Abstract: This article examines the epistemological certainties and uncertainties of Akan spirit possession and witchcraft knowledge. It is based on fieldwork carried out between 1990 and 1999 in Dormaa-Ahenkro, Brong-Ahafo region, Ghana. The article examines the transcendental knowledge found among antiwitchcraft shrine gods and their priests and how the sacred knowledge of gods is utilized to counter witchcraft in the modern postcolony. This, it is argued, is an ambiguous process, involving the partial knowledge of the shrine priest versus the complete picture of events held by the god. However, it is suggested that antiwitchcraft practices are very popular among priests because this type of knowledge allows the priest to manage uncertainty at first hand. The witch confesses directly to the priest, and this knowledge is not mediated through a god. Resume: Cet article se propose d'etudier les certitudes et les incertitudes epistemologiques de la possession par les esprits et du savoir en sorcellerie chez les Akan. Nos recherches se basent sur une enquete de terrain effectuee entre 1990 et 1999 a Dormaa-Ahenkro, dans la region de Brong-Ahafo au Ghana. Nous examinons le savoir transcendantal decouvert chez les dieux des lieux de culte anti-sorcellerie et leurs pretres, et nous montrons comment le savoir sacre des dieux est utilise pour contrecarrer la sorcellerie dans la postcolonie moderne. Nous soutenons que ce processus est ambigu car il oppose le savoir partial du pretre du lieu de culte a la vision divine des evenements, qui, elle, est totale. Nous suggerons cependant que la pratique de la sorcellerie est tres populaire chez les pretres parce que ce type de savoir permet au pretre de gerer l'incertain a la source. Le sorcier (ou la sorciere) se confesse directement au pretre et ce savoir ne passe pas par l'intermediaire d'un dieu. Introduction In recent anthropological writing, the association of African witchcraft discourses with primitive thought, tradition, and superstition has been supplanted by the view that witchcraft practices are dynamic and wide-ranging and that they crystallize the experiences of the modern world (Comaroff & Comaroff 1993, 1999; Geschiere & Meyer 1998; Moore & Sanders 2001). Witchcraft has become an authoritative symbol of the experiences of modernity and the effects of an invariable source, globalization (Englund 1996:259). It is seen as a critical comment on, for example, the accumulation of good and bad wealth (Meyer 1998), international migration and smuggling (Masquelier 2000), immoral consumption (Parish 2000), and illicit production and accumulation (Sanders 1999; Shaw 1997:2001). In this way, witchcraft invokes an imagery of new forms of modernity, reflecting the dialectic between the modern and tradition in a modernizing nation-state and expressing social conflicts within the postcolonial economy (Geschiere 1998; Geschiere & Fisiy 1994). While global witchcraft complexes in Africa provide a medium for exploring the new images and objects of modernity associated with overseas wage labor, remittances, and flows of value, the specialist body of esoteric knowledge communicated through witchfinders also articulates and dramatizes the contradictions of a changing economy, as in the case of the Atinga cult of southwest Nigeria during the 1950s (Apter 1993). Increasingly, in the postcolonial economy, possessors of sacred, secret knowledge are also international salesmen and women responding to the anxieties of modernity and employing the symbolism of commoditization and the free market (Ashforth 1996; Sanders 2001). Auslander (1993), for example, examines the symbolic politics of Ngoni witchcleansing in Zambia and the ways in which it employs modern imagery of the state and market (for example, passports) to invoke the reality of the postcolonial landscape. Yet in spite of the association of popular Ghanaian witchcraft commentaries with all things new and contemporary, Akan antiwitchcraft shrines, often located in remote rural villages, have remained something of an anachronism. …