Communist Regime Research Articles

Disease Prevention in a Communist State and the Second Epidemiological Transition: The Case of Post-war Poland

Abstract This article examines the issue of disease prevention in Poland under communist rule. The analysis is primarily focused on the second epidemiological transition – the process of displacing infectious diseases as the main cause of morbidity and mortality by chronic and degenerative conditions. The epidemiological transition coincided with the establishment of the new authorities and the stabilization of the socio-political order that the communists had introduced. This text will explore the interdependence of the political system and prophylaxis. Two interrelated problems are identified: the first is the role of the state in curbing infectious diseases; and the second is the ability of state institutions to identify and respond to new threats. The latter issue is considered in relation to the sharp rise in the incidence of cancer. This article demonstrates that the relationship between state and individual inherent in the authoritarian communist state was reflected in the ways in which prevention policies operated.

March Forward

This essay reflects upon historian and dissident Adam Michnik’s commentary on the 1968 Polish political crisis in which he participated. Instigated by the banning of the play Dziady by the ruling communist party, student protests erupted across the country. By exploring the dynamics between the senior figures of the Communist leadership and the youthful protests, this essay delves into the revival of nationalist and antisemitic ideologies within the regime, with parallels drawn to political trends of the 1920s. Although the protests initially failed to achieve their demands, the policies and responses of 1968 set the stage for the eventual downfall of the Communist regime and the subsequent rise of a democratic national movement.

The participation of Red Army soldiers in the providing of complete collectivization in Podillia

The purpose of the article is, based on the analysis of archival sources, general and special literature, to shed light on the participation of Red Army soldiers in the providing of complete collectivization in Podillya. The research methodology is based on the principles of objectivity and historicism using both general scientific and special research methods: problem-chronological, historical-comparative, critical analysis method. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the disclosure of an insufficiently studied problem in Ukrainian historiography, designed to clarify the role and place of the Red Army in the establishment of the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the Podilsk village. Conclusions. The Red Army, from the moment of its creation, was considered by the Bolsheviks as one of the institutions of the implementation of the communist regime. Being 2/3 peasant in terms of social composition, it was to become a school of political education and cultural enlightenment in the spirit of communist ideas for former peasant owners. The strengthening of such work is observed at the end of the 1920s, when the regime's attempt to resume the "military-communist assault" ran into desperate resistance from the peasantry and became a threat to the existence of the communist government. From that time, the Bolshevik leadership not only set specific tasks for the Red Army, but also tried to systematically control the political and moral attitudes of the Red Army. One of the important directions of the work of military units was to assist the authorities in the process of socialization of one-person peasant farms. In the conditions of complete collectivization, the army was entrusted with tasks not only of an educational and propaganda nature, but also of direct participation in the collectivization of the village. In particular, the military units stationed in Podilla were involved in: training personnel for collective farm construction; taking over the villages that were transitioning to complete collectivization; sending groups of Red Army soldiers to collective farms to perform specific tasks; admission to collectives by whole divisions; organization of special Red Army collective farms. By carrying out extensive educational and propaganda work, applying methods of ensuring military discipline and practicing selective repression among the commanding and rank-and-file staff, the Bolshevik authorities managed not only to overcome oppositional sentiments in the army, but also to turn it into an obedient tool of the communist dictatorship.

DERUSSIFICATION AND DECOMMUNISATION OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES WITHIN THE KHMELNYTSKYI REGION

Statement of the scientific and practical problem. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has caused significant changes among Ukrainian citizens and raised issues that play an important role in the formation of national identity. Since the 2000s, the Russian criminal authorities and Russian propaganda have been developing the concept of the "Russian world" to keep Ukraine subordinate to the imperial non-state. Therefore, the preservation of the geographical and cultural heritage of the aggressor country is unacceptable in times of war. Relevance and novelty of the study. The processes of decommunisation and derussification in Ukraine today are closely interconnected, as Russians are the bearers of neo-imperialist and colonial tendencies. In the history of our country, resistance to colonialism has had its own peculiarities and stages in each century, so it is quite logical that during the period of full-scale aggression against Ukraine, this process has become nationwide. Ukraine has adopted a number of laws condemning the communist and national socialist regimes and prohibiting the propaganda of their symbols, which covers a wide range of objects: names of settlements, streets, squares, monuments, taverns, facade boards, etc. Their presence in our country undermines the upbringing of modern Ukrainians, who should be educated on national and European values. The dominance of hostile geographical names and culture in any form is completely unjustified, having been forcibly imposed in the past. Imperial policy has deep roots and permeates Ukrainian education and upbringing. Therefore, today we are witnessing a completely natural reaction of Ukrainian society, which seeks to purge itself of the carriers of Russian and communist influence on a larger scale. Relation of the article’s topic to important scientific and practical tasks. The article deals with issues within the framework of the scientific topic: "Decommunisation and Derussification of Geographical Names in Ukraine" of the Department of Geography and Methods of Teaching it at the Ivan Ohienko National University of Kamianets-Podilskyi. For more than 70 years, the Soviet government tried to destroy any historical, cultural, and linguistic diversity in Ukraine. For a long time, the names of geographical objects in Ukraine honored people who had nothing to do with our country. The process of renaming intensified after 2014, when the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of Donetsk and Luhansk regions took place. The war launched by the Russian Federation in February 2022 necessitated the need to renounce any ties with the aggressor. Changes in geographical names have covered the expanse of Ukrainian settlements. Derussification is a fairly new process and does not yet have a clear definition. The draft amendments to the Law of Ukraine "On Geographical Names" stipulate that derussification is intended to prohibit the assignment of names to geographical objects in Ukraine that glorify, perpetuate, propagandize, or symbolize the Russian Federation. It is interesting to note that after Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, several foreign countries, such as Poland, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Sweden, and Canada, renamed streets and squares where the aggressor country’s diplomatic missions are located. These streets are now named "Ukrainian Heroes", "Free Ukraine", or "Heroic Mariupol". This shows that even accidental renaming can have significant symbolism and support for Ukraine. The formation of place names is a complex and ongoing process. It often depends on the socio-political situation and bears the imprints of different historical epochs. Key words: decommunisation, derussification, decolonisation, renaming, geographical name, settlement.

Adapting public policies to current demographic trends

About most of types of crises we have got very few details about how they are starting, how they are developing or about their impact on immediate or long term. Either is the COVID-19 pandemic (nobody was able to anticipate the start of the pandemic, although such risk was known as probable, as well as the predictions about its evolution were extremely diverse), about the Ukrainian war or about the economic crisis which already is made visible by an increasing inflation and employment, but particularly about the cumulative effect of these crises, we are confronted with a high degree of uncertainty and with the difficulty to plan and implement a response. The article brings into discussion another type of crises, the family and child policy crisis, of which beginning was known (or rather ignored) but of which effects on long term are clearly identifiable. An important consequence, the demographic crisis, strongly tied to the child and family deficit protection, has built during a three decade period, the National Institute of Statistics (2021) showing that in 2060 the Romanian population will fall to 14.54 million people, because of significant fertility decline and because of an increasing emigration. Basically, the population of Romania was in 2021 slightly below to the population registered in 1966, although during the last over three decades of the communist regime was implemented an aggressive pro-natalist policies. The article aims to identify the main features of the family policies and those targeting the elderlies into the context of a sharp demographic decline.

The Sino-ROK chilli pepper trade prior to the establishment of diplomatic relations (1974–1978)

ABSTRACT As the international environment evolved and de-escalated in the 1970s, South Korea (the Republic of Korea, or ROK) adjusted its foreign policy to allow trade with communist governments. In 1974, South Korea attempted to import chilli peppers from the People’s Republic of China, aiming to open a path to dialogue and improve relations. However, the first effort to initiate trade failed due to the Chinese government’s indifferent attitude and trade demands from opponents on both sides. South Korea tried to import Chinese chilli peppers for a second time in 1978. This time, the transaction was successful via indirect trading, thanks to changes in China’s foreign policy and its softening attitude towards South Korea. The success of the Chinese chilli pepper trade in 1978 established a more feasible trade paradigm for China and South Korea in advance of the diplomatic recognition between the two countries. This trade in chilli peppers was directly influenced by the China–South Korea relationship and reflects the complex and subtle changes between the two countries ahead of the establishment of diplomatic relations.

Albanija tokom 1939-1944. prema poljskim diplomatskim dokumentima

On April 7, 1939, Italy's invasion of Albania marked a significant escalation in Benito Mussolini's imperialist aspirations. This invasion, driven by Mussolini's expansionist policies, swiftly resulted in the conquest of Albania. The country's strategic importance to Italy had long been recognized, making it a target for Italian territorial ambitions. The invasion precipitated the rapid departure of King Ahmet Zogu from Albania, as Italian forces quickly established control over the country. This event underscored Albania's vulnerability to external powers and its susceptibility to being manipulated for geopolitical gains. In this study, I aim to provide insights into the events surrounding Albania's occupation during World War II, drawing from Polish documents of the time. Polish diplomats and ambassadors were extensively informed about the situation in Albania and were able to offer objective perspectives, often emphasizing Poland's lack of political interest in the region. Additionally, the analysis incorporates data obtained from popular Polish newspapers of the era, which published articles and featured numerous photographs, providing valuable context to understand the political dynamics in Albania during this period. The role of the Polish ambassador in Rome, Wieniawa Długoszewski, was pivotal in informing Italy's connections about the invasion of Albania.Through diplomatic channels, Długoszewski facilitated communication regarding the unfolding events in Albania, contributing to a better understanding of the situation among allied nations. Following Italy's occupation of Albania, King Ahmet Zogu sought refuge in various countries, including a visit to Warsaw in July 1939. This visit, documented through studies and photographs from the time, sheds light on the diplomatic efforts and interactions between Albania and its allies during this tumultuous period. Additionally, key documents such as Ahmet Zog's letter to Wladyslaw Sikorski, the Polish Prime Minister in London, and Antoni Balinski's correspondence regarding Britain's stance towards Zogu provide valuable insights into the diplomatic maneuvers undertaken by Albania and its allies. Despite efforts to gather comprehensive information, certain gaps remain, such as the absence of a report from a Polish officer who was part of the British mission in Albania. This underscores the challenges in fully understanding Albania's situation post-Italian occupation and during Nazi Germany's subsequent annexation. The impact of World War II on Albania was profound, leading to significant political, social, and economic upheavals. The invasion by Italy and subsequent occupation, followed by Nazi Germany's annexation, plunged Albania into a period of turmoil and conflict. The partisan warfare that ensued, led by communist factions under the direction of Enver Hoxha, further intensified the country's struggles. The aftermath of the war left Albania fundamentally transformed, with the establishment of a communist regime led by Enver Hoxha, which endured for decades. The war's legacy left an indelible mark on Albania, shaping its governance, society, and economy for years to come.

Taxes and Entrepreneurship in Former Communist Countries

Abstract This paper analyzes the influence of the fiscal framework on entrepreneurship, seeking to quantify the magnitude of this influence. It starts by reviewing the main findings of the literature, showing that, while there is consensus that both tax levels and the bureaucracy that surrounds tax payments have a negative effect on entrepreneurship, there is no unanimity regarding which of the two have a stronger effect. It then continues with an empirical approach, which resides in estimating an OLS regression of two measures of entrepreneurship activity (the number of enterprises that are newly created during one year, and the total number of enterprises that exist in one year in a country) on three fiscal explanatory variables (profit tax levels, labor tax levels, and the time spent to pay taxes), using a panel sample of 27 post-communist countries across a period of 15 years. Empirical results suggest that both tax levels and the bureaucracy that surrounds tax compliance have a negative effect on entrepreneurial activity. The level of the profit tax exerts the strongest negative influence on both the number of newly created enterprises, and the total number of enterprises that exist in a country, while the level of the labor tax exerts a negative, albeit weaker influence, which is significant only for the total number of enterprises. The time spent to pay taxes (expressed as the number of hours per year) returns the lowest coefficient, yet it has a statistically significant negative effect on both the number of newly created and the total number of enterprises.

Communism in Post-communist Romania: An Ambivalent Legacy

After Nicolae Ceaușescu’s execution on December 25, 1989, Romania faced an important issue to deal with: What was to be done with the 44 years of a quasi-totalitarian system, based on continuous political violence?! How should Romanians relate to it? What was to be remembered and what was to be forgotten? How it should be passed on to the next generations, those who were born before, around or after the fall of the regime? The answer to these questions has varied over the 35 years since the fall of the communist regime in Romania. Numerous factors contributed to the way in which Romanians related to their communist past, how it was represented in the public space, how it was and is passed on. The actors involved have also changed and the official public memory has known many avatars. In the subsequent pages, I propose an analysis of all these aspects, resulting from my research of the last 21 years on the memory of Communism.

The Linguistic Legacy of Organized Crime in the 1990s in Post-Communist Countries

After the fall of communist regimes, post-communist societies experienced a period of intense political change. New political parties and structures emerged that created both new programs and concepts as well as terminology. The vocabulary of any language is dynamic and constantly evolving in line with changes in society. As for the language of the 1990s in post-communist societies, we can point out that the language is a mirror of the life around us and its economic, political and social upheavals. The new realities are reflected in the lexical system of the language with a special evaluation embedded in the semantics or connotation of the described vocabulary. Those words are actually key concepts of the "new life" and everyday life of the transition and can become guidelines in the study of this modern period. The text presents part of the language corpus created by us of the words from the 1990s. The object of our research are the lexemes related to organized crime. Vocabulary related to that semantic field contains a large amount of expressiveness or change in the original semantics.

Reproduction propaganda: The state hails, citizens responds—A case study of Vietnamese governmental Facebook

Since the turn of the 21st century, aging populations and low fertility rates have alarmed governments across Europe and East Asia. The Communist state of Vietnam is now experiencing the same situation. The government has recently started a propaganda campaign to encourage its citizens to not postpone marriage and having children. This article explores one recent attempt—a viral post published on the government's Facebook page in November 2023 urging young citizens to marry before 30, attracting hundreds of thousands of reactions and comments. The article examines this heteronormative message and netizens’ comments, which show humor, resistance, and critiques of the government's welfare system. Using the concepts of (counter-) interpellation, it reveals the nuances of the power relations between the state and its people in this case study where biopolitics and personal choice intersect, illuminating how social networks provide a discursive space for mundane political engagement.

The Role of Prešov Bishop Pavol Gojdič in the Defence of the Religious Freedom of the Greek Catholics in Czechoslovakia

Pavel Gojdii, the bishop of Prešov, is now perceived by Slovak society as a symbol of the struggle against fascism and communism in the 20th century. The bishop’s actions and opinions strengthened his contemporaries in the struggle for religious freedom, and even today he is an inspiration in the defense of democracy. In the 20th century, he played a key role in the Greek Catholic Church with an outreach to the whole of society. He was able to actively speak out in favor of the persecuted Jews and during the communist period he resisted the oppression of the regime in order to save the maximum of the Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia. The text of the article highlights his significant role in the defense of religious freedom under both political regimes. It cites specific events that highlighted his views. Particular attention is paid to the process of interrogation and his imprisonment, where he was subjected to torture and oppression by the communist regime. Ten years in prison enhanced the positive features of his personality and left a strong legacy in the memory of his fellow prisoners and society, who learned of his fate vicariously after his martyrdom and during the beatification process in the 1990s.

The Oppositional Writer Paul Goma and the Assassination Attempts by the Securitate (1977–1982)

In the political-diplomatic context of the preparations for the Belgrade Follow-up Meeting to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, inspired by the former, the initiative by the Romanian writer Paul Goma to start a human rights movement in Romania, at the beginning of 1977, was seen as an open declaration of war by the communist regime. All those who joined the Goma Movement were subject to repression. The writer would be in danger of losing his life because of the attempts to assassinate him by the secret police. A sudden death was preferable to a public trial, which would have seriously damaged the image of the regime in Bucharest, especially since in 1977 provisions dealing with political crimes had been removed from the Criminal Code. Released from prison under pressure from the West, the dissident writer, banned in Romania, continued to be one of the leading critical voices against the Ceaușescu regime while in exile. When he was forced to leave the country in November 1977, the writer was warned by the Securitate general Nicolae Pleșiță that the long arm of the secret police would reach him no matter where he was. In the 1980s, at the behest of the party leaders, the secret police were still working out ways to silence him. Just as he survived the first assassination attempt (in the Rahova prison in Bucharest, April 1977), Paul Goma would survive two more attempts, in 1981 and 1982, planned by the Securitate, under direct orders from Ceaușescu, the first attempt being carried out by the international terrorist Carlos the Jackal, the second one by the Securitate officer Matei Haiducu, based in Paris.

Historical and Personal Time in Mariana Marin’s Poetry

Romanian poet Mariana Marin (1956–2003) made her debut in 1981 and published her last collection in 2002, an interval that covers about one decade of communism followed by one decade of transition to democracy. Like a litmus test, her poetry, known for its existential radicalism and authentic textualism, reflects the cultural acidity of despotism and its crippling effects on individuals. Her courage to express the truth in poetry situates her among the poets interested not only in their own private aesthetic experiences, but also in the role of literature as a form of protest and a cultural instrument. Contrary to what some contemporaries living in diaspora or in Romania said about her, she did not consider herself a political dissident, but a nonconformist writer, member of the 1980s generation. She wrote against the fosilization of the communist regime, marked by limitations, oppression and imposture, trying to conceive an imaginary universe that reflects and transforms these realities by adopting a concise style accessible to any reader. This paper aims to explore the ways in which Mariana Marin combined her acute sense of history with her unique perspective of personal time in several poems published before and after 1989.

Illegal Translation Activities of Ján Ivan Mastiliak CSsR

Ján Ivan Mastiliak was born on 5 November 1911 in Nižný Hrabovec. In August 1922 he entered the Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer (Redemptorists), where he took his religious vows and completed his philosophical and theological studies. As a young priest, he studied in Rome from 1937 to 1944. From September 1945, he taught students of theology in Obořiště. In 1950, as a monastic priest, he was unjustly sentenced to life imprisonment in a staged monster trial. He became one of the victims of the communist regime in Czechoslovakia. He was released from prison on 10 May 1965 on the basis of an amnesty granted by the President of the Republic. It was not a true freedom. He lived under constant surveillance by State Security officers. Mastiliak understood that his place was in the secret Church. He undertook the secret formation of theologians, monks and nuns who needed suitable literature for their formation and spiritual growth. This was an important impulse why he undertook the translation of valuable literature, which was distributed as samizdat. It is documented that from 1965 until his death in 1989, he translated more than 100 works from various languages. The presented study deals with Ján Ivan Mastiliak as a scholar who could not create on his own because the communist totalitarian power prevented him from doing so, but he devoted his efforts to illegal translation activities. Thanks to his contacts, he found ways to obtain quality religious literature. From this he selected works that were suitable for the formation and spiritual development of the initiated and the laity, whom he secretly formed. The subsequent translation, reproduction and distribution of samizdat were also done illegally, under threat of further condemnation and imprisonment. He was aware of this danger, but accepted responsibility for the formation of clandestine clerics and religious was greater.

“They Would Imprison Us Both!” – The Matura Exam at Secondary Technical Schools During the Normalisation Period in Socialist Czechoslovakia (1969–1989)

ABSTRACT The study focuses on matura exams conducted at secondary technical schools in Czechoslovakia during the so-called normalisation period (1969–1989). It describes their form, organisation and course. At the same time, however, it also presents the practice (including the reasons for this practice) that the communist regime in Czechoslovakia used to influence the exams. The text is based on the recollections of eyewitnesses – secondary technical school teachers, obtained through the oral history method within the historiographical approach of the history of everyday life, as well as on the study of historical archival sources, period legislation and periodicals. In addition to the actual form, organisation and course of the matura exam at secondary technical schools, the study shows how teachers and students coped with the challenges posed by the communist regime in relation to the exams.

PSYCHOANALYSIS OF BULGARIAN LITERATURE: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

The article is devoted to the development of the psychoanalytic movement in Bulgaria between the 1920s and the 1940s, when it reached its apogee. After this period, the communist regime came to power in Bulgaria and it banned all philosophical currents other than Marxist-Leninist philosophy. Psychoanalysis was also banned and it was declared to be a “bourgeois and unscientific doctrine”. The meta-analysis of the work of the Bulgarian Freudians makes it possible to distinguish the following main problem areas in which they worked: philosophical and methodological issues of psychoanalysis; the topic of religion; the “reading” of socio-political and social phenomena; issues of education and training; psychopathology and abnormal personality development; and the application of psychoanalysis as a methodology of artistic creation. This text examines the application of psychoanalysis as a methodology of artistic creation and its possibilities for analyzing the personality of the author and the literary works. It presents the interpretations of Bulgarian psychoanalytically oriented authors of the literary works of the poets Hristo Botev and Peyo Yavorov, as well as their reflections on some problems of art and aesthetics.

Promoting socio-religious rights of Tibetan Buddhists in China in the 21st century: Legislators and political realities

Relevance. The study of the formation of relations between the Chinese political elite and Tibetan Buddhism in this period is critical for understanding the main aspects of political, interfaith and intercultural interaction in the region both in the 21st century and today. Purpose. The study aims to analyse how the social and religious rights of Tibetan Buddhist followers are ensured in modern China, taking into account the existing laws and political situation in the 21st century. Methodology. The study employs historical, comparative, and systematic methods to analyze legislative documents, official policies, and scholarly literature in order to examine the socio-religious rights of Tibetan Buddhists in China in the 21st century, considering both legal frameworks and political realities. Results. The study demonstrates the role and importance of international law in the context of the complex religious policy of the Chinese Communist Party. The author shows the influence of the reforms of the communist government on the process of changing the role of traditional religious institutions in public life. The study revealed the impact of reforms on the nature of interethnic relations in the region. The study examines aspects of the ethnic policy of the Communist Party of China on the subsequent process of formation of civil and religious identity in the region. Conclusions. The study concludes that relations between the Chinese Communist Party and Tibetan Buddhist leaders are complex, focusing on lama reincarnation, while government policies significantly impact Tibetan demographics, ethnicity, and culture. Keywords: international law; freedom of religion; conflict; soteriology; regional autonomy; soft power politics

Apotheosis of a Silesian miner

Director Kazimierz Kutz’s third instalment of the legendary Silesian Trilogy, The Beads of One Rosary, chronicles the destruction not only of the historic architecture of Giszowiec (Katowice), but also the tragic downfall of the film’s protagonist, a retired coal miner and socialist labour hero, Karol Habryka. The following article examines his status as a non-mythical but not pure scapegoat figure and thus as a victim of the successful collective persecution carried out by the Communist regime in Poland. When studied in tandem with the Girardian theory of victimization, in particular, as applied to the biblical story of Job, Habryka’s death restores peace to a community fraught with discord, leading in turn to his deification by the persecutors, a mechanistic process favoured by totalitarian systems in times of crisis.

Kompendium míst paměti na komunistický režim v dnešním Česku

Kompendium míst paměti na komunistický režim v dnešním Česku