude by the Constitutional Court towards the existence of ex-prisoner requirements when they want to run in election contestations, including the selection of individual candidates for DPD members.

Negative capacity. From a psychoanalytic notion to a democratic strategy for dealing with conspiracy theories

Authors claim an innovative viewpoint on the conspiracy theories phenomenon. Considering them as epiphenomena of the crisis, authors do not see them as a mere attack to democracy (although they may have anti-democratic effects), rather they see them as creations in response to the human need for meaning. Thinking about the concepts of power and knowledge democracy, authors argue that the development of negative capacity can represent a strategy for individual and social development in a democratic perspective. Such capacity, if cultivated in a systemic and systematic way, can support the coexistence of different narratives (conspiracy and non-conspiracy) and well-being, providing an important aid to the individual and social right to understand the world while respecting otherness.   

Negative capacity. From a psychoanalytic notion to a democratic strategy for dealing with conspiracy theories

Authors claim an innovative viewpoint on the conspiracy theories phenomenon. Considering them as epiphenomena of the crisis, authors do not see them as a mere attack to democracy (although they may have anti-democratic effects), rather they see them as creations in response to the human need for meaning. Thinking about the concepts of power and knowledge democracy, authors argue that the development of negative capacity can represent a strategy for individual and social development in a democratic perspective. Such capacity, if cultivated in a systemic and systematic way, can support the coexistence of different narratives (conspiracy and non-conspiracy) and well-being, providing an important aid to the individual and social right to understand the world while respecting otherness.   

Ambivalent Anti-Modernity: Fashwave and Far Right Temporality in the Internet Age

This essay provides an analysis of texts and images (memes) that have been widely distributed and discussed within the contemporary fascist/national socialist spectrum, and that articulate a pointed antagonism toward modernity. The meaning of the term ‘modernity’ is seldom clearly defined, but it can be generally understood, in this context, as referring to liberal or progressive stances on current hot-button topics concerning race, gender or sexuality as well as broader post-Enlightenment conceptions of democracy, equality or human rights. It is often contrasted with a mythologized past and an idealized future. Fascists thus style themselves as an elite-yet-beleaguered minority with the courage to contradict modern consensus values, despite all social or material costs. In particular, this essay takes a closer look at the online genre known as ‘fashwave’.

Teoria crítica da tecnologia: uma reflexão a partir das contribuições de Andrew Feenberg

The objective of this article is to present ways of understanding technologies based on Andrew Feenberg's critical theory. From a methodological point of view, this is a bibliographic study that addresses the foundations of instrumentalism, determinism and substantivism, as well as the influences that contributed to the formulation of the critical theory of technology. It is concluded that technologies can be understood as neutral, inevitable, faithful to the rules of efficiency, autonomous and capable of incorporating substantial values. The critical theory of technology adds that they can be considered the result of the technical knowledge of the experts involved in the technological project added to the experiences of its users. The democratic conception of technology emerges from this understanding, as a way for users to influence the technological project, in order to represent different interests and different contexts.

Teaching Strategies for Enhancing Reading Fluency and Comprehension Among Learners with Mild Hearing Impairment in Mainstream Classrooms

This paper presents the findings of a qualitative case study, which adopted the concept of communicative democracy to investigate the teaching strategies teachers use to enhance reading fluency and comprehension among learners with mild hearing impairment who were in mainstream classrooms. The purposively selected sample comprised two female teachers and 15 Grade 8 learners, aged between 14 and 15, from a public school in Gauteng province, South Africa. The data-collection methods included classroom observations and unstructured interviews with the teaching staff. Systematic sampling was used for the selection of suitable participants. Employing this technique meant acquiring a sample by selecting a random starting point close to the beginning of the target population list, and subsequently selecting every fourth name in a uniformly spaced unit thereafter. The findings revealed that the teachers’ use of strategies that emphasised active participation and learner-centred approaches considerably contributed to improving reading fluency and comprehension among learners with mild hearing impairment. These strategies included interactive reading activities, visual aids for vocabulary building, phonological awareness and rhyming techniques using visual aids, text immersion through peer collaboration, the adaptation of materials to suit individual learning needs, and word identification. The researcher concluded that learner-centred activities can be effective in enhancing reading fluency and comprehension amongst learners with mild hearing impairment. The recommendation is that future research should explore the long-term impact these teaching strategies have on the academic achievement and social inclusion of learners with mild hearing impairment in mainstream classrooms.

Rise and Fall of Democracy in Regional Government: From Assignment to Election

Indonesia has been trying to develop democracy since the early independence. Assignment of the head of the region conducted from 1945 to 1999. After the big reformation in 1999, which started in 2004, Indonesia started a new chapter with the direct election model for regional heads. This research tries to find the philosophy of Indonesia’s choice to select its regional leader according to the law provided. The research is normative research with a conceptual and comparative approach. The results show that the election of regional leaders in Indonesia has not always been in line with the sovereignty of the people and the concept of democracy. Political choice has had a very significant impact. However, as it turns out into practice, as an emerging country in South East Asia, even though an assignment and not by the general election, leaders or regional heads are also considered as democratic as long as it is still on the path of openness, fair game and also according to people’s approval, including if it comes from the regional representative’s choice of candidates.

Public participation in the administration of justice during the polish-lithuanian period (14th – first half of the 17th century)

The scientific article examines the development and functioning of the judicial system on Ukrainian lands during the Polish-Lithuanian rule (14th – first half of the 17th century). The main focus is on the multi-level structure of judicial authority, which included the central power represented by the prince and boyars, as well as local power exercised by appointed officials such as voivodes, volostels, and posadniks. It is established that the legal heritage of Kyivan Rus significantly influenced the judicial system of Ukrainian lands during the Lithuanian principality, providing stability and consistency in legal regulation. The implementation of Magdeburg Law in certain cities is discussed, which brought new legal standards and granted some autonomy to urban communities. The role of various forms of public justice, such as veche, arbitration, kopa, communal, peace, and bench courts, is identified. The analysis covers kopa (communal) courts, which had survived since the times of Kyivan Rus and operated based on ancient Rus law. It is emphasized that kopa courts existed on Ukrainian lands both in the Polish Kingdom and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Their uniqueness lay in the participation of representatives from all social strata, which ensured a wide range of opinions and experiences. This form of justice involved the consideration of various cases, including land disputes, criminal offenses, inheritance issues, and other civil matters. Despite the spread of German law, which introduced new legal standards and procedures, kopa courts remained important institutions, especially in rural communities. Kopa courts were an integral part of the legal system of Ukrainian lands during the medieval period, ensuring access to justice for all social strata and playing an important role in maintaining social justice and legal order. A separate section of the article is dedicated to Wallachian law, which spread in the western Ukrainian lands in the 14th century and provided for a democratic form of justice through judicial veche. In summary, the coexistence of different legal systems – German, Rus, and Wallachian law – created a multifaceted legal culture that met the needs of various societal layers and ensured the stability and predictability of judicial decisions on Ukrainian lands during the medieval period.

Workplace Democracy as the Liberal Republican Default

Liberal republican justice requires adequate, reasonably equal protection against domination while giving everybody a reasonably equal opportunity to live their lives as they see fit. This article investigates which central policy follows from it for workplace non-domination, under realistic assumptions about the nature of our working lives and some structural characteristics of advanced economies (especially the presence of large firms). It argues for a legal default of workplace democracy, understood as any arrangement that gives workers equal individual control rights over the management of their firm, and, as a body, more control rights than any other groups of enfranchised stakeholders, taken together. The argument has two steps. The first demonstrates where the most promising alternative liberal strategy – that of enhancing all individuals’ power to exit from their job through granting unconditional resources – fails. The second shows how this failure leads to the specific conception of default workplace democracy outlined.

Þekkingarmiðað lýðræði – þegar þekking lýðsins ræður

Í þeirri lýðræðisvakningu sem varð á Íslandi eftir hrun mátti sjá hvernig ólíkir hópar byggðu lýðræðiskröfur og ákall um meira eða dýpra lýðræði á ólíkum hugmyndum um lýðræði. Kjarni þessara krafna var þó hinn sami: meira lýðræði þýddi aukin áhrif almennings á ákvarðanir og stefnumótun. Þannig undirstrikaði hin almenna umræða um lýðræði þann skilning að virkt samráð við almenning sé nauðsynlegur hluti lýðræðislegra stjórnarhátta. Í þessari grein er gerð tilraun til að varpa ljósi á ólíkt inntak lýðræðiskröfunnar eftir málefnum hverju sinni og athyglinni einkkum beint að þekkingarmiðuðu lýðræði. Því er haldið fram að þótt enn sé ekki hægt að segja að þekkingarmiðað lýðræði byggi á veigamiklum empíriskum rökum, þá bjóði það upp á áhugaverðustu leið samtímans til að hugsa um lýðræðisnýjungar.

‘Stable and Four-Square:’ A Colonial History of Property-Owning Democracy

ABSTRACT This paper explores the colonial history of the theory of ‘property-owning democracy.’ Focusing on R.R. Torrens’ title registration system, the paper links property-owning democracy to nineteenth-century debates on land rights and title registration. Instituted in South Australia in 1858, Torrens’ system linked the simplification of transactions in land to visions of a property-owning society. Seeking to replace complex land laws, Torrens’ system’s emphasis on speeding up land transactions appealed both to settler society and metropole. This transformation facilitated the dispossession of Indigenous lands and intertwined property law with colonial narratives of progress, liberty, and democracy. Ultimately, Torrens’ vision identified democracy with a new property regime securing the future of property title and political rights. Through a common engagement with nineteenth-century Britain’s ‘land question,’ Torrens’ project in South Australia is linked to the development of the twentieth-century political concept of property-owning democracy. The paper makes the case that exploring land registration debates reveals the importance of secure property rights and human capital in the history of ideas of property-owning democracy. Legal and bureaucratic innovations like the property register were considered to free individuals to invest in their own economic development and create the economic conditions for democracy.

The Democracy I Like: Perceptions of Democracy and Opposition to Democratic Backsliding

Abstract When democracy is under attack, the hope is often that citizens will punish undemocratic incumbents. However, recent studies show that not all citizens punish governments for their undemocratic actions. In this article, we argue that citizens' understanding of and satisfaction with democracy are sources of heterogeneous reactions. In a survey experiment conducted in Germany and Poland, we show that the importance that citizens attach to specific institutions under threat, as well as their understanding of democracy, can explain much of the variance in citizens' responses to undemocratic actions. Citizens are willing to defend what they consider important for democracy – regardless of whether this reflects theoretical conceptions of democracy. Moreover, in times of democratic backsliding, Polish ‘critical citizens’, those who are dissatisfied with the way democracy works in Poland, are more likely to punish governments for undemocratic actions. Our findings help us understand how to increase citizens' resilience against democratic backsliding.