There is a considerable body of theoretical literature that argues that nature of economic structure (e.g. function, size, ownership, diversity, and location of firms) has a powerful effect on community politics and on social networks and norms which may affect politics. Specifically, many claim that manifestations of increasing economic scale such as larger firm size, more commuting, and less independent ownership disrupt a community's social fabric which, in turn, results in political disengagement among community members. Despite these assertions, there have been few efforts to empirically assess effect of economic context on mass-level political participation. This article seeks to investigate several of these propositions about effect of economic scale. These propositions are empirically tested using a cross-level data set created by integrating 1996 National Election Study with information about each respondent's community economic context collected from various sources. These analyses reveal that, contrary to many contemporary claims, retail size, retail density, and independent ownership have little effect on political participation. Commuting, however, does have a strong effect on political participation, but it is aggregate level of commuting within one's community that apparently matters more than one's own commuting status. n 1994, 700 citizens of small New England town of Sturbridge, Massachusetts, turned out to vote in a local referendum. At stake was whether Wal-Mart would be allowed to build a new superstore in their community. After votes were tallied, Wal-Mart's bid to locate in community was rejected overwhelmingly. Among many press accounts detailing pitched battle between citizens and superstore was one that noted that community activists opposed not just Wal-Marts specifically but all sprawl-marts that suck . . . everyday social life out of small (Goodman 1994). Several months later, in an article surveying more than 100 battles in which Wal-Mart was then engaged with local communities over location of superstores, another journalist noted that Wal-Marts were feared not just because of economic effects of their arrival in local communities, but because they represent Main Street merchants who can't support Boy Scouts, soccer league and Rotary Club because megastore has driven them out of business (Walters 1995). In both press accounts, journalists and activists that they quote make explicit claims that some change in economic scale of their community (in this case, introduction of large retailers) powerfully affects civic life of community. Such speculation is not confined to journalists and civic activists either. In his 1994 Nobel Symposium paper, Bowling Alone, Harvard political scientist Robert Putnam suggested that the changes in scale that have swept over American economy in these years-illustrated by replacement of corner grocery by supermarket and now perhaps of supermarket by electronic shopping-athome, or replacement of community-based enterprises by outposts of distant multinational firms-may perhaps have undermined material and even physical basis for civic engagement (1994, 25). Like commu-
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