Communist Party Research Articles

An Exploration of the Legal Aid System in Colleges and Universities in the New Era from the Perspective of Realist Legal Education

The construction of university legal aid is an important part of China’s legal aid system, and also an important reform task in deepening the reform of the judicial system proposed by the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. However, as China’s legal education mode is still dominated by traditional theoretical teaching and case teaching methods, teachers’ pure compulsory guidance, as the main body of legal aid organizations in colleges and universities, will inevitably increase their research pressure. Students’ voluntary participation takes up a lot of time and increases their academic pressure, and the development of legal aid organizations in colleges and universities also falls into a dilemma. From the perspective of realistic legal education, this paper deeply studies the development model of legal aid center, pursues the rationality of the legal aid system in colleges and universities, and proposes to formulate the grading standard of legal aid in colleges and universities from the construction and ontology dimension of legal aid system in colleges and universities. The legal aid system of colleges and universities should be improved from four aspects: party building, social union, student organization, and network operation. This puts forward the university legal aid “1+4” solution measures. Through exploring the common measures of legal aid construction in universities, the legal aid of universities has become an important force in the development of public legal service causes in the country.

Передумови становлення радянської номенклатури в УСРР в 1919-1924 рр.: історичний контекст

The aim of the article is to clarify the historical context and reasons for the formation of the Soviet nomenclature in the Ukrainian SSR in 1919 – 1924. The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, deduction) and special-historical (historiographical scientific analysis, structural-systemic) methods with the principles of historicism, objectivity, scientificity, and evidence. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that using the above-mentioned methods in combination with scientific principles, the authors analyze the process of formation of the Ukrainian nomenclature as a systemic whole, consisting of elements (each element corresponds to a corresponding field of activity), on top of which a super-system is built as a peculiar basis, namely: the form of formation of the Russian nomenclature in the RSFSR (according to which nomenclature is formed in the Ukrainian SSR). Conclusions. Formation of the nomenclature in the Ukrainian SSR occurred as a result of the direct intervention of the Bolsheviks. To form the Ukrainian nomenclature, the Bolsheviks used methods of physical intervention and influence, which was accompanied by the expulsion of Ukrainian communists outside the republic and the appointment of communists from the center (RSFSR) to leadership and vacant positions in the government and communist party in the Ukrainian SSR.

Research on the Integration of Swimming Courses and Ideological and Political Education in Colleges and Universities from the Perspective of “Curriculum Ideology and Politics”

This article presents an analysis of the forms and results of integrating university swimming courses with ideological and political education, with a particular focus on the “ideology and politics of the curriculum.” The study employs questionnaires and experimental measures administered to university students to analyze the role of swimming courses in reducing anxiety levels and to discuss strategies for integrating them into ideological and political education. The findings indicate that swimming lessons have a marked effect in reducing students’ anxiety levels and enhancing their mental well-being. The incorporation of ideological and political education, including “red stories” (narratives related to the history and ideology of the Communist Party of China), team competitions, and situational learning, into the curriculum has been observed to enhance students’ patriotism, sense of social responsibility, and teamwork spirit. The study demonstrates the efficacy of integrating swimming courses with ideological and political education, providing theoretical and empirical support for the integration of physical education courses with ideological and political education in universities.

Встановлення та юридичне оформлення кордонів Української РСР з сусідами – встановлення та часткові уточнення кордонів з РСФРР в 1920-х рр.

This article is the first part of a series of 5 articles dedicated to the establishment of the borders of the Ukrainian SSR (and its legal continuation under the Union Constitution of 5 December 1936 of the Ukrainian SSR) with the neighbouring Soviet republics – the RSFSR, the Belorussian SSR (BSSR) and the Moldavian ASSR (Moldavian Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic; since 1936 – the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic) and the latter’s legal successor – the Moldavian SSR. The author points out that the borders of the Ukrainian SSR and the RSFSR (the then names of the republics) in the 1920s were established not on the basis of the ethnographic principle, but for reasons of economic expediency, with priority consideration of Moscow’s interests. For example, the city of Sudzha, which at one time was proclaimed by the Bolsheviks as one of the capitals of “Soviet Ukraine”, became part of the RSFSR. The Russian side emphasised in every possible way that certain disputed regions were important for providing the RSFSR with bread, coal and labour, not stopping short of unilateral actions without the consent of the Ukrainian side and acts of sabotage during the transfer of certain disputed territories to the Ukrainian SSR. The position of the Ukrainians was weakened by the “international” leadership of the republic, driven by the Communist Party’s discipline. At the same time, the existing border between independent Ukraine and the Russian Federation should not be revised, and Ukraine does not claim any Russian territories, including Kursk, as stated in a special statement by the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry in August 2024.

Slovak National Communism in Interwar Czechoslovakia

Abstract Slovak national communism as a specific approach to the problem of Czech-Slovak relations gained a significant position within the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia soon after its establishment in 1921. This article analyzes the foundations of this phenomenon and the evolving attitudes of the first generation of Slovak communist intellectuals and Party functionaries. The article’s primary focus is on the Slovak communists’ views regarding the official state doctrine of a unified Czechoslovak nation, Czech-Slovak relations, and the issue of Slovak autonomy. The study highlights the significant external influences, particularly the directives of the Communist International and the pre-existing national stereotypes, that shaped the worldview and nationalist tendencies of Slovak communists.

Fisheries Cooperationin Tambov Province during 1920s

This article examines the experience of regional cooperative development during the New Economic Policy (NEP) years. It focuses on the specifics of the unification of primary fisheries cooperatives into district and provincial unions. The author identifies two stages in this process: 1) from 1921 to 1924, when fisheries cooperatives had their own specialized unions; 2) from 1924 to 1928, when fisheries cooperation became part of mixed unions. The article presents data on the composition and number of cooperatives involved in the activities of these unions. It analyzes the functioning of the unions against the backdrop of changing realities, including the transition from War Communism to NEP, reduction of the province’s territory, the resolutions of the XIV All-Union Conference of the AllUnion Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and the III All-Union Congress of Soviets, as well as the adoption of a course towards industrialization. In conclusion, it is asserted that the gradual disappearance of specialized unions had a detrimental effect on cooperative development in the province. Most projects and initiatives developed and organized by the leadership of specialized unions were not fully realized. In mixed unions, attention to fisheries cooperation was given only as an afterthought.

Composition of the Lithuanian Komsomol in June 1940–June 1941

The Lithuanian Leninist Young Communist League (LLKJS) in Lithuania occupied by the Soviet Union was a political structure of the occupation regime, which provided a reserve and assistance to the ruling Communist Party and actively participated in the Sovietisation of the country and indoctrination of the youth in the spirit of Communism. In October 1940, the league was incorporated into the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (VLKSM) and integrated to the USSR political system. Its aims were to extend the social base of the Communist Party, to exert political influence on youth, and to make the youth serve the occupation policy. With an aim of gaining social support and political influence among the youth, the Communist Party promoted the Komsomol. In summer 1940, fast and uncontrolled growth of its ranks was stimulated. In February 1941, LLKJS raised for itself a goal of making it into a massive organisation capable of embracing and exerting political control over youth. In order to improve the image of the Komsomol and to make its ethnic composition reflect that of Lithuania, joining the LLKJS was particularly promoted among workers, peasants, schoolchildren, Lithuanians, and Poles of Vilnius region. Between November 1940 and May 1941, a campaign of issuing the LLKJS certificates to its members took place, which was a cleansing campaign of the Komsomol on the basis of social and political criteria. This campaign was aimed at integrating the LLKJS into the VLKSM through the process of socio-political validation of its members and exclusion of those members, who were socially and politically hostile or unreliable to the occupation authorities. The campaign helped transform the LLKJS and make its composition similar to that of the VLKSM, and also make LLKJS a political structure, which complied with the needs of the occupation authorities and on which they could rely. Over a period of one year of the Soviet occupation, the ranks of the LLKJS increased 13-fold. Due to the political situation and wish to survive under the occupation, young people of various social groups and nationalities joined the LLKJS. Most of them chose cooperation with the Soviet regime and adaptation to its policies deliberately, others joined the ranks looking for employment or career opportunities, and yet others – seeking better learning conditions or being forced by other circumstances. Cleansing of the ranks of the Komsomol and regulation of its composition changed the social structure of the organisation. The majority of the members of the Komsomol were representatives of working class, peasants and Soviet officials who constituted the social backbone for the Communist Party. People of various nationalities joined the Komsomol. Initially, young people of certain ethnic groups, particularly Jews, actively joined the LLKJS. Later, in order to improve the image of the LLKJS and bring its ethnic composition to that of Lithuania, recruitment of Lithuanians into its ranks was particularly promoted. Although efforts were made for the LLKJS to grow, it did not become a mass organisation and its ranks remained sparse. It was a weak and non-influential political structure, unable to penetrate the youth and win them over. The attempts of the Komsomol to involve young people in the Sovietisation processes and to instil in them the Communist ideology was ineffective. Many young people were opposed to the occupation regime and its political structures. The spirit of opposition to the Soviet occupation was therefore active among the youth and resistance against it was imminent.

Release and return of repressed people in Lithuania In 1953–1957: between freedom and constraints

The topic of the article is the release and return of deportees and political prisoners to Lithuania. As the Soviet regime was modifying itself, it abandoned mass repressions as of 1953 and authorised a large part of the deportees to return home. According to the available information, in 1953–1958 over 40,000 people returned to Lithuania from exile and imprisonment. The release of political prisoners within the context of USSR’s repression is clearer. The release of a political prisoner could happen in three scenarios: (i) after serving the full sentence, (ii) prematurely, i.e. after serving 2/3 of the sentence, or (iii) after serving a fixed period in exile following the sentence at the labour camp, which was usually 5 years. The specific period of deportation was not fixed, the Soviet perpetrators used the term ‘na viečno’ (for eternity, forever). As a result, the communist authorities and repressive structures had to take various decisions to release the deportees: they had to adopt many orders and resolutions, and the fate of each family had to be decided by the commissions for the review of deportees’ cases. Therefore, in light of these complex procedures, the article focuses more on the release of the deportees. This paper examines the cooperation between the Lithuanian Communist Party and the repressive structures in their attempts to ensure a gradual return of deportees and political prisoners, as the return of the repressed was raising great concern for the Soviet authorities. Such concerns mainly resulted from the fact that some of the repressed were entitled to restitution of confiscated property (often no longer available), while there was a potential threat that a sudden or massive return of these people would incite the anti–Soviet sentiment in Lithuania. Research into the activities of the commissions for the review of deportees’ cases was based on archival documents. Both statistical data and deliberations of the fate of individual families by the commissions are presented in this paper. The analysis of the sources demonstrates a significant change as of 1956 triggered by several driving factors: the growing number of repressed returnees, the news of the 1956 Hungarian anti-Soviet uprising reaching Lithuania, and anti-Soviet demonstrations in Kaunas and Vilnius during the 1956 All Souls’ Day. Sensing danger the Lithuanian communist authorities took some precautionary measures. In January 1957, a decree banned the return to Lithuania of prominent Lithuanian statesmen, leaders of the armed resistance and anti–Soviet underground. At the same time, the returned deportees and political prisoners were ‘under supervision’ by strengthening the repressive apparatus of the LSSR’s KGB, by preventing the returnees from registering, from getting a job, and by prohibiting them from returning to their hometowns. In this way, the communist authorities achieved their goal: some of the returnees, unable to settle, went to Latvia, the Kaliningrad region, or even back to Siberia, where they had a guaranteed employment. In this way, the Lithuanian communist government tried to create a ‘critical mass’ of the Lithuanian population which it could lead towards a ‘bright communist future’.

Attitude of the Kremlin towards “heresy” shown by J. Paleckis in 1946–1950

The aim of this article is, referring to the documents from Russian State Archive of Social Political History and other sources, to reveal how the leaders of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks) and officers from the Central Committee apparatus valued manifestations of national communism demonstrated by J. Paleckis and his conflicts concerning the issues of sovietization of Lithuania with A. Sniečkus. The other purpose of this paper is to find out whether J. Paleckis, emphasizing specific conditions in Lithuania and wishing to mitigate the course of sovietization, received any support from the leaders in the Kremlin; why A. Sniečkus, who used to criticize J. Paleckis, did not try to remove him from the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party or dismiss him from the position of the chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic. This article presents efforts made by J. Paleckis in order to find allies in Moscow, establish patron-client type relationship with Andrei Zhdanov, a secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks). The analysis of the sources allows us to draw some conclusions. It could be maintained that the secretaries of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks) and leaders of divisions of the Central Committee apparatus closely watched the conflict displayed between J. Paleckis and A. Sniečkus and the majority of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party (bolsheviks) led by the latter. These communists were anxious for unhealthy working climate in the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party (bolsheviks). J. Paleckis‘s political conflicts were caused by manifestation of his national communism ideology, tendency to take care of local interests and his intersection with strict Marxist classic position taken by A. Sniečkus and by majority of other members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party (bolsheviks). It could be stated that political “heresy” of J. Paleckis, who was involved into a risky political games behind the scenes in order to make efforts and mitigate the course of sovietization policy, and his proposals to write into the agenda some elements of national communism seemed to the leaders of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks) not just unnecessary but even hazardous. J. Paleckis’s attitude did not comply with provisions and interests of the authorities in the Kremlin, therefore, his efforts were not supported and were valued only negatively. On the other hand, the line of sovietization of Lithuania, to which A. Sniečkus adhered and his methods of governing the party, substantially coincided with the principal position of the authorities of the USSR, as well as with the general line of the Communist party, and, therefore, a prospect of losing the post of the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party was negligible. J. Paleckis‘s efforts to compete with A. Sniečkus strengthened the authority of the latter. The first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party deliberately avoided taking considerable sanctions against J. Paleckis, he did not seek to dismiss J. Paleckis from the position occupied. This would have not been beneficial to A. Sniečkus, because a potential strike from Moscow could be directed against J. Paleckis, a “nationalist” and “heretic”. If J. Paleckis had been removed from the political arena, nobody would have covered A. Sniečkus against potential Moscow repressions. Continuous stress caused by confrontation with J. Paleckis allowed A. Sniečkus to manifest himself as a flawless implementer of political line of the Centre and, because of this, to enhance his position as the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party.

A role played by the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) Central Committee Bureau for Lithuania in suppressing resistance of partisans (November 1944–March 1947)

By a decision of the Organisational Bureau of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) Central Committee, Mikhail Suslov was dismissed as chairman of the ACP(B) CC Bureau for Lithuanian Affairs and appointed a member of the Organisational Bureau, which had an impact on changes in the distribution of power within the Communist Party of Lithuania and in its relations with Moscow. The changes in the composition of the Bureau for Lithuanian Affairs in the summer of 1946 affected the organisation of the fight against the guerilla movement, which was gradually taken over by the professional security officers of the centre.

Collectivisation in Lithuania 1947–1952: Decisions and Control by the CC of the All-Union CP

Referring to documents from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History and other sources, the article aims to reveal little-known aspects of the collectivisation policy of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) Central Committee and the Communist Party of Lithuania (Bolsheviks) Central Committee in Lithuania, showing the issues that have received constant attention and control from the ACP(B) CC, the decisions taken and the cooperation with the CPL(B) CC.

A role played by the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) Central Committee Bureau for Lithuania in suppressing resistance of partisans (November 1944–March 1947)

The article examines the role of one of the main administrative institutions of the Soviet occupation, the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) Central Committee Bureau for Lithuanian Affairs, in organising the suppression of the anti-Soviet resistance in 1944– 1947. The research attempts to reveal how the fight against the resistance was managed, what solutions were proposed by the Moscow emissaries, what was their influence in suppressing the resistance, and what was the role of the ACP(B) CC Bureau for Lithuanian Affairs within the overall system of repression.

The concepts of a deportee and deportation in Lithuanian during the period of Soviet occupation: legal, ideological, administrative and social aspects

The subject of the article is the phenomenon of population transfer organized by the Soviets – deportations. The aim is to analyse and deconstruct the concepts of a deportee, deportation and exile using insights and methods of different scientific disciplines (sociology, history, law). The phenomenon of Soviet deportations is viewed from the perspective of a variety of sources and through examination of different source groups: Soviet sources of criminal law, administrative documents of the Lithuanian Communist Party, criminal court files and files of deportees, diaries and memoirs of the deportees themselves. The main question raised by the article is whether the legal status and actual situation of a deportee differed from that of a political prisoner. Could there a strict distinction be drawn between these two groups of repressed people in the Soviet system? In what circumstances the legal and factual situation of a “deportee” and “political offender” was similar?

Research on the Dilemma and Optimization Strategies of Industrial Development of Characteristic Towns under the Rural Revitalization Strategy

The report of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China clearly pointed out that the most difficult and arduous task of building a socialist modern country in an all-round way is still in the countryside. As an important practical form of new urbanization, characteristic towns play a key role in the rural revitalization strategy. The construction of characteristic towns is a "complex ecosystem" integrating multiple fields such as industry, ecology, humanities, and space, which is highly consistent with the general requirements of the rural revitalization strategy. This paper takes Yuantan Brush Industry Town in Qianshan City, Anhui Province as an example to explore the difficulties and optimization strategies faced by its industrial development. Through literature review, field research and case analysis, the geographical and historical background, industrial development status and socio-economic conditions of Yuantan Brush Industry Town are first analyzed. The study found that Yuantan Brush Industry Town has obvious problems in terms of imperfect financial policies, unreasonable ecological zone division, insufficient incentives for professional talents and supporting policies. In response to these problems, this paper proposes a series of optimization strategies. First, enhance the degree of industrial agglomeration, promote cooperation between enterprises and the improvement of upstream and downstream industrial chains. Secondly, improve infrastructure, improve transportation conditions and living supporting facilities. Finally, increase policy support, ensure policy implementation and expand the scope of support. Through these measures, it is aimed to promote the sustainable development of Yuantan Brush Industry Town and achieve industrial upgrading and economic benefits. It is hoped that through the research in this article, experience can be provided for the development of characteristic towns in Anhui, the realization of the strategic goals of rural revitalization can be promoted, and the effective resolution and development of the "three rural" issues can be promoted.

Research on the Value of Integrating Integrity Culture into the Teaching of Ideological and Political Courses in Colleges and Universities

In the report of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out the need to strengthen the construction of a clean and honest culture in the new era, educate and guide party members and cadres to enhance their consciousness of not wanting corruption, and to be honest and clean in their conduct and work.[1]As an important place for cultural inheritance and development, universities shoulder the glorious mission of cultivating talents for the Party and the country, and are an important battlefield for promoting the construction of Party conduct and clean governance. Strengthening the research on the rich ideological connotation and positive value of clean culture in universities has important theoretical and practical significance for absorbing the essence of clean culture, further developing and utilizing its modern cultural theoretical value. The integration of a culture of integrity into universities and the teaching of ideological and political courses is an important measure for universities to lead campus culture, and it is also a necessary path to promote the optimization and construction of a culture of integrity in universities. Especially at present, universities must steadfastly promote the construction of Party conduct and clean governance, as well as the fight against corruption, and strive to "build universities into model places of stability and unity." [2] Strengthening the integration of clean culture into the teaching of ideological and political courses in universities is conducive to cultivating students' integrity and self-discipline, inheriting excellent traditional Chinese culture, and creating and promoting a good trend of advocating integrity and resisting corruption. It is also a powerful driving force for promoting the construction of a clean campus, which requires long-term efforts and unremitting efforts.

Digital Intelligence Drives the High-Quality Development of the Healthcare Service System: Development Mechanisms and Implementation Pathway

The rapid development of digital intelligence technologies is providing a powerful boost to the high-quality development of the healthcare system. Considering the current state of our healthcare services and guided by General Secretary Xi Jinping's insights on new quality productive forces and the directives from Third Plenary Session of Communist Party of China's 20th Central Committee, the high-quality development of the healthcare service system should focus on digital intelligence technologies such as cloud computing, big data, privacy computing, blockchain, Internet of Things (IoT), mobile computing, and AI. The key measures should include the optimization of production factors, services, and governance. Emphasis should be placed on enhancing the efficient and intensive development of the development model, ensuring the high-quality and continuous integration of the supply model, and transitioning to scientific and modern management methods. Herein, we analyzed the "factor optimization-service optimization-governance optimization" development mechanism driven by digital intelligence and proposed corresponding implementation pathways, intending to provide references for establishing a high-quality and efficient healthcare service system with Chinese characteristics.

The Theme of the East in the Society of Marxist Historians in the Second Half of the 1920s – Early 1930s

Introduction. Oriental studies was not the leading direction in the activities of the society of Marxist historians (the second half of the 1920s – early 1930s), but it played a significant role in bringing this field of knowledge closer to the practical needs of the current policy of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the Comintern. Methods and materials. The research is based on traditional methods of historiographical analysis. It uses materials from historical journals of the 1920s and 1930s and archival documents. Analysis. Reports at general meetings of the Society and the History of the East section and publications in the journal “Historian-Marxist” focused on the problems of the history of the national liberation movement in colonial and dependent countries, the policy of tsarist Russia on the southern outskirts of the empire, and socialist transformations in the national republics of the USSR. If in the early years the most influential were the well-known Marxist orientalists M.P. Pavlovich, V.A. Gurko-Kryazhin, and I.M. Reisner, then in the subsequent period Oriental historians who did not have serious scientific authority but firmly adhered to the class approach occupied the leading positions in the society. After the All-Union Conference of Marxist Historians, they focused their attention on criticizing the “old bourgeois schools” in Oriental history and “exposing pseudo-Marxism in their own ranks.” Results. However, they could achieve results in solving only the second task, using, first, discussions about socio-economic formations, about the situation and tasks at the front of the study of the East, and about the non-Marxism of Gurko-Kryazhin’s historical views. The ideological turn of the mid-1930s largely devalued the importance of the research of this generation of Marxist Orientalists, and the authorities recognized the achievements of representatives of academic Oriental studies.

Impact of Enterprise Innovation Capability on Mergers and Acquisitions Performance

Corporate mergers and acquisitions are beneficial for enhancing competitiveness, promoting industrial upgrading, and expanding market share. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the country has attached great importance to innovation and focused on promoting innovation, placing it at the core of strategic deployment. It can be seen that enhancing innovation capability is particularly important for enterprises. Based on this background, analyzing the relationship between corporate innovation capability and merger and acquisition performance has important academic research significance. This article selects the corporate mergers and acquisitions events of listed companies from 2015 to 2019 as the research object, and empirically tests the impact of corporate innovation capability on corporate merger and acquisition performance through regression analysis. The empirical results show that: (1) the innovation capability of enterprises has a positive promoting effect on the performance of corporate mergers and acquisitions; (2) Both manufacturing and non manufacturing enterprises show a significant positive correlation between their innovation capabilities and M&A performance; (3) There is a significant positive correlation between the innovation capability of enterprises that do not involve major asset restructuring and their M&A performance; (4) Geographical regions can affect the relationship between a company's innovation capability and its merger and acquisition performance.

Agricultural productivity and rural poverty in China: The impact of land reforms

China's historical struggle with rural poverty prompted the Communist Party to implement sweeping land reforms and trade openness policies aimed at economic revitalization. This study investigates the impact of land reforms on poverty by adding mediating factors such as trade openness, research and development (R&D) spending, and agricultural productivity in China from 1960 to 2022. Our findings suggest that trade and land reforms have significantly reduced rural poverty by stimulating agricultural productivity, with R&D emerging as a critical driver. To sustain these gains, policymakers should prioritize increased R&D investment to further enhance agricultural productivity. Expanding trade relationships, particularly with neighboring nations, and promoting agricultural exports can further bolster rural income and alleviate poverty. Our study provides valuable insights for policymakers not only in China but also in similar contexts globally.

Does land expropriation to neighbors affect the enrollment of bystanders in pension programs?

Land expropriation can incur not only economic costs but also political costs. Using panel data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), we investigate the impact of land expropriation on the compliance behaviors of rural residents for the New Rural Pension Scheme (NRPS), which is an extremely important public policy led by the government in China. To exclude the potential confounding impacts of reduced social security levels resulting from land expropriation, we focus on farmers in the same village who have not suffered land expropriation. The results of the difference-in-differences (DID) regression model suggest that land expropriation significantly reduces the probability of farmers within the same village, who have not suffered land expropriation, enrolling in the NRPS. The primary reasons are that land expropriation significantly decreases the trust of non-land expropriated farmers in local officials and the NRPS. Additionally, land expropriation has a stronger impact on unexpropriated farmers with lower levels of education, as well as unexpropriated households without Communist Party of China membership or with a high level of dependence on agriculture. Our findings suggest the cost of land expropriation is larger than previously thought, as it generates broader political trust and policy compliance issues.