Communist Movement Research Articles

The communist movement in Nghe-Tinh and political parties in the French Indochina (1930–1931)

The article analyzes the experience of the French Colonial Empire of the 1930s in ensuring internal security in the Indochina region. The social, economic and climatic causes of political unrest (1930–1931) in the northern part of Annam, namely in the two provinces of Nghe An and Ha Tinh (Nghe-Tinh), are examined. The characteristics of the three ideological directions on which the political parties of Indochina are based are given. The development of the peasant movement and the creation of alternative administrations in villages to replace colonial ones are demonstrated. The new institution for a number of villages will be the Soviets, under the leadership of the Indochina Communist Party. The view is reflected of the colonial administration of Indochina on socio-economic problems. The adjustments in the French colonial army are presented in the form of sending additional contingents, as an example, the arrival of the 4th battalion of the Foreign Legion from Algeria to Indochina. The attention is paid to the key source under the title: «Contribution to the history of political movements in French Indochina». It testifies to a victorious turning point for the French administration in suppressing armed uprisings in Indochina. The document is a transcript and represents the testimony of Vietnamese who were members of the Indochina Communist Party. The despite the difficulties for France in maintaining internal security in the Indochina region by 1931, order in the colony was almost restored.

What’s so Marxist about Marxist Educational Theory?

The antagonism between “class” and “race” have plagued educational theory for decades. As a communist organizer seeking to move Marxist educational theory out of the stagnant waters of theoretical debates, I turn to recent CRT scholarship, which I find much more in line with the communist project. Yet, this literature omits world-historic and ongoing transformations inaugurated particularly since the beginning of the 20th century by erasing, discounting or, denouncing them. I argue the primary factors inhibiting educational researchers: Anticommunism. The global revolutionary era led largely by revolutionary communists contains the most fruitful explanations of those conditions and connections (and the historical legacies accounting for mass movements in the U.S. today, like the historic 2020 uprising against the War on Black America). This rich and dynamic legacy is what can get educational scholarship beyond the cages of academia. After outlining the interconnection between anticommunism and anti-Black racism as the contours of master narratives, I demonstrate how anticommunism continues to hold education’s potential contributions to the struggle back while accounting for the material conditions responsible for the absence of revolutionary theory and practice and the overwhelming surplus of theories critical of revolution in the university today. I demonstrate how anti-Black racism in the U.S. is tethered to anticommunism and how Leninism provides the theoretical and practical link uniting the global struggle of the oppressed and creating the Black and indigenous-led communist movement, contending struggles against white supremacy, capitalism, and imperialism depend on a rejection of anticommunism by turning to Black communist Claudia Jones.

The Impact of Samarra’s scholars on Calling for Allah Almighty and Reforming society: Sheikh Abdul Aziz Al-Badri as a Model

Samarra has historically been a prominent city, known for producing numerous scholars, writers, and poets. This fact is widely acknowledged. Sheikh Abd al-Aziz bin Abd al-Latif al-Badri is a notable figure among the sheikhs and Mujahideen due to his ancestral connection to Imam Jaafar al-Sadiq. Born in 1929, he was raised in a scholarly environment in Baghdad. He was instructed in religion by a group of Baghdad scholars, such as Sheikh Amjad Al-Zahawi, Sheikh Muhammad Al-Qazlaji, Sheikh Abdul Qadir Al-Khatib, Muhammad Fuad Al-Alusi, and additional individuals. He was an enthusiastic Islamic preacher and orator who fearlessly advocated for trust in God. He faced multiple detentions for his outspokenness and actively opposed the communist movement in Iraq during the reign of Abd al-Karim. He even issued a fatwa denouncing communists as non-believers and called for their defeat. Consequently, communists were not tolerated during his tenure. The government ordered a one-year confinement at home for him. President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr was imprisoned and subsequently killed in 1969 AD.

Walka klas na pół etatu. Obrzeża polskiego międzywojennego ruchu komunistycznego

Part-time class struggle. The fringes of the Polish inter-war communist movement This article is to examine some obscure forms of involvement in the Polish inter-war communist movement: the Communist Party of Poland and its subordinate organisations. The author focuses on the fringes of the movement, a borderland between a revolutionary, subversive organisation and the “outside world”. There is a particular emphasis on the perspective of men and women operating in this borderland. The protagonists of the paper are communism “sympathisers” — those who did not belong to the organisation, but identified with its ideas and provided support to it, as well as members of the organisation whose ties to the movement, however, were loose or who gradually moved away from active involvement. In contrast to the dominant depictions focused on public figures, intellectuals, and artists, the author deals with “ordinary” plebeians or white-collar workers. The article provides answers to some important questions about belonging to the communist formation, but also about involvement in the political sphere in general. It reveals tensions between the ideological self-identification of individuals and its recognition by the reference group, as well as the patterns and limits of personal agency in a clandestine political movement. In addition, the author considers the role of both ideological factors as well as “biographical accessibility” (determinants such as health or family conditionings) in individuals’ definition of their role in the political sphere. The source material for the article primarly consists of ego- documents from archival personal files, allowing for a reflection on strategies of favourable self-presentation and mechanisms of party self-criticism.

Conceptualizing the Paradigm Shift from Prosocial Communism to Violent Communism and Pogroms of Dalits to Adivasi Guerrillas in India: A Systematic Literature Review

In India, the violent communist movement encompasses 70 districts of 10 states with substantial support from the marginalized people with arms in their hands. Why does the transformation process from a communist political party to violent communism take place in India? How does communism in its violent form still survive in India? These questions are addressed by reviewing the literature on the left-wing extremist movement in India from 2005 to 2022. It is found that the violent version of communism has largely succeeded in the domain of suppressing caste-based exploitations of the landless lower castes and gaining support from the indigenous tribes on land and forest-related issues. Therefore, the destination of communism in India is an important eventuality to study its survival strategies, diverse forms and processes.

Competing nationalisms, tactical alliances: The Communist Party of the Philippines’ stance on the Bangsamoro struggle during the anti-Marcos resistance

ABSTRACT Focusing on hostile relations between Muslims and Christians, most accounts of secessionism in the southern Philippine island of Mindanao leave out the revolutionary solidarity expressed by a non-Muslim force, the Filipino communist movement, toward the Bangsamoro struggle. Despite their common beginnings during the upsurge of radical struggles during the Global Sixties, historical narratives of the two armed groups are usually discussed separately in the historiography of the martial law period in the Philippines (1972–1986). Using Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) documents from the University of the Philippines Main Library’s Philippine Radical Papers archive, this article interrogates the CPP’s stance on the Bangsamoro struggle as led in the main by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) during the years of the anti-dictatorship resistance. Despite embracing competing nationalisms based on opposed understandings of the character of the Bangsamoro struggle, the CPP endeavored to build tactical alliances in the face of a common enemy in the Marcos dictatorship. Amid the persistence of neocolonial conditions in much of the Global South and rise of neofascist nationalisms today, this vision of solidarity offers important lessons for contemporary struggles on the limits and potentials of “Third World” nationalisms that emerged during the Global Sixties.

The leadership and legacy of a female communist resistance fighter in Paris: Danielle Casanova (1909-1943)

Danielle Casanova (1909-1943) was a leading activist in the French communist movement throughout the 1930s and early 1940s. This article considers her identity as a communist woman and how this informed her action as an anti-fascist, in order to explore when and how she has been commemorated. Her particular action as a resister during the Second World War was determined by both her commitment to communist ideology and her gender. Her identity markers have impacted upon when and how she has been commemorated both within and outside of the communist movement. Her story was widely shared by the party because she was a communist, but the way in which her legacy was shaped and where and how she was commemorated was dependent upon her identity as a woman. In commemorations outside of the movement, Casanova's identity as a woman has been used to avoid her identification as a communist. A consideration of the legacy of her actions beyond her identity markers helps us to gain a deeper understanding of resistance in France during the Second World War. This approach focuses on the private legacy of Casanova and the strength this can give to her past and future public commemorations.

GEORGE F. KENNAN’S DIPLOMATIC SERVICE IN THE USSR (1952): OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES

The purpose of the article is to describe and discuss G. F. Kennan’s diplomatic service as the U.S. Ambassador to the USSR, the political environment and other factors that affected it. Methodology. This is a qualitative empirical research, based on a critical analysis of primary sources: diplomatic correspondence and notes, foreign policy reports and speeches, memoirs and published G. Kennan’s works. The research topic is studied against the background of U.S.-Soviet relations, and major international developments in the early 1950s. The scientific novelty of this research is based on the coverage of a topic that has not been sufficiently studied, and in the introduction of new primary sources for this purpose. Conclusions. G. Kennan was one of a few representatives of the American establishment who sought to reach an agreement with the USSR on the most pressing international issues, and normalize bilateral relations through negotiations. His appointment as Ambassador to the USSR created a «window of opportunity» to open discussions on the major issues. However, this opportunity was not realized due to the unprecedented anti-American campaign in the USSR, and the lack of the Soviet government’s interest in any contacts with the Ambassador. G. Kennan even assumed that the USSR was preparing for the war with the U.S., that he had previously denied. Finally, he reaffirmed his views that the underlying reason for Soviet conduct was a thesis of the instability and weakness of the capitalist world, and the inability of the United States to withstand constant attacks from the USSR and the communist movement. Therefore, the USSR policy was aimed at undermining U.S. authority and splitting the Western coalition. G. Kennan believed that in such circumstances no talks with the USSR were possible. He focused on addressing the anti-American campaign, and the erroneous Soviet beliefs. Instead, the Soviet government declared him persona non grata, just on the eve of the 19th Party Congress, which G. Kennan linked to the possibility of Stalin’s departure from power.

How the Communist Movement was Possible: A Textual Inquiry Based on The German Ideology

How the Communist Movement was Possible: A Textual Inquiry Based on The German Ideology

The activities of the CPSU in support of the international communist movement (based on the data of the press and parliamentary hearings)

The activities of the CPSU in support of the international communist movement (based on the data of the press and parliamentary hearings)

Ideologi dan Politik Identitas

The dynamics of the Palestinian struggle are also colored by the communist movement. This article discusses one of the periods of development of communism in Palestine, namely the founding of the Palestinian Communist Party (PCP) in 1923-1982. PCP was initially founded and dominated by Jewish immigrants from Russia. After officially joining the Communist International (Comintern), they received instructions to carry out Arabization within their party. This Arabization aims to enable the PCP to recruit Arabs and support the struggle of the Arab community, which is the majority in Palestine. This article analyzes the PCP's failure to unite Arabs and Jews, which was caused by differences in political interests. This research uses a narrative and empirical historical approach using critical historical methods (heuristics, verification, interpretation and historiography). The theory used in this research is the theory of ideology and identity politics. The findings of this research are that the emergence of identity politics between Arabs and Jews in the PKP has led to several internal (Arabization) and external policies (British White Paper 1939), which resulted in a dualism that thwarted their efforts to become a revolutionary party against British colonialism in Palestine.

On the Way to Institutional Synthesis: To the Rehabilitation of Bukharin in Chinese Science

The article discusses the evolution of Nikolai Bukharin’s perception in Chinese scientific and socio-political discourse during the years of implementation of the policy of reform and opening up. The Maoist historiography described a prominent figure in the international communist movement, N.I. Bukharin as a person who distorted Marxist-Leninist teachings. As the policy of reform and opening up unfolded, Chinese historiography rehabilitated the historical image and legacy of N.I. Bukharin. There was a part of broad discussions among Chinese social scientists and economists regarding the interpretations of Marxist-Leninist teachings that accompanied and formed the essence of the political and ideological justification for the reforms. Sometimes the obvious parallel between Deng Xiaoping’s “socialism with Chinese characteristics” and the New Economic Policy (1921–1928) of the USSR is explained by the fact that Deng Xiaoping was inspired by the latter during his years in the USSR. The historical rehabilitation of Bukharin, in which the PRC was certainly ahead of the USSR, is associated with the interest of Chinese politicians and political economists in the New Economic Policy (NEP). It is difficult to prove a direct relationship between the Soviet NEP and the policy of Chinese reforms, and historical parallels are unlikely to be fully correct. But based on the Chinese material involved, we will show that Bukharin’s views, born in discussions about the NEP and reached the level of discussions about the essence of socialism, inspired Chinese political economy to search for new formulations of economic policy goals. Without the latter, the success of institutional reforms would be questionable due to their weak ideological legitimacy.

Beyond boundaries: new perspectives on Italian communist historiography

In 1989, the Italian Communist Party (PCI) was going through a period of transition. The fall of the Berlin Wall posed an enormous challenge to Marxist beliefs and the communist political project. In this situation, party secretary Achille Occhetto and his close collaborators planned to embark on a new social-democratic path, as a significant part of the elderly leaders and rank-and-file members feared the abandonment of communist ideals. ‘We are a different party … and I continue to believe it,’ a Milanese communist militant shouted while Nanni Moretti was shooting La Cosa (1990), a documentary about the last days of the PCI, crystallising the perceived sense of uniqueness and diversity that pervaded Italian communism despite the complete loss of meaning for the communist movement worldwide.

CCCР – Колумбия: межпартийное измерение отношений

The author analyzes the history of the development and evo-lution of inter-party relations between the CPSU and the Co-lombian Communist Party in the post-Comintern period. Par-ticular attention is paid to the role of the International De-partment of the CPSU Central Committee in conducting the foreign policy of the USSR in Latin America. The author con-cludes that inter-party relations between the CPS and the CPC were built primarily around global issues on the agenda of the world communist movement, with the issues of Soviet-Chinese and Soviet-Chinese-Cuban rivalry and the topic of armed struggle in the Latin American region especially high-lighted.

Blending Soviet and Dutch Culture: Communist Family Life in the Netherlands 1945–1965

Abstract This article examines the postwar cultural sphere of the Dutch communist movement. Drawing on a series of interviews with 27 Dutch cradle communists born between 1935 and 1955, communist archives, and a wide range of other sources, it explores respondents’ cultural upbringing and family leisure time in the period 1945–1965. It challenges the notion that Dutch communists all lived in a closed sectarian milieu or ideological bubble and instead argues that Dutch communists had a close yet complex relationship with the ‘bourgeois’ (non-communist) world.

Hidden in Plain Sight: International Law and Marxist Praxis in the Life and Works of Merlin M. Magallona

Abstract Through symptomatic reading, we analyze the visible and the invisible – the explicit and the implicit – in the works of Filipino international legal scholar Merlin Magallona (1934–2022). We argue that Magallona's international legal thought was rooted in Marxist theory and practice and honed through the mode of production debates in the Philippine communist movement during the 1960s. Specifically, he developed a critique of the neocolonial division of labour and produced a materialist reading of international legal doctrines through “Postcolonial Self-Determination” – a synthesis of the antinomy of positivism and self-determination. In practice, his Third World Marxism led him to support the NIEO and resist UNCLOS through constitutional litigation based on the imperialist Treaty of Paris of 1898. Magallona's critique and praxis suggest new forms of resistance to the new imperialisms and underscore the imperative of a practice turn in Marxist international legal theory.

Yunnan Newspapers and the Early Spread of Marxism

The early dissemination of Marxism in Yunnan was mainly carried out through books and newspapers. Propaganda through the medium of newspapers and periodicals had a great influence in the early Yunnan society. In the context of the reality of the time, the types of early newspapers mainly included those founded by students, institutional newspapers, and newspapers spontaneously founded by labor and peasant groups. The early progressive press introduced the lives of the classic Marxist writers, the initial understanding of the basic principles of Marxism, and the revolutionary ideas of the proletariat. It publicized the international communist movement, promoted the spread of new cultures and ideas in the early frontier areas, and laid the ideological, talent, and popular foundations for the establishment of party and group organizations in Yunnan. An examination of the early history of the spread of Marxism in Yunnan reveals that the people did not passively accept Marxism, but grasped its connotations on the basis of combining it with the real situation. This is of great significance for today's deep understanding of the connotations of the Chineseization and epochalization of Marxism and the promotion of Chinese-style modernization.

Influence of PMPD on Twenty-First Century’s Political Movements in Nepal

General Secretary Madan Bhandari’s widely embraced concept, People’s Multiparty Democracy (PMPD): A Program of Nepali Revolution, received overwhelming endorsement during the Fifth Congress of CPN (UML) in 1993. This ideology seamlessly melds democracy and socialism, with distinct Nepali societal characteristics. Originally introduced as a political program, PMPD has since evolved into an indispensable guiding principle in shaping political developments following the restoration of democracy in 1990. In the wake of the publication of the 1848 Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, PMPD stands as a profoundly innovative contribution to communist political philosophy. It stands out for its successful integration of the fundamental tenets of democracy and the well-being of the populace. During a pivotal moment in the global communist movement, marked by the disintegration of the USSR and the downfall of communist governments worldwide, PMPD encapsulates the essence of a New Democracy, embodying the defining characteristics of the burgeoning capitalist democratic revolution within the unique context of Nepali geopolitical dynamics. As a revolutionary concept, PMPD is underpinned by the philosophical cornerstone of opposing feudalism, imperialism, and the stranglehold of comprador capitalism. It achieves this through people-centric programs, active participation in mainstream politics, and the promotion of rational, merit-based leadership. PMPD plays a pivotal role in facilitating a seamless transition from a century-long, centralized unitary system with monarchy to a federal democratic republic. Furthermore, the Constitution of Nepal 2015 incorporates several noteworthy features, including dynamism and flexibility, while firmly afirming the sovereignty and state power vested in the people through periodic elections.

Osnivanje organizacije Mladi muslimani i njen razlaz sa ilmijskim udruženjem el Hidaje 1943. godine

The paper analyzes the establishment of the Young Muslims organization, which was formed in Sarajevo at the dawn of World War II, based on previously unpublished archival materials from the association of Young Muslims 1939, private archives, the State Archives of Serbia, Military Archives, and other relevant sources. The analysis shows the identity and ideological direction of the organization as well as its relationship to the Bosnian ulema, the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the idea of the nation, the Ustasha ideology, the Communist movement, and other ideological currents present in the time when the organization was founded.

중국문헌자료에서 한인(韓人) 김만겸에 관한 사실 고증과 김만겸의 중국내 공산주의운동

중국문헌자료에서 한인(韓人) 김만겸에 관한 사실 고증과 김만겸의 중국내 공산주의운동