Communist Bloc Research Articles

DECONSTRUCTING STABILITY: THE IMPACT OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR ON THE FORMATION OF A NEW SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

On February 24, 2022, a full-scale Russian aggression against Ukraine began. It became a continuation of the Russian hybrid offensive and finally testified to the transition to a new geopolitical reality. In this sense, the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–2024 should be considered a postponed major European war. It initiated the transition from post-bipolarity to a neo-post-bipolar international system. The Russian-Ukrainian war became the most powerful armed conflict in Europe after the end of the Second World War. Russian hybrid and full-scale aggression caused a wave of political-diplomatic, military, socio-economic tsunami. It significantly influenced the transformation of the post-bipolar international order that functioned after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union and the communist bloc. Today, it is impossible to accurately determine all the consequences and changes in the international arena that the modern Russian-Ukrainian war will lead to. However, it should be considered a turning point for the activation of radical changes. First, the modern neo-post-bipolar system of unstable equilibrium relations is characterized by an orientation towards the transformation of the global international order into a “post-American world”. Secondly, other centers of globalization have emerged and are gaining strength, especially the People's Republic of China and the EU, as well as the G 20 and BRICS states. Thirdly, the Russian Federation seeks to create an anti-American/anti-Western coalition in the face of an acute armed conflict and increased sanctions. Fourthly, the transformation of the modern system of international relations takes place in the direction of the formation of polycentrism while preserving the “deconstruction of stability”, that is, the strengthening of the conflict-causing potential at the global, regional, and peripheral levels.

Persecution and Migrant Self-Selection: Evidence from the Collapse of the Communist Bloc

Abstract How does persecution affect who migrates? We analyze migrants' self-selection out of the USSR and its satellite states before and after the collapse of Communism using census microdata. We find that migrants arriving before and around the time of the collapse (who were more likely to have moved because of persecution) were more educated and obtained better labor market outcomes than those arriving later. This change is not fully explained by the removal of Communist-era emigration restrictions. Instead, we show both theoretically and empirically that this pattern is consistent with more positive self-selection of migrants who are motivated by persecution.

Alan Bush, Modern Music, and the Cold War: The Cultural Left in Britain and the Communist Bloc by Joanna Bullivant (review)

Alan Bush, Modern Music, and the Cold War: The Cultural Left in Britain and the Communist Bloc by Joanna Bullivant (review)

Illegal Sterilisation in the Czech Republic

Forced sterilisation, a serious violation of human rights, occurred across the former communist bloc, both during and after the socialist period. This study examines the case of the Czech Republic, where legislation regarding compensation to the victims of forced sterilisation was only passed in 2021, despite a 2005 finding by the Ombudsman that at least 50 women had been subject to the procedure. My research shows that long-standing discrimination against Roma people and public lack of interest in the issue were largely to blame for this delay.

냉전기 한국의 팔레스타인정책

Utilizing primary sources, this study analyzes the process of and main reasons for the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) de facto recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1980. In 1979, the ROK government prepared to recognize the PLO, which represented a significant departure from its previous Israel-centered Middle East policy and could have clashed with the US diplomatic posture. At a time of high uncertainty in US-Arab relations, ROK’s policy shift was understood in terms of strengthening the independence of ROK’s diplomacy. Although the ROK government confirmed the US and Japanese stance of disapproval of the PLO, it considered both explicit recognition, which would have the effect of approval, and unilateral declaration, which would lower the burden on the ROK in PLO relations. After the PLO recognition, the US government used economic support as a lever to pressure the ROK. Facing this expected friction with the US, the ROK’s pursuit of independent diplomacy was based on the following factors. First, on the economic front, the steady supply of oil and the expansion of the construction market were considered, and, indeed, South Korea’s exports to the Middle East reached a peak after the PLO recognition. Second, regarding the political aspect, the comprehensive diplomatic strategy, which sought to improve relations with the Arab states as a whole, was based on Park Chung-hee’s perception of independence, with the aim of gaining the upper hand in the diplomatic confrontation with North Korea. Third, with respect to the international aspect, in the 1970s, Europe no longer followed the US-centered policy in the Middle East, and the ties between the Communist bloc and the PLO were loosening. Overall, the ROK’s recognition of the PLO was an attempt at independent diplomacy and an important example of harnessing international currents. However, it was limited by the confusion of ROK’s diplomatic tones between Israel and the Palestinians and by the overemphasis on external economic gains.

Gender Disparity Index in European Former Communist States: Assessing the Influence of EU Membership

This research is a reflection on the new challenges in former European communist countries in three areas of gender equality. The analysis employs the gender disparity index (GDI), which encompasses life expectancy, education, and income indices, each equally weighted by gender. The former communist states are categorized into two clusters: the first comprising European Union (EU) member states, and the second consisting of non-EU member states or those in the integration process. The findings indicate pervasive gender-based inequalities across the former European communist bloc. This study offers critical insights for countries seeking EU accession, highlighting the need for targeted policies to address gender disparities in multiple domains. Contrary to the hypothesis positing a connection between feminine cultural values and gender egalitarian practices, the data do not support this assertion. The implications of this research are particularly pertinent for aspiring EU member states, who must navigate issues of monopolism while striving to establish effective principles of business efficiency.

Prince Wan Waithayakon’s Attempt for Rapprochement with the People’s Republic of China at the 1955 Asian-African Conference at Bandung

Abstract After the end of the Second World War, newly emerging nations were being divided up geopolitically into ideological camps – the so-called “Free World” led by the United States and the ‘Communist Bloc’ under the leadership of the Soviet Union. At the same time, there was rising demands for self-determination by national leaders who did not wish to commit exclusively to either ideological camp, as they perceived this to be a form of neo-imperialism. A leading group within this third way of thinking was the Colombo Group. In the midst of this intense three-way struggle, post-war Thailand under the leadership of Premier Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram was heavily influenced by the US in the earliest stages of the Cold War. In the attempt to renegotiate and re-balance Thailand’s position in the heightened political tension of the region, the premier sent the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince Wan Waithayakon, to represent Thailand at the Asia-Africa Conference – initiated through the cooperation of the Colombo Group earlier in May 1954 – in April 1955. At this conference Prince Wan exercised independent diplomacy by meeting and negotiating with the Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai in an attempt to re-balance Thailand’s relations with world powers in both the Free World and the Communist Bloc. This meeting would have significant ramifications for Thailand’s diplomacy throughout the Cold War and has impacted the kingdom’s relations with the People’s Republic of China up to the present day.

Health status in selected post-communist European countries: a comparative study between Poland and Albania.

The aim of this analysis was to compare selected health status indicators of the Albanian and Polish populations, pertinent to two former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). This analysis was based on the estimates related to the Global Burden of Disease (GBD) 2019 study, reported by the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME). For Poland, IHME uses data mainly from the Central Statistical Office of Poland, whereas for Albania the information is based on the reports from the National Institute of Statistics. In 2019, life expectancy at birth was slightly higher in Albania compared to Poland (78.5 years vs. 78.1 years, respectively). Mortality rate from noncommunicable diseases was similar in both countries (about 520 deaths per 100,000 population). In 2019, the main risk factor for the overall mortality in both countries was the high systolic blood pressure. In Albania, high systolic blood pressure accounted for almost 32% of deaths from all causes, whereas in Poland it accounted for only 21% of all deaths. The second main risk factor in Albania concerned the dietary factors which were responsible for almost one in four deaths. In Poland, the second main risk factor for all-cause mortality concerned tobacco which was responsible for one in five deaths. The third leading risk factor in Albania was tobacco (responsible for one in five deaths), whereas in Poland it concerned the dietary risks (responsible for about 19% of the all-cause mortality). This analysis provides useful information about the current health status of two populations pertinent to the former Communist Bloc in CEE. While health indicators can provide important information about the differences in health status between populations, it is important to interpret these indicators in the context of the specific challenges and limitations facing each country.

“You Are Not Alone”: Angela Davis and the Soviet Dreams of Freedom

AbstractIn the early 1970s, the plight of a charismatic Black American communist and philosophy professor Angela Davis, put on trial in the United States for her alleged involvement in a courtroom shootout in California, galvanized international public opinion. A massive publicity campaign in support of Angela Davis resonated across the globe and drew in millions of volunteers and sympathizers. The nations of the communist bloc, led by the Soviet Union, were particularly active in rallying their citizens in defense of a jailed American radical. In 1970–1972, Davis became a household name throughout the Soviet Union (but also in East Germany, Cuba, Poland, and other socialist nations). The “Free Angela Davis” campaign was unprecedented in scope and left a lasting mark on the collective memory of the citizens of the Soviet Union and its socialist satellites. Such was the impact of this propaganda juggernaut that decades later the image of Angela Davis remained current as a pop-cultural phenomenon across the former Soviet spaces and a symbol of unrealized and often conflicting aspirations towards freedom.

Touring Feminist Realism in Actually Existing Socialism: The Exhibitions and Travels of Danish Artist Dea Trier Mørch across the Iron Curtain, 1962–1989

Dea Trier Mørch (1941–2001) was a popular – and recently rediscovered – artist often associated with feminism and the formative years of the Danish Women’s Rights movement. Throughout her career, she worked and exhibited frequently in the Eastern Bloc countries, but the details of these activities and the reception of her work in this context is still a little known aspect of her life and work. The article will analyse the case of Trier Mørch as a Danish artist exhibiting in the communist bloc countries. From attending art academies in the 1960s (mainly in Poland and the USSR) to taking part of exhibitions both individually and as part of artist collective Røde Mor such as Biennale der Ostseeländer in Rostock and Intergrafik in East Berlin, the activities of Trier Mørch show encounters and interactions with the other art world of state socialism at various levels, such as conflicts and paradoxes, including on the issue of feminism and women’s rights in the different systems. Following an individual through larger structures like international exchanges and art diplomacy will also shed fresh light on the developments in international cultural relations in the Nordic-Baltic region and provide context for the artist’s commitment and positioning through a formative period in contemporary history.

Samochód dla Kowalskiego. Polaków drogi do masowej motoryzacji i codzienność motoryzacyjna w okresie 1971–1989

The text aims to provide an insight into the everyday automotive life of owners of passenger cars during the last two decades of the Polish People’s Republic. The turning point of the 1960s and 1970s in the communist bloc countries marked a shift towards consumption, with a particular emphasis on individual motorization. In Poland, the new ruling team under Edward Gierek announced a significant increase in the production of passenger cars. The licensing agreement for manufacturing the Fiat 126p at the Passenger Car Factory was intended to be a milestone in the development of individual motorization. The people enthusiastically embraced the government’s plans, and there was a mass prepayment for the ‘maluch’ (Fiat 126p). Unfortunately, throughout the two decades discussed, it was impossible to meet the popular demand for this car fully. The altered sales system in 1981 failed due to production shortages, and the waiting period extended to even ten years. As a result, Poles turned massively towards car markets. Acquiring a car and its subsequent maintenance involved specific expenses. Therefore, the possibilities of obtaining and using a car were tied to a certain income level. The sharp increase in the number of cars significantly impacted leisure activities, especially the development of automotive tourism.

Uwarunkowania rozwoju stosunków finansowo-kredytowych krajów bloku radzieckiego z Zachodem w latach 80. XX wieku

Economic relations between Comecon countries led by the Soviet Union (communist bloc) and OECD countries (Western Europe, the USA, Canada and Japan) in the 1980s were characterized by deep stagnation in all areas of mutual cooperation. This was due to many negative factors interconnected in a short time. They were very diverse in terms of nature, range and durability of impact. The article contains an analysis of the development of the financial and credit relations of the Soviet bloc countries with the West in the 1980s in the existing political and economic conditions of East-West relations. The financial and credit dependence of the socialist countries was very clear and intense at that time. Its elimination or reduction as a result of the development of connections in other directions was only partially possible. Its negative impact also covered areas vital for individual economies. In addition, it was of a long-term nature, which made this type of dependence useful as an economic instrument for political purposes, both in the aspect of short-term and long-term pressure on the implementation of political intentions. When analyzing the entirety of East-West economic contacts, one cannot omit the problem of the debt of the Comecon countries, which largely determines the development of all areas of cooperation. In the 1980s, in Comecon-OECD credit relations, two trends clearly intersected: negative and positive. A negative trend was manifested in the increase in debt burdening the economies of many Central and Eastern European countries. This was caused by an increase in payment liabilities for servicing debts resulting from the postponement of loan repayment dates.

Eugen Bogdan Aburel, a pioneer of fertility sparing surgery

Eugen Bogdan Aburel was pioneer of the fertility sparing surgery in early cervical cancer in young women desiring to preserve their childbearing potential. He graduated in Romania but started specializing in obstetrics and gynecology in Paris, where he had the chance to work with the most prominent professors of the time and do research at Sorbonne, the most famous French higher education institution. Most of his discoveries date from the time he spent in Paris hospitals, proving that a good medical school can generate remarkable physicians. The fertility sparing surgery he created after returning to Romania did not have the same chance to be known and spread to the international medical world because of the Cold War isolation, Romania belonging to the Eastern Communist bloc. However, his pioneering work in this field of surgery is fully recognized today.

Preliminary Considerations and Phases of Pakistan Foreign Policy

Like all other states in the world Pakistan is a sovereign and only nuclear Islamic state on the planet. Upon its initial release from the British raj, it faced significant challenges. There was a prevailing belief that it will return to India. During that period, however, the government did implement authentic measures to address the situation in a piecemeal manner. The commencement of the Cold War between the Communist and Capitalist blocs occurred at that juncture. The newly emerging states in the world were joining one or another bloc. Pakistan was also among them. This study highlights the importance placed on foreign policy rules, ideals, and laws. In the subsequent sections, we will delve into a comprehensive analysis of the aforementioned phases, drawing from primary and secondary sources. Pakistan's decision to join the capitalist bloc might be attributed to its worse financial condition compared to India, which compelled it to make these options. However, safety and independence were consistently safeguarded throughout all time periods and stages.

Civic engagement during times of crisis: Personal motivations of Romanian adults at the onset of the war in Ukraine

Crisis situations, such as the still ongoing war in Ukraine, make civic engagement extremely important, especially in Eastern Europe. Eastern European countries not only have extensive borders with Ukraine, but also share a common history as members of the former communist bloc. This part of the world is characterized by low levels of civic engagement, though the proximity of war and the refugee crisis make humanitarian efforts imperative. Therefore, more research is needed to understand personal motivations for civic engagement in Eastern Europe. Employing a mixed-method approach, we tackled the following research questions: (1) What motivated Romanians’ civic engagement in the context of the war in Ukraine? and (2) Are different personal motivations related to online civic engagement differences? The sample included 118 Romanian respondents (Mage = 27.93, SDage = 9.63) who filled in an online survey shortly after the start of the war (March 2022). For the first research question, thematic analysis revealed 2 main themes: Perceived Similarity and General Concern for People. For the second research question, one way-ANOVA results showed that those motivated by perceived similarity with Ukrainians had higher levels of online civic engagement, in comparison with those motivated by general concern for people.

The nature of economic transformations in the transitioning countries ... Poland as a model

After the end of World War II, Poland fell into the Soviet sphere of influence, the Communists took power, and Poland became known as the People's Republic of Poland. The new regime at that time did not take into account Polish interests, so the Poles resisted this regime and wanted to change it. Several years witnessed widespread protests that ended without radical solutions, except During this stage, Poland was able to establish independent social and political organizations that formed a current opposing the authority in popular Poland, and it had a major role in changing its fate in a peaceful way later, as power in popular Poland was forced after the changes that took place in the Soviet Union at the end of the eighties of the last century and The turmoil was renewed at the time and pressure escalated to negotiate with the opposition. These negotiations resulted in the victory of the opposition and the formation of the first non-communist Polish government led by Mazowiecki, and the name of the country was changed from the People's Republic of Poland to the Republic of Poland. After the political and economic separation from the communist bloc, Poland quickly began implementing an unprecedented reform plan known as the Economic Transformation Program. The aim of this program was to achieve economic stability, promote structural reforms, and put the country on the right path to transformation. Poland was able to implement its reform program in stages, and during the first stage it was able to achieve positive results that enabled it to join the European Union and benefit from the advantages offered by the Union to the countries joining it. The implementation of the economic transformation program had a major role in improving economic performance indicators in Poland, where high growth rates, increased foreign trade, the flow of foreign investments towards it, and reduced inflation and unemployment rates, as well as the privatization of public projects led to an increase in the contribution of the private sector to nearly two-thirds of the GDP Overall, the improvement of these economic indicators confirms the success of the economic transformation experience in Poland.

한국외교와 전략적 자율성

This study analyzed the Korea’s improvement of relations with Hungary, which was completed before the end of the Cold War, by applying the concept of strategic autonomy. This phenomenon is not easily explained by a realistic approach that emphasizes the international structure and the power of the great powers. This study emphasizes the need to examine Korea’s internal diplomatic capabilities in order to explain the improvement of relations between Korea and Hungary. To this end, this study presents strategic autonomy as an alternative analysis concept, which has not been dealt with in terms of the performance of Korean diplomacy. As a result of the analysis, Korea’s improvement of relations with Hungary is explained in terms of strategic autonomy in that it proactively achieved the goal of Korean foreign policy, establishment of diplomatic relations with the communist bloc, in cooperation with its ally, the United States.

Atoms for Peace in the 1950s: Lessons from the Spread of Nuclear Technology in the Early Cold War

Abstract The articles in this special issue shed light on the influence of the Eisenhower administration's “Atoms for Peace” proposal on the civilian nuclear programs of five European countries, including Italy and France, which were member-states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO); Hungary and Czechoslovakia, which were part of the USSR's Communist bloc; and Spain, which did not become a member of NATO until nearly three decades later. Based on detailed archival research, the articles analyze the commercial, scientific, practical, and cultural aspects of nascent nuclear research programs in these five countries. The authors demonstrate that all five acted early on to pursue peaceful nuclear activities for their own economic benefit.

Center and Periphery in the Cold War: Soviet Economic Aid to Vietnam, 1954–1975

The Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) had no common border, no colonial ties, and no traditional direct trade. However, since the First Indochina war, the close Soviet-Vietnam relationship roots in the communist bloc led to the economic contacts between Hanoi and Moscow. This relationship bloomed during 1965–1973 when the US forces were directly involved in South Vietnam. By tapping the declassified materials from Vietnamese archives, this paper sheds light on the notion of center and periphery in the Cold War. It seems that the superpowers were able to play a dominant global role not only through the deployment of powerful weapons but also through the use of financial resources. However, the DRV was not controlled by their allies, and completely be proactive with their decisions during their struggle for national reunification.

Power and accountability – Using Biblical lenses to explore contemporary challenges in Africa

The Bible is one of the most influential documents in human history that has not only changed believers’ lives but has also greatly influenced our society whether one is a Christian or not. While the Western world has somehow managed to remove the Bible from the public sphere and religion relegated as the opium of the oppressed masses in the Communist bloc, to Africans, the Bible has remained a moral compass without which human life becomes ungovernable. As the Bible has come to occupy such a high place of authority in African life, the aim of this article is to examine the contemporary challenges that Africa is facing concerning issues of power and accountability in light of selected biblical texts. Using largely the canonical approach and socio-cultural anthropology, this article takes the Bible as a mirror that leaders should use to self-introspect in regard to their exercise of power and accountability to their subjects. It is our observation that there is now a tendency among African leadership especially during elections to rush to claim vox populi, vox Dei meaning ‘the voice of people is the voice of God’, yet rigging and failure to live up to God’s dictates may be manifestly characterising one’s leadership. A fish begins rotting in its head hence it is our conclusion that it is only by having a leadership that cultivates a fear of God at its heart that Africa can be healed of its problems.Contribution: In Africa, it is a paradox that while some political leaders purport to have been schooled in the Bible in mission schools, they lead a life divorced from it. This article adds a voice to the on-going religion and politics dialogue in Zimbabwe by soliciting an honest adherence to its principles.