that, in practice, where reparation is used in the service of diversion the victim invariably loses out. As a result, after an initial flicker of enthusiasm, official policy makers appear to have rejected the idea in favour of a more traditional approach. In its 1990 White Paper, Crime, Justice and Protecting the Public (Home Office 1990a), for instance, the only forms of reparation to receive an official seal of approval (compensa tion and community service orders: para 4.26) were those administered by the courts, and after an offender has been prosecuted. In this paper I will argue that it would be quite wrong to consign the idea of pre-trial diversion based on reparation to the dustbin of penal reform. First, the findings referred to above do not provide a sound empirical basis on which to conclude that reparation can never be made to work in the service of diversion. Support for this argument is drawn from the findings of a recently concluded study of an adult diversion scheme based in Kettering, Northamptonshire (Dignan 1991). This differs in a number of significant respects from the other schemes that have been reported on so far and, although not faultless, it does appear to offer a more promising model for future development. Second, there are a number of sound policy reasons for persevering with attempts to develop reparation as a means of diverting offenders from court. And finally, the theoretical arguments in support of the practice have been greatly streng thened by Braithwaite's recent work on reintegrative shaming (Braithwaite 1989). However, this would also have important implications for the way the practice is conducted, and some of these are considered in the final section of the paper.
Read full abstract