Concept Of Nation-state Research Articles

MUSLIM INTELLECTUAL THOUGHT IN THE SOCIAL SPHERE: THE CONCEPT OF THE STATE IN POLITICAL THOUGHT AL-FARABI, AL-MAWARDI, IBN KHALDUN

This article discusses the concept and urgency of the State for human life and the characteristics of heads of State based on the political thoughts of Al-Farabi, Al-Mawardi, and Ibn Khaldun. Islam, being a religion sprung from Allah, does not limit itself to discussing issues of faith and morality but also delves into all aspects of life, including the government. But it is believed that there is clearly no concept of government or kingship in Islam, nor is there a concept of nation-state in the concept of Islam. Understanding the concept of nation will be easier when we use various angles and viewpoints. Since the verses of the Holy Quran and the Hadith of the Prophet Muhammad do not mention a nation that does not have a ruler. However, we rush to the AlQuran and Hadist when we want to know the organs of that country. Islam is a comprehensive religion that addresses all issues, both external and internal. Issues of ketatanegaraan, including issues of national concept according to Islam, are likely to be addressed in this duniawi. This kind of study is known as library research using a descriptive-qualitative approach. Researchers Al-Farabi, Al-Mawardi, and Ibnu Khaldun set out to fill a gap in our knowledge by analysing the political theories of the three major Islamic thinkers

Women, war and nation-state building: the commemorations of Kartini Day in the newly independent Indonesia (1946–1949)

ABSTRACT Despite numerous works of Kartini as Indonesia’s most famous feminist icon, hardly any deep study investigated how Kartini was remembered in the first years of Indonesia’s independence. This study aims to examine how Indonesians celebrated Kartini Day during the Indonesian Revolution (1946–1949), by using print media in Indonesian, Dutch and English from that period. This study argues that for Indonesian nationalists at that time, commemorating Kartini Day was of paramount importance to encourage women empowerment based on the Indonesian nation-state concept. The commemorations were held in many places in Indonesia and were attended by numerous people from different walks of life. During the commemorations, Indonesian women were persuaded to adopt new roles in that era, namely as devoted Indonesian citizens who should contribute to the new country, especially in the field of women empowerment, community service, political participation and war effort. However, Indonesian women were criticised for still being Dutch-oriented and interpreting their freedom way too far. These findings indicate that during the Revolution, the commemorations of Kartini Day was urgently needed by the Indonesian nation-state as a momentum to promote Indonesian nationalism among women and encourage women’s participation in the nation-state building process and in the Dutch-Indonesian conflict.

The Evolution of 'Kafir' in the Qur’an: A Diachronic Study on the Socio-Political Influences Shaping Its Meaning

The term 'kafir' in the Qur’an possesses a complex meaning, which is one of the most pivotal elements of the Qur’an, influenced by the context from the time of revelation to the practice of the interpretive community. Considering the element of time, the meaning of 'kafir' has changed over the years; it is dynamic and dependent on temporal, spatial, and socio-political contexts. This paper explores the historical-critical changes in the meaning of 'kafir' over time, known as a diachronic study, by considering the socio-political backgrounds accompanying these emerging meanings. The objective of this paper is to foster a more comprehensive understanding of 'kafir' as a dynamic and discursive term throughout history. The findings indicate that with the continuous evolution of context, different understandings and meanings have surfaced, rendering the meaning of 'kafir' fluid. The term dates back to pre-Islamic times and was later used in the Qur’an within a new conceptual framework. Within the interpretive community, political divisions in the first centuries of Islam contributed to diverse meanings of 'kafir.' In the modern era, the predominance of the nation-state concept has brought the term 'kafir' into debates concerning the relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims and their status within the nation-state. This type of historically grounded diachronic study helps to avoid essentialism in the study of historically significant terms and concepts related to Muslim societies, which are still often examined in popular academic discourse.

Sociological study of cyber threats as an integrated part of the general data protection regulation

Sociology studies society and the patterns of its development, social processes, institutions, relations, structures, communities and certain cultural values which determine its development. Sociology also studies human behavior - how it affects society, and how people behave in social groups. There are many understandings of sovereignty in academic circles but mainly as absolute and hierarchical. As time passes, the concept of sovereignty, which prioritizes territory, has begun to lose relevance due to massive technological developments. In the context of technology and national security, territorial rules are irrelevant for three reasons: technology makes consistent and predictable territorial definitions difficult, data often moves in ways unrelated to the interests of users and legislators, and technology makes it easier for public and private actors to circumvent territorial rules, often without detection [12]. Another consequence of technological development is new actors with strong international influence due to globalization, free markets, and technological developments. Of all these actors, the most interesting are multinational companies. They do not operate on a territorial basis, which creates problems of jurisdictional asymmetry, overlap and control rather than of sovereignty in its formal sense [40]. Is sovereignty still relevant for the state? Since the advent of the Internet, the relevance of the nation-state concept has been questioned, and state actors have gradually lost their dominance. The Internet supports many international actors, and technology companies are the most significant. Their domination creates economic, legal, political, and social challenges; thereby, the state tries to regulate technology companies. The authors argue that the state sovereignty is still relevant despite many arguments saying otherwise. The paper explains the relevancy of the state sovereignty by presenting two cases: the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and the New Media Bargaining Code (NMBC). The nation-state demonstrates its sovereignty by the law affecting national companies; thus, showing that the state can restrain the power of technology companies, i.e., state sovereignty is still relevant in the contemporary era.

Nation-State and sovereignty in Hobbes and Locke

The aim of this paper is to discuss the concepts of Nation-State and sovereignty in Hobbes and Locke. From a philosophical point of view, the main objective of modern contractarianism was the justification of political authority. However, Hobbes and Locke came to divergent conclusions. In Hobbes’s argument, the end of the State was the achievement of peace. In Locke’s argument, instead, the end of the State was the protection of Natural Rights of the individuals: life, freedom and property. From a Lockean perspective, the argument of absolute sovereignty is inadmissible. The State, in Lockean contract theory, must be a limited government. In this way, Locke set the grounds and principles of contemporary Rule of Law.

The Study of Australian Jazz and the Issue of Methodological Nationalism

The Study of Australian Jazz and the Issue of Methodological Nationalism

Colonial textbooks and national consciousness in British India

ABSTRACT A geophysical perception of the ecumene had always existed in the consciousness of Indians even in precolonial days. But with the advent of the British, and with the establishment of territorial mapping and institutionalised education, there was a growing awareness of differences and similarities related to ethnicity, race and space. Colonial schools and education played a critical role in developing a sense of belongingness to a shared space. As Bengal was the hub for colonial administration as well as for dissemination of education, a look at history and geography textbooks, in both English and Bengali, highlights how the Bengali educated class negotiated this construction of knowledge. The article analyses the production of knowledge as a complex imagining of a ‘national’ space that refashioned and forged intricate geopolitical consciousness, which then went on to have vital implications for the future conception of nation-state in India.

Afghanistan Nation-Building and Missed Critical Element of Unifying Ideology

Afghanistan Nation-Building and Missed Critical Element of Unifying Ideology Sayed Hassan Akhlaq (bio) Introduction This study introduces a crucial ingredient missing from the processes of nation-building in Afghanistan. It consists of six sections. The first discusses the concept of "nation" in the context of Afghanistan. The next section, "Nation-building from the 'Iron Amir' to the strange irony of new Taliban" surveys the dynamic effects of Islamization, centralization of government, reformation, leftism, Islamists, and the Taliban, on nation-building in Afghanistan. Discussion in the following section 'Afghanistan from 2001-2021' pays a close attention to the recent process of nation-building in Afghanistan by international aid and relief agencies. The two following sections discuss the nature of significance of an integrative ideology to build a nation and its intrinsic nature in Afghanistan. The section titled "The key missing ingredient," arguing for the necessity of an integrative ideology examines competing meanings of ideology. The "The Integrative [End Page 51] Ideology" develops an evaluation of the character of theology, politics, social mores, and culture in Afghanistan. This review of Afghan culture, values, and traditions shows the important role of curious pragmatism, moderation, and morality as the foundation for a unique Afghan ideology, to unify and persuade Afghans to build their nation. This leads to rejecting the popular portrayals of Afghanistan as the land of radicalism, tribalism, and xenophobia. This inter-disciplinary study relies on published literature in English and Persian on Afghanistan, nation-building, and personal experiences of the author. The Background During the late eighteenth century, the term "nation" developed as a political concept, and some individuals and groups were classified as "nationalists." In 1789, the anti-Jacobin French priest Augustin Barruel used the term "nationalism" for the first time in print. Classical political nationalism claimed the right of a people—a nation—to their own state, creating the overlap of nationality and citizenship. In the same period, Ahmad Shah Durrani (1722-1773), the "baba," or father brought political life to a new realm, the Kingdom of Afghanistan. Over the next century Afghans developed their understanding of the modern concepts of state and nation. The military confrontation with the European imperialism of the Russian Tsar and the British resulted in deformed concepts of a nation-state. Asta Olesen, a specialist in social development in Afghanistan wrote, this encounter with the Christian imperialist powers dramatically changed the Afghans' attitude toward the west and its fundamental concepts: They learned to mistrust all Europeans; to see the English and Russians not just as infidels but enemies; to reread Islam as a unifying force and means of mobilization, thereby creating Afghan xenophobia and cultural isolationism.1 Subsequently, Afghans pursued two developments through their following history: welcoming the Western concept of nation-state while staying alert to prevent the loss of cultural identity; and struggling to reconcile Islamism with local and ethnic traditions. Although Afghan Islamism developed as a defensive reaction to European imperialism, it also has its own roots and intellectual history. Afghans remember their historical contributions to global civilization: great scholars, artists, poets, Sufis, scholars, and scientists like al-Biruni (973-1048), Avicenna (980-1037), Ali Hujwiri or Data Ganj Bakhsh (1009-1077), Nasir Khusraw (1004-1088), Hakim Sanai (1080-1131), Jalal al-Din Rumi (1207-1273), [End Page 52] and Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1838-1897) to mention a few. Afghans contributed greatly to Zoroastrianism, Buddhism, philosophy, Islamic theology (Kalaam), Persian literature, Sufism, art, medicine, astronomy, geography, and geodesy. However, Islamic intellectual contributions declined in the second half of its long history. Afghanistan particularly suffered from two events: First, the conflict between the Shi'a Safavids versus the Sunni Mughal Empire and against the Uzbeks in the north isolated Afghanistan. Second, the discovery of the sea route to India caused the decline of profitable and culturally enriching trade through Afghanistan. The Shi'ism of the Safavids moved Afghan literature, and in some extent religious scholarship, from its Persian roots toward Indian connections. The loss of long-distance trade weakened the flourishing urban culture of Afghanistan. In result, the economic and political center of gravity moved toward the countryside and the large landowners – an essential factor in the formation of the...

Muslim Cosmopolitanism in Rural Bangladesh: The Construction of Power Dynamics vis-à-vis Cosmopolitan Identity

The article addresses how the migrant Bangladeshi workers, in their bid to be a part of the Middle Eastern Muslim Cosmopolis, make sense of the negotiation between the concepts of nation-state and umma. The article also examines whether these migrants’ endorsement of a ‘foreign’ Muslim culture in Bangladesh has created a community of ‘other’ Muslims perceived to be less Muslim because of being less exposed to the Middle East culture. In a rapidly changing context in terms of cultural identification, it is pertinent to investigate if the power, prestige, and privilege that these Bangladeshi migrants enjoy in Bangladesh rely solely on their becoming ‘better’ Muslims or rather chiefly stem from their monetary gain. The article explores whether a good financial status becomes the driving force in creating the Muslim ‘other,’ and how it has been inspiring others to migrate to the Middle East to become successful and ‘Global’ Muslim Citizens. The concepts of umma and cosmopolitan constitute the conceptual framework of the study. The study also presents a critique of cultural influence and identity construction based on faith. In addition, some migrants were interviewed to reflect upon their experience and the role of religious affiliation in the construction of cosmopolitan Muslim identity. Both collective conscience and the sense of religious affinity are addressed.

Nation-state and Islamic Government Theoretical and Factual studies

The concept of nation state presented by the West at its core is the idea of humanism. In which man was given a central position and freed from the concept of God. Denied everything that was not observed. Therefore, man expelled religion in all matters of life. The logical consequence of which was that the head of human unity was scattered. The slogan of nationalism was used to unite man in the struggle for unity. Which eventually manifested itself in the formation of nation-states the western colonial powers ruled the world in the form of the United Nations change the way of life in the Western World and especially in Muslim society. Which has a profound effect on the Islamic system of government. Islam envisioned divine sovereignty in the system of government. Today the Muslim rulers have forgotten it, and the Western system considered its survival in democracy. The article explains what the core concern of the nation state and Islamic Government is and whether it is based on its own ideas in modern times has been considered.

THE ACHIEVEMENT-ORIENTED LEADERSHIP MODEL IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE MALAYSIAN NATION-STATE

In the administration and development of the Malaysian nation-state, each prime minister has contributed and exhibited his distinct leadership style. Abdul Razak Hussein and Mahathir Mohamad’s contributions and leadership, especially in the nation-state’s development and modernisation, are well-recognised by Malaysians. They referred to Razak as the Development Father while Mahathir is known as the Father of Modernisation. Their leaderships’ effectiveness is also evident in their outstanding achievements based on the policies and actions during their tenure as the nation’s leaders. Therefore, this study aims to discuss the achievement-oriented aspects of Razak-Mahathir leadership in Malaysia’s nation-state development. A qualitative historical descriptive design was used as the research methodology where the primary source of this study was the texts of the two prime ministers’ speeches. These sources are qualitatively analysed to explore the qualities of leadership they practised to develop and modernise the country. The results showed that leadership qualities such as stimulating people’s intellectual capacity, motivating people, good planning, demonstrating influence, emphasising togetherness, emphasising good values, exhibiting firmness, demonstrating self-confidence, being considerate, envisioning the future and acknowledging people’s contribution were practised by Razak and Mahathir in conducting their duties as prime ministers. It showed that a country can achieve remarkable development and modernisation when it is led by leaders who incorporate the aforementioned leadership qualities. This study’s social implications are as follows: first, underlining the importance of achievement-oriented leadership that can inspire the people and the government to foster a steady national development and secondly, implying the essential roles of leaders in defining and shaping a suitable nation-state concept that should be adopted in a nation-state. This study innovatively introduces a leadership model framework based on Razak-Mahathir’s achievements during their administration. It gives an overview of their successful leadership styles in governing the country, which can be applied or practised by leaders or related parties with similar roles, aspirations and goals.

THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF MIRZA NAINI

In Islam this is Gods right to rule over man and he gave this right according to Sunni Islam to everyone who possesses some abilities mentioned in books written by jurists but Shia Muslims believe that not only God is legitimate authority, He also appointed specific persons for political leadership after prophet Mohammad (peace upon him), they are twelve Imam the last Imam Mahdi(peace upon him) went to major occultation in 941 and till sixteenth century Shia Muslims could not establish government like Safivids dynasty in Iran.The rise of the modern nation-state in the Middle East in the early 20 century led to debates around the role of the clergy in the state and the nature of an Islamic state There was a controversial debate about constitution, is it legitimated according to Islam or not? In the responseTanbih al ummah va Tanzih al Millahwas written by Mirza Naini. He supported the idea of making constitution and legitimacy of assembly where representatives of people can do legislation because these two can control kings selfishness and make him away from tyranny. He also accepted concept of nation-state and proved that these concepts are not bidah.(condemnable innovation in religion)He believed in equality of common people with rulers along with their right of freedom.

Fetichismo de las armas y fetichismo de la mercancía: reflexiones sobre la lucha de clases, la política y la guerra / Fetichism of weapons and fetichism of commodities: reflections on class struggle, politics and war

El presente trabajo se propone reflexionar sobre la relación entre guerra y política. El punto de partida de son algunas indicaciones realizadas por Juan Carlos Marín acerca de la necesidad de producir una crítica del fetichismo de las armas presente en las concepciones militaristas del estatuto de la guerra en el marco del capitalismo que sea paralela a la crítica del fetichismo de la mercancía en Marx. Para pensar este paralelismo se toman los conceptos de “estado-nación” y “ciudadano” como las claves de la construcción de la fuerza armada de la burguesía. La “ciudadanización” como proceso de disciplinamiento de los cuerpos fundamental del capitalismo es explorada a partir de dos autores. Por un lado, se retoma a Louis Althusser, quien afirma que en la lucha de clases lo que se enfrentan no son solo dos clases, sino también dos formas de lucha. Por otra parte, se explora esta tesis a partir de los análisis que Dardo Scavino hace del dispositivo sarmientino de la oposición entre "Civilización y Barbarie" como modelo de constitución de la lucha de clases burguesa y proceso de ciudadanización en la Argentina. Por último, en las conclusiones se exploran los límites de la noción de "ciudadano" en el marco de las políticas neoliberales impuestas por las dictaduras latinoamericanas y el dominio del capital financiero en el ultra-imperialismo

COVID-19: The World Community Expects the World Health Organization to Play a Stronger Leadership and Coordination Role in Pandemics Control.

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has been accompanied by the return of the concept of national state and exhibited signs of crisis of globalism and liberalism. The pandemic affected most aspects of society and human activity, including socioeconomic impact. Economic problems, shortages of medical supplies and personnel, xenophobic sentiments, and misinformation led to the use of unethical practices and human rights violations. To navigate through this crisis, many countries resorted to traditional diplomacy in the absence of effective international instruments. Thus, the world faced the urgent need in functioning global governance. The pandemic also manifested the increasing importance of international organizations as sources of technical expertise, providing scientific basis for politicians to legitimize their decisions and actions. The article addresses the topic of implications of the pandemic for governance and forecasting a post-pandemic future. The research focus of this paper, therefore, is the assessment of the role of the World Health Organization (WHO) in prevention and response to pandemics. The work is aimed at identifying the functions of the WHO and assessing its activities in prevention and control of pandemics and response to the COVID-19 pandemic in particular. Furthermore, the objective of this article is to identify gaps in the WHO pandemic control efforts and formulate recommendations on addressing them.

Islamic Revivalism in Indonesia: The Caliphate, Sharia, NKRI, Democracy, and the Nation-State

This research examines Indonesian Islamic revivalist movements’ perspectives on the concepts of the nation-state and democracy. The Islamic revivalist movements studied in this research include Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Front Pembela Islam (FPI), Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI), and Forum Umat Islam (FUI). Following the fall of the authoritarian Suharto’s regime in 1998, Indonesia witnessed an escalation of Islamic activism whose goals revolve around the implementation of Sharia (Islamic law) and, to a certain extent, the reestablishment of a caliphate (transnational Islamic state). To this end, revivalist movements have been staging frequent mass protests, mainly addressing Indonesian government policies that are deemed un-Islamic. Some of the protests have ended violently, which implies that their Sharia and Islamic state goals have become a source of conflict in Indonesian society. This research suggests that this violent activism stems from different versions of the concept of the nation-state and democracy, which disagree with broadly accepted definitions. This research was conducted against this backdrop to analyze each movements’ perspectives on the concept of nation-state and democracy and argues that, despite each movement advocating the implementation of Sharia, their understandings of the concepts of the nation-state and democracy differ.

ПСИХОЛОГО-ПЕДАГОГІЧНІ ОСОБЛИВОСТІ СТАНОВЛЕННЯ ПРОФЕСІЙНОЇ САМОІДЕНТИЧНОСТІ МАЙБУТНЬОГО ПСИХОЛОГА

Статтю присвячено теоретико-емпіричному вивченню проблеми становлення професійної самоідентичності майбутніх психологів. Акцентується увага на необхідності врахування особливостей її структурних складових у професійній підготовці студентів-психологів. Теоретично обґрунтовано поняття «професійна ідентичність», «професійна ідентифікація», «професійна самоідентичність» і «професійна самоідентифікація». Професійна ідентичність розглядається як одне з важливих новоутворень особистості юнацького віку. Зазначається взаємозв’язок становлення професійної ідентичності з процесом фахового самовизначення. Встановлюється залежність ефективної самореалізації психолога в майбутньому від сформованості його професійної самоідентичності. Доводиться, що процеси когнітивного й індивідуального розвитку психологів в сукупності створюють основу для формування їхньої професійної ідентичності у процесі оволодіння фаховими компетентностями. Розглядається професійна ідентичність як динамічна структура, що розвивається і змінюється протягом всього життя людини. Професійна ідентичність визначається такими компонентами як екзистенційні, рольові та персональні самокатегоризації, що передбачає функціональне та екзистенційне споріднення людини і професії. Виокремлюються фактори, що здійснюють вплив на становлення професійної ідентичності майбутніх психологів. Аналізуються моделі професійної самоідентичності майбутніх фахових психологів. Акцентується увага на тому, що особистість майбутнього фахівця є однією із визначальних складових моделі успішного становлення його професійної самоідентичності. Визначається рівень усвідомленості студентами-психологами вибору своєї професії в процесі становлення їх професійної самоідентичності. Визначаються показники здатності досліджуваних студентів до самоідентичності. Виокремлюються чинники, що обумовлюють ефективність професійної самоідентичності студентів. Аналізується вплив психолого-педагогічних чинників на становлення самоідентичності досліджуваних.

Introduction to the Special Issue on National Cultural Autonomy in Diverse Political Communities: Practices, Challenges, and Perspectives

Numerous contemporary examples attest to the continued political salience of ethnic identification. This is the case even in multi-ethnic societies bound together by a strong overarching sense of patriotism, but it is most especially so in contexts where ethnicity has historically functioned as the building block of modern nations (Rudolph 2006). Since today’s world contains many more ethnoculturally defined nations than it does states, a tension persists between the principle of self-determination of peoples and the principle of territorial integrity of existing polities (Dembinska, Máracz, and Tonk 2014). The almost invariable overlapping of different ethno-national populations within the same territorial space renders the nation-state concept inherently problematic as a modality for ethnically based self-determination, for while all nation-state projects dictate cultural uniformity, all must contend with differing degrees of pluralism. Within the nation-state frame, those who do not profess belonging to the dominant ethnocultural community are consigned to the category of “national minority” and thereby deemed an anomaly and a barrier to the creation of a “good political order.”1In this context, claims by minority national and ethnic communities for recognition of collective rights can be easily construed as a threat to the security of the state and its dominant ethno-national group, leading to situations of tension and—in the worst case—open conflict.

Soka Gakkai's Human Revolution: The Rise of a Mimetic Nation in Modern Japan by Levi McLaughlin

Reviewed by: Soka Gakkai's Human Revolution: The Rise of a Mimetic Nation in Modern Japan by Levi McLaughlin Mitsutoshi Horii (bio) Soka Gakkai's Human Revolution: The Rise of a Mimetic Nation in Modern Japan. By Levi McLaughlin. University of Hawai'i Press, Honolulu, 2019. xiv, 219 pages. $68.00, cloth; $28.00, paper. Levi McLaughlin's Soka Gakkai's Human Revolution: The Rise of a Mimetic Nation in Modern Japan is a brilliant introduction to Soka Gakkai as an organization and as a social movement. Soka Gakkai's organizational history, its basic teaching, and the main characteristics of its campaigns are clearly explained in the first half of the book. The second half contains a beautifully written ethnography, in which readers can get a real sense of the ordinary people who participate in Soka Gakkai's movement. Readers will gain most from this book, however, if it is read with Anne Mette Fisker-Nielsen's Religion and Politics in Contemporary Japan: Soka Gakkai Youth and Komeito (Routledge, 2012). McLaughlin is a male nonmember of Soka Gakkai, while Fisker-Nielsen is a female self-identified Gakkai member. In my view, these two books complement each other as two sides of the same coin. For more advanced readers, I would like to point out some possible shortcomings in McLaughlin's argument. What follows is my critical review of the book. Some may find my criticism pedantic, and if so, this is because McLaughlin's book is overall extremely well written. For those who know my own works, my first criticism will be predictable—rather than assuming Soka Gakkai is a religion, the category of "religion" should be an object of analysis in the context of Soka Gakkai's history. Soka Gakkai was originally founded in 1930 as Soka Kyōiku Gakkai, which was a self-identified "educational" organization. McLaughlin observes that its founder, Makiguchi Tsunesaburo, "hardly deals with religion" in his academic publications, and Makiguchi's works were "concerned primarily with philosophical inquiry, not with religion" (p. 41). What was described as "religious" about Makiguchi's life by his contemporaries was his conversion to Nichiren Shōshū (p. 42). At that time, Nichiren Shōshū was an officially recognized "religious" organization. This is because the category of "religion" in the prewar Japanese constitutional regime was reserved specifically for Temple Buddhism (which Nichiren Shōshū was part [End Page 527] of), sectarian Shintō, and Christianity. Thus, the arrest of Makiguchi by the police in 1943 and the subsequent dismantling of Soka Kyōiku Gakkai by the Japanese authorities should not be perceived as "clamping down on religious organizations" (p. 43, emphasis added). Instead, the organization was more likely to be clamped down on because it had not been a "religious" organization, which would have been constitutionally protected. It belonged to the category of "pseudo-religion" or "heretic teaching."1 Renamed Soka Gakkai after World War II, in 1952 it became a "religion" "under the 1951 Religious Corporation Law" (p. 118). This meant Soka Gakkai became a legal entity independent from Nichiren Shōshū. The book, however, does not highlight the significance of this event. And interestingly, this might be a beginning of Soka Gakkai's preparation for its future battle against the Nichiren Shōshū priesthood. In my view, this part of Soka Gakkai's history is too important to ignore. Now I would like to turn to McLaughlin's conceptualization of Soka Gakkai as "a mimetic nation-state" (p. ix). He observes: "Soka Gakkai's appurtenances resemble, most of all, features of a modern nation-state" (p. 16). McLaughlin uses the concept of nation-state as "a guiding metaphor" (p. 20). In my view, however, when he regards Soka Gakkai as "a religion that models itself on an idealized vision of the nation-state" (p. 20), he could have pushed his argument even further to regard Soka Gakkai as a "vestigial state." Vestigial states are "the institutional and cultural remainders of former sovereignties surviving within the jurisdictions of contemporary government."2 They could also be states "in waiting" or "in hibernation."3 Soka Gakkai can be one of the latter type. What are classified as "religions" by the government in...

REVITALISASI WAWASAN KEBANGSAAN MELALUI PENDIDIKAN MULTIKULTURAL

<p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This article affirms the relevance of multicultural education in the endeavour to construct nationalistic ideals that covers four pillars: Pancasila, the Unitary State of Indonesia, the 1945 Constitution, and Unity in Diversity. Even though the conception of nation-state based on Pancasila has become the national consensus since 1945, it must be admitted that lately nationalistic ideals have increasingly been threatened by primordialistic religious practices. The formation of a multicultural society in Indonesia that is based on nationalistic ideals must be conducted systematically, structurally, integrally, and sustainably. In that context the approach of multicultural education is very relevant. Specifically, the concept of multicultural education includes acknowledgement of individual cultural differences of minority groups. The concept of multicultural education contains aspirations as well as efforts to respect the dignity of each person.</p><p><br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> nationalistic ideas, Pancasila, national identity, multicultural education, diversity, multiculturalism, civil society</p>

The role of the International Organization for Migration and the UNHCR in the EU and Italy: Still entrapped by a securitization approach to Mediterranean migration?

ABSTRACTMediterranean migration flows have been managed, so far, by revitalizing the traditional remits, such as border control, of the state. Recent years have seen the growth of nationalist parties, able to exploit migrant flows to expand their support. Rescue operations have also received widespread criticism from several other actors, instead others have expressed anxiety about the lack of concern, on the part of state representatives, for the humanitarian dimension of the phenomenon. The EU has not been able to act as a counterweight and has shown all the difficulties involved in enhancing solidarity and responsibility-sharing between member states. Moreover, there is a lack of mutual trust affecting not only the EU and its members states, but also the broad international cooperation that includes international organizations (IOs) and NGOs. The article adheres broadly to the interactive model outlined by Longo in the introduction to this special issue. The interactive model highlights the interplay between the external and internal variables influencing different policies, and is here applied to the process of reception of migrants in Italy during the ʻrefugee crisisʼ. In particular, the article explores how the principal IOs managing migrants and refugees are constrained, in their cooperation activities, by domestic policies and especially by a revitalization of the nation-state concept as exemplified by the so-called ʻhotspotʼ approach.