Communist League Research Articles

Students and Lecturers of Kaunas Polytechnic Institute in the KGB Spotlight (1951–1989)

The KGB branch at the Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR paid particular attention to schools of higher education in Kaunas who were supposed to train intelligentsia loyal to the Soviet government. During the interwar period Kaunas was the temporary capital of Lithuania and the majority of schools of higher education in Kaunas stemmed from the Lithuanian University (Vytautas Magnus University) founded in 1922. Therefore, there were a number of representatives of the national intelligentsia in Kaunas who exerted a significant influence on the younger generation. During the Soviet period, the KGB monitored political sentiments, research and foreign relations of lecturers and students of all schools of higher education, including Kaunas Polytechnic Institute (KPI). The KGB carried out the surveillance using a network of trusted people and agents and was assisted in this by functionaries of the Communist Party and the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (Komsomol). In 1951–1973, the KGB in Lithuania disclosed the underground organisations in which KPI students and teachers were involved. In order to identify anti-Soviet organisations, the KGB agents used provocateurs and later – listening devices. Seeking to “re-educate” KPI students and teachers who were involved in anti-Soviet organisations, the KGB applied typical methods: arrest, courts, detention and forced labour in Soviet labour camps. “Less serious crimes” of students, such as singing of anti-Soviet songs, belonging to a religious group or asking inappropriate questions at ideological sciences lectures, were punished with preventive conversations, public discussions of their behaviour, reprimands, removal from the Komsomol, and expulsion from the Institute. Although the functionaries of the KGB and the Communist Party applied measures aimed at suppressing national consciousness and statehood aspirations and ideological censorship, there were frequent manifestations of dissatisfaction with the Soviet occupation at KPI and some students and lecturers continued to participate in the anti-Soviet resistance. In order to protect young people from the negative influence, the KGB sought to prevent the former deportees or prisoners from studying and working at the schools of higher education. Prof. Kazimieras Baršauskas, Rector of KPI, disobeyed prohibitions by KGB leaders, and the Institute had a number of students who were former deportees and political prisoners. The KGB sought to expand its network of agents at KPI, but their reports indicate that there were too few agents. The KGB tried to use some KPI lecturers who travelled abroad for their sabbatical as their agents at the institute and for technical espionage abroad. In order to control research work related to military orders and trips abroad, the 1st Unit and the Foreign Relations Unit were set up at the institute; these were actually led by KGB officers. The KGB monitored whether the enemies from the capitalist countries were interested in what was developed at KPI laboratories or in researchers who wrote dissertations on the so-called classified topics. In the 1980s, the KGB mainly focused on the KPI Scientific Centre Vibrotechnika, the Ultrasound Laboratory, and faculties of Automation, Radio Electronics, Computer Technology and Mechanical Engineering, the Nemunas song and dance ensemble, tourist society and the society for regional studies.

Composition of the Lithuanian Komsomol in June 1940–June 1941

The Lithuanian Leninist Young Communist League (LLKJS) in Lithuania occupied by the Soviet Union was a political structure of the occupation regime, which provided a reserve and assistance to the ruling Communist Party and actively participated in the Sovietisation of the country and indoctrination of the youth in the spirit of Communism. In October 1940, the league was incorporated into the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (VLKSM) and integrated to the USSR political system. Its aims were to extend the social base of the Communist Party, to exert political influence on youth, and to make the youth serve the occupation policy. With an aim of gaining social support and political influence among the youth, the Communist Party promoted the Komsomol. In summer 1940, fast and uncontrolled growth of its ranks was stimulated. In February 1941, LLKJS raised for itself a goal of making it into a massive organisation capable of embracing and exerting political control over youth. In order to improve the image of the Komsomol and to make its ethnic composition reflect that of Lithuania, joining the LLKJS was particularly promoted among workers, peasants, schoolchildren, Lithuanians, and Poles of Vilnius region. Between November 1940 and May 1941, a campaign of issuing the LLKJS certificates to its members took place, which was a cleansing campaign of the Komsomol on the basis of social and political criteria. This campaign was aimed at integrating the LLKJS into the VLKSM through the process of socio-political validation of its members and exclusion of those members, who were socially and politically hostile or unreliable to the occupation authorities. The campaign helped transform the LLKJS and make its composition similar to that of the VLKSM, and also make LLKJS a political structure, which complied with the needs of the occupation authorities and on which they could rely. Over a period of one year of the Soviet occupation, the ranks of the LLKJS increased 13-fold. Due to the political situation and wish to survive under the occupation, young people of various social groups and nationalities joined the LLKJS. Most of them chose cooperation with the Soviet regime and adaptation to its policies deliberately, others joined the ranks looking for employment or career opportunities, and yet others – seeking better learning conditions or being forced by other circumstances. Cleansing of the ranks of the Komsomol and regulation of its composition changed the social structure of the organisation. The majority of the members of the Komsomol were representatives of working class, peasants and Soviet officials who constituted the social backbone for the Communist Party. People of various nationalities joined the Komsomol. Initially, young people of certain ethnic groups, particularly Jews, actively joined the LLKJS. Later, in order to improve the image of the LLKJS and bring its ethnic composition to that of Lithuania, recruitment of Lithuanians into its ranks was particularly promoted. Although efforts were made for the LLKJS to grow, it did not become a mass organisation and its ranks remained sparse. It was a weak and non-influential political structure, unable to penetrate the youth and win them over. The attempts of the Komsomol to involve young people in the Sovietisation processes and to instil in them the Communist ideology was ineffective. Many young people were opposed to the occupation regime and its political structures. The spirit of opposition to the Soviet occupation was therefore active among the youth and resistance against it was imminent.

विश्व राजनीतिमा वैज्ञानिक समाजवादी चिन्तनको विकास {The Development of Scientific Socialist Thought in World Politics}

This article examines the development of scientific socialist thought in world politics. Key milestones considered include the formation of the Communist League, the publication of the Communist Manifesto, the establishment of the First International, the Paris Commune, the Second International, the October Socialist Revolution, the Third International, and the Cominform. Scientific socialist thought began with the publication of the Communist Manifesto by Marx and Engels in 1848 and developed gradually over time. This evolution is marked by a series of significant historical events. The study traces the formation of the Communist League, the creation and dissemination of the Communist Manifesto, the establishment of the First International under Marx's leadership, the Paris Commune revolution by workers and the proletariat, the formation of the Second International under Engels' guidance, Lenin's leadership in the Russian Socialist Revolution and the formation of the Third International, and the establishment of the Cominform under Stalin's leadership. The article uses an inductive method to explore these developments and aims to illuminate the progression of scientific socialist thought in world politics.

Između bliskog i nepoznatog: jugoslovenski socijalistički model u debatama francuskih komunista nakon studentskih pobuna 1968. godine

The paper analyses the debate among French communists over the Yugoslav socialist model, both before and after the confrontation between the leaderships of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ) and the Communist Party of France (KPF) during the 1968 student uprisings. Employing a comparative methods and historiographical research of archival sources, the article attempts to critically reconsider these issues. It investigates the sudden spike of interest among French communists in the historical evolution of the Yugoslav socialist model amidst the dispute within Europe’s extreme left. It also explores the level of understanding among French communists about the evolution of SKJ party politics and Yugoslav sociopolitical reality.

FINANCING OF THE INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES OF THE KOMSOMOL IN THE 1960S-1970S

In the 1960s the Komsomol began to give particular attention to its international activity, which was not only limited to participation, but also involved the organization of many different events for foreign youth and students - international friendship camps, forums, trips of foreign delegations. The creation of the Committee of Youth Organizations of the USSR (KMO USSR) and the Sputnik International Youth Tourism Bureau (BMMT) contributed to the intensification of the tourist exchange between Soviet and foreign youth. Both organizations were subordinate to the Central Committee of the Komsomol and received funding from the Komsomol budget. In 1962, additional funds started being allocated for international activities, as evidenced by a new item of expenditure that appeared in the budget of the Komsomol. Most of this money was spent by the Central Committee, with excessive expenditure on the reception of foreign delegations and gifts, which was repeatedly noted by audit checks. Twelve to thirty committees with international youth camps (out of 86 regional Komsomol committees) received money under the framework of this funding item. During the period under study, the Komsomol actively helped with the payment of organizational fees to the funds of the World Festivals of Youth and Students, and then began to provide direct material assistance to the youth organizations in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa, which regularly applied for it. It is important to note that the annual increase of spending on international activities occurred in the context of the termination of state funding for the Komsomol, which in 1959 became fully financially self-sufficient. Based on a wide range of archival documents introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the article presents an analysis of the financial activities of the Central Committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League, its sources of funding and directions for spending the funds allocated for international activities. The relevance of the study is determined by the lack of serious scholarly investigation of this problem and the need to study the financial support of international activities in order to give a comprehensive assessment of its impact and efficiency.

Total People’s Defence and Social Self-Protection Committees – example of the Socialist Republic of Croatia

In the late 1970s, the defence, protection and security affairs of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia were integrated in a single concept of total people’s defence and social selfprotection. It was conceived as a combination of two functions that would promptly prevent possible crisis situations and effectively respond to all threats to society, including war. Total people’s defence and social self-protection committees were established to manage the concept in all spheres of society, ranging from the local community level to the level of the Republic and the autonomous province. Committees were not established at the Federation level. Committees at all levels were led by presidents of the League of Communists’ organisations. This affirmed and reinforced the dominance of the League of Communists at all defence and security levels of the society, including the impact on the territorial component of the Armed Forces. This was actually the key feature of their establishment, because until then the armed forces were exclusively subordinated to the president of Yugoslavia and of the League of Communists, Josip Broz Tito. Committees were established on the basis of the conclusions of the 11th congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia which was held in 1978. They had a specific position and considerable powers in the defense system, although those were never defined constitutionally. Outside the SFRY Constitution, they were introduced in 1982 in the Law on Total People’s Defence, which prescribed that the Presidency of SFRY could transfer to them part of its powers as regards to the use of the Territorial Defense. In the late 1980s, they became futile because they took over the jurisdictions of other bodies and organisations at lower levels, whereas at the highest level they were unable to respond to the deterioration of the political situation in Yugoslavia. With the dissolution of the League and the elections in some of the republics in 1990, their role ended.

DEZINTEGRISANA SRBIJA I PRVI POKUŠAJI USPOSTAVLjANjA JEDINSTVA REPUBLIKE 1974–1981.

The 1974 Constitution made Serbia a “complex” republic, different from other republics since it included two provinces which, instead of autonomy, gained de facto independence. The republic had almost no authority in the territory of the provinces, while the provincial authorities participated in the adoption of decisions at the level of the republic. Economic and cultural flows were intersected at the provincial administrative borders. Political decisions led to disintegration of numerous economic systems. The League of Communists of Serbia had almost no influence on the political life in the provinces and the work of the Leagues of Communists of the provinces, whereas provincial parties had representatives in the republic party bodies. Due to the opposition of the provincial authorities, Serbia was unable to adopt important laws (on national defence, social plan, etc.). It was the only republic without a Social Plan. Out of about 500 regulations adopted until 1981, only 40 applied in the whole territory of Serbia. These included 3,035 articles, out of which only 162 applied to the whole territory of the republic (6.5%). The escalation of Albanian violence in SAP Kosovo in 1981 forced the Serbian leadership to deal with the position of Serbia in Yugoslavia and the position of the provinces in Serbia according to the 1974 Constitution. In December 1981, at the 18th Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia, the republic leadership raised the issue of the status of the provinces within the republic. They insisted on implementing the competencies under the Constitution and conclusions were adopted emphasizing the necessity of the republic’s unity. In the years to come, however, the opposition of the provincial authorities to the realization of the republic integrity was often more effective than the decisions of the republic party bodies. Provincial politicians found support in the struggle for independence from the republic in political forces outside Serbia, primarily in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia.

DOTIRANjE EKONOMIJE AUTONOMNE KOSOVSKO-METOHIJSKE OBLASTI IZ BUDžETA NARODNE REPUBLIKE SRBIJE, 1946–1953.

The territory of Kosovo and Metohija has been in a privileged economic position compared to the rest of Serbia since the formation of territorial autonomy after the Second World War. The amount of money at the disposal of the regional authorities significantly exceeded the amount of money at the disposal of the authorities in other parts of Serbia, especially in the area of «Central Serbia» outside Belgrade. This situation was made possible by financial subsidies to the regional budget, which from 1946 to 1953 amounted to 3,288,178,920 dinars. Out of a total of 6,525,114,070, which was the budget revenue of the Autonomous Kosovo-Metohija region from 1946 to 1953, 50.39% were subsidies from Serbia. A comparison of the economic development of Kosovo and Metohija and the neighboring regions of Serbia shows that the later claims about the «neglect» of the area’s development in the first post-war years were not based on data and historical facts but represented the political aspirations of the Communist League in connection with the economic strengthening of Kosovo’s autonomy.

Titoizam protiv nauke: primer „kritičkog osvrta“ Zorana Janjetovića

The paper addresses the phenomenon of relativization, denial, and marginalization of significant historical facts from the period of socialist Yugoslavia in order to defend the stereotypical image of that era that exists today. Using Zoran Janjetović’s text from the first issue of the journal Tokovi istorije in 2023 as an example, the paper examines the mechanisms used in domestic historiography to ensure that historical facts do not threaten the traditional narrative about the history of federal Yugoslavia, which was formed during the League of Communists’ one-party dictatorship.

„Jugoslavija je kuća koja se ruši”: Prikazivanje sukoba sa Informbiroom u jugoslovenskoj kinematografiji osamdesetih godina – istorijska analiza

In Yugoslavia, the 1980s were a period of economic and political crisis, but also a time of a gradual liberalisation of the society and the start of its movement towards a multiparty system and breakup. By easing impediments of censorship in culture, which was the domain of the ruling communist party, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (ZKJ), a space opened up for artists to raise some traumatic and problematic topics from the Yugoslav past, such as Goli Otok and the clash with the Cominform. The manner in which these topics were addressed in 1980s Yugoslav films suggests that the influence of ZKJ over cultural and social life was waning, but also that the Party still tried to promote its version of the past with propaganda films such as Visoki napon (High Voltage). Accordingly, this article represents a contribution to studying and understanding the social and political situation in the final decade of socialist Yugoslavia, as viewed through the lens of cultural history.

ZNAČAJ ISTRAŽIVANJA ISTORIJSKOG PROCESA REVALORIZIRANJA NACIONALNOG IDENTITETA MUSLIMANA U SOCIJALISTIČKOJ JUGOSLAVIJI (1956–1971) / THE IMPORTANCE OF RESEARCHING THE HISTORICAL PROCESS OF REVALUATING THE MUSLIMS' NATIONAL IDENTITY IN SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA

After defending her doctoral dissertation at Uppsala University in 2016, Dr. Iva Lučić edited the book In the Name of the Nation, translated from German into Bosnian by professor Sulejman Bosto. The book presents a comprehensive historical research of the genesis of the Muslim nation recognition in socialist Yugoslavia during the period 1956–1971. Based on the study of archival material in the institutions of the Yugoslav Federation and the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as an insight into the reference literature, Dr. Iva Lučić scientifically elaborates one of the crucial historical questions for the development of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s statehood. It is about the recognition of the Muslim’s national subjectivity, which during the several decades course led to a positive historical outcome at the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s 17th Session and at the implementation of the Yugoslav population census of 1971. In the book’s final part, Dr. Iva Lučić does a comprehensive historical and sociological-political synthesis of the wholeness of her research. The scientific findings released by Dr. Iva Lučić represent a contribution to the study and establishment of contemporary political history of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 20th century.

Sports Events in the USSR as a Tool for Promoting Soviet Social Values (on the Example of the 1st Spartakiad of the Peoples of the USSR)

The author made an attempt to consider sports events in the system of propaganda of Soviet values as a research task. The 1st Spartakiad of the Peoples of the USSR in 1956 was used as an example, designed to demonstrate the sporting achievements of the Soviet society and to involve the broad masses of the population in sports. We made a review of legal documents of all-Union and regional significance aimed at preparing for the upcoming competitions. The stages and structure of the regional competitions within the framework of the Spartakiad are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to agitation and propaganda work in the region dedicated to the 1st Spartakiad of the peoples of the USSR. The role of holding sports and mass events, star relay races and the “Relay Race of Youth” in the promotion of sports in remote areas of the region is revealed. The importance of the regional councils of voluntary sports societies and the regional committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League in organizing these events was emphasized. The results of the performance of national teams and individual athletes of the Irkutsk region at different stages of the Spartakiad of the Peoples of the USSR are analyzed in detail. The article summarizes already published sources on the topic under study and also it introduces into scientific circulation new data obtained on the basis of documents from the State Archives of the Irkutsk Region. A statistical analysis of the dynamics of the development of physical culture in the Angara region in the course of preparation for the 1st Spartakiad of the peoples of the USSR is given. The author substantiates the hypothesis that, thanks to the preparations for the Spartakiad in the Irkutsk region, it was possible to expand the propaganda of Soviet sports, update the material and technical base, improve the quality of personnel and increase the number of people involved in physical culture. Thus, sport became a significant element in the system of Soviet social values.

Yugoslav experts, Yugoslavism and the national question in the 1960s

ABSTRACT The paper is focused on Slovene and Serbian state socialist experts and their role in the scientific field of researching the Yugoslav national question in the first half of the 1960s, with emphasis on their research and debates regarding the concept of national Yugoslavism. The institutes being examined are the Institute for Ethnic Studies (Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja, INV) in Ljubljana and the Institute of Social Sciences (Institut društvenih nauka, IDN) in Belgrade. In the early 1960s, Yugoslav soft nation-building reached its peak with the famous Ćosić–Pirjevec debate. The latter coincided with the end of the ‘transitional period’ at INV and its new leadership under Drago Druškovič. Some Serbian lawyers shifted the fight for the establishment of a socialist Yugoslav nation from political debates to the Yugoslav Association for International Law, where the dispute reached a climax in late 1964. With the abandonment of the Yugoslav national idea, IDN prepared an ambitious programme of researching Yugoslav interethnic relations, which would include several institutions from all Yugoslav republics. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia financed research on interethnic relations in Yugoslavia to create ‘correct’ policies with regard to the national question. Huge amounts of data were collected (public opinion polls, newspaper clippings) and analysed by the research institutions mentioned earlier, which often gave expert opinions to leading Communists. In the late 1960s, amateur research and opinion polling conducted by Yugoslav newspapers challenged the monopoly of the Party on the scientific research field of interethnic relations. Thus, in the early 1970s, the Party struggled to retake control.

Educating for a Palestinian-Israeli identity in the Young Communist League of Israel (Banki): Tensions and challenges

ABSTRACT This article examines the involvement of political parties in education, focusing on these parties’ youth movements. Specifically, the article examines the youth movement of The Young Communist League of Israel (Banki) and analyzes its educational goals and strategies in the context of the Arab Palestinian minority in Israel. In doing so, the article reveals some of the tensions and challenges inherited in Banki’s educational work as it attempts to integrate Arab youth into Israeli society, on the one hand, while strengthening their Palestinian identity, on the other. The overall picture that emerged from the data reflected strong counter-hegemonic political stances and actions via-a-vis the excluding ethnonationalism of the Israeli political regime and, to a lesser ex-tent, the leadership of Maki. Additionally, the article argues that Banki’s work could be considered counter-hegemonic because it challenges the separation between Palestini-an nationalism and Israeli citizenship by educating for an integrative Palestinian-Israeli identity.

Izbori na području opštine Novi Pazar početkom devedesetih godina XX veka

The fall of the Berlin Wall led to the collapse of socialism and initiated the process of re-parliamentarization. This period was characterized by the establishment of multi-partyism, involving the revitalization or transformation of some old parties and the formation of new parties. Additionally, multi-party elections were organized. The path of political pluralization of SR Serbia started after the adoption of the position of the LC of Serbia at the XI Congress that "the League of Communists does not claim a political monopoly". Party pluralization and political processes in the territory of the Novi Pazar municipality followed the above processes and events. During 1990, committees of the most important republican parties (Socialist Party of Serbia, SPS, Serbian Renewal Movement, SPO, Union of Reform Forces of Yugoslavia, SRSJ, and others) were founded in the municipality, along with a branch of the most significant party from the SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Party of Democratic Action, SDA. The antagonism between the peoples at the federal level was transferred to the municipal area as well. Different views of socio-political events from the past in the municipality contributed to increased divisions. Due to the political turbulence in the country, the electorate primarily turned to parties with a national program. National parties often emphasized the perceived threat and humiliation of their own national groups in the preceding period. With such statements, parties rapidly carried out national homogenization and division among the local population, also profiting politically. Trust in uni-national parties was immediately evident. During the first multi-party elections, the SDA won convincingly. Its candidates managed to secure 90% of the votes from the local Muslim population. The Serbian population allocated its votes to the SPO and SPS, with the SPO winning the parliamentary elections. The tendency of trust in national parties continued in the following period. The Party of Democratic Action managed to maintain political primacy among the Muslim population of the municipality during this period. This is evidenced by the boycotts of the elections in 1992 and 1993 by the majority of Muslims. A smaller number of Muslims supported more moderate parties, such as the SRSJ. The Serbian population of the municipality, unlike the Muslim population, actively participated in all elections. Throughout the entire period, the political pluralization of the Serbs was noticeable. The Socialist Party of Serbia managed to assert itself over time as the most significant party among the local Serbian population. The elections showed that the politics of moderate and more conciliatory currents, such as SRSJ, experienced a debacle. Despite the antagonisms and the tense political climate, he elections took place in a tolerant manner without major incidents. The election results were accepted. An enviable amount of political culture was demonstrated among the local parties. Democratic elections have shown that it is possible to discuss very delicate and latent problems from the past, even in difficult times. With the de-escalation of the situation at the level of Yugoslavia and, subsequently, with the changes on October 5th, inter-ethnic relations in political advancements began to lose their importance. Gradually, tensions subsided. Political pluralization among the Muslim population of the municipality also contributed to this. Instead of national issues, the municipality's focus shifted to the daily life concerns of the local population and the inter-party relations of the Muslim parties.

La Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre ante la reforma política de 1977, la liberación de presos políticos, y la búsqueda de víctimas de desaparición forzada

The Communist League “23 de Septiembre” – known as LC23S or la Liga – was one of the guerrilla insurrection organizations in Mexico in the 70s. Already in 1977, while la Liga was celebrating four years of existence, the federal government headed by José López Portillo announced a political reform that allowed the recognition of left-wing political parties. In addition, during this time, relatives of state counterinsurgency’s political prisoners and victims of forced disappearance sought the release and search of their loved ones. The article analyzes the positions on these efforts and the 1977 political reform expressed by la Liga in Madera, the organization’s newspaper. I argue that la Liga disseminated a negative vision of these processes in order to continue justifying its call to arms, because organized political violence was offered as the only legitimate and viable method to carry out leftist changes in Mexico at the time.

Proces w Sarajewie w 1983 roku na tle sytuacji politycznej i społecznej Jugosławii lat 80. XX wieku

The 1983 Sarajevo Trial and the socio-political situation in Yugoslavia of the 1980s The text presents the trial of the Muslim intellectuals that took place in Sarajevo in 1983. They were put on trial due to the political pressure of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina and then sentenced to harsh and long imprisonment. The article presents activity of the sentenced intellectuals, social attitudes of the republic’s citizens, and general decay among the communist leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina, widely considered to be the most dogmatic in comparison to the other Yugoslav republics.

Yugoslav communists and European far-left - from first supporters of Italian Eurocommunists to last allies of French neo-stalinists (1965-1985)

Complex structural changes of social realty in SFRY and Western Europe during post-war decades have created the need for the largest Marxist parties of Europe outside Eastern Bloc to accommodate their party policies to new political challenges and social circumstances. Gradually, communist parties of Mediterranean started to contemplate creation of a new Marxist ideology for the welfare state era, which in practice meant seizing attempts to adjust principles of Bolshevik socialist model to their unique local circumstances, and moving away from the influence of Soviet party. League of Communists of Yugoslavia supported the reformist fractions of Italian, French, Greek and Spanish communist parties, which opened the path for further expansion of international influence and prestige of the Yugoslav communists. However, historical evolution of SFRY state policies and Yugoslav party ideology eventually took a different course than the reforms of party policies and ideologies of early Eurocommunist parties. The purpose of this article is to contribute to further understanding of the long term social and historical process which created a drift between the leading reformist parties of Europe. This is to be achieved by applying comparative method to the results of archival research conducted on historical sources that testify about the cooperation between Yugoslav, Italian and French communists at various time points during the twenty year long period, while using the findings of numerous historical, sociological and philosophical books and articles in order to bring the research results in the appropriate social and historical context.

Odjeci Hrvatskoga proljeća u Virovitici 1971. i 1972.

Based on a historiographic and communication analysis of newspaper articles from Virovitički list and archival material of the Virovitica Municipal Assembly and District Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia in Virovitica, this paper investigates the echo of the national, cultural and political movement at the beginning of the 1970s. The authors interpret the political and social conditions in Virovitica during this period and analyze the echoes of the Croatian Spring in Virovitica’s politics, society, economy and culture. The tendencies that characterized the Croatian Spring in Virovitica did not differ from those in other areas. The central theme of the paper is the direct product of the reverberations of the Croatian Spring, which corresponded to the renewed functioning of the literary and cultural organization Matica hrvatska in 1971. The sanctions and penalties imposed against all supporters of the Croatian Spring are analyzed. The orders that come from the highest levels of government were readily accepted, both by the political authorities in Virovitica and by those who approved and edited the articles that appeared in the local newspaper. There was no question of the liberalization of local media, given that it “lasted” as long as the diversion of the local government, that is, the changes and deviations that occurred were caused by the actions of the authorities, republican and local, rather than emerging spontaneously. The methodology of the work and its coordination would be honed to perfection, and to an impartial observer it may have appeared that everything was in absolute harmony, but in fact it was a written and monotonous synchronization that occurred in conjunction with fear. The suppressed problems that reigned in Virovitica at the time, such as the impossibility of employment, the migration of its labour force abroad and even the defeatist policy compelled staff to leave municipal administration or refuse to even apply for job announcements all characterized Virovitica, and the political problems that occurred were less of a concern to the population than economic concerns. The paper presents a case study of the echoes of the largest Croatian national movement in the latter half of the 20th century in a small urban environment with the features of generic news reporting and unquestioning submission to the prevailing political ideology of that time and the consequences thereof.

Karijera, kuhinja, konferencija: žene u hrvatskom društvu šezdesetih

Based on an analysis of Communist Party (i.e., League of Communists of Croatia/Yugoslavia) documents, as well as the women’s, academic, student and youth press, this article explores the status of women in Croatian society during the 1960s. It opens perspectives for the study of “the role and status” of women in communism, with emphasis on the under-researched 1960s, in comparison to scholarship on the Antifascist Front of Women (Antifašistička fronta žena, AFŽ) of the 1940s and 1950s and the second wave of feminism (neo-feminism) of the 1970s and 1980s. The 1960s saw a marked rise in women’s education and employment, which was not accompanied by an increase in their “visibility” in society nor in their political representation (in the period after the abolition of the AFŽ in 1953). Similarly, there was no reformulation of the “women’s question” prior to emergence of the first feminist demands in the form of criticism of or dissent against the state in the 1970s. The first part of the paper defines the problem of the declarative “solution” of the women’s question with the introduction of legal gender equality. Alongside demands for reform, the 1960s witnessed evidence of political, societal and economic crisis during which women, regardless of their ever-growing level of education and qualifications, could not find an unobstructed path to leading positions. Subordinating the women’s question under the class question hindered genuine change in the social status of women, because the place of women in society was an indicator of the failure of the state monopoly over issues pertaining to women. The second part of the article analyzes women’s participation in the student movements of 1968 and 1971, but also their involvement in the emerging civic initiatives of the same period. Criticism of the invisibility of women as active participants in student, youth and academic endeavours correlates to examples of misogynist attitudes that permeated society during the 1960s.