Common Strategic Interests Research Articles

Between Comforts and Discomforts: Indo-Bangla Relations in a Changing Reality

Its geographical location, vast population, economy, and the size and power of its military have transformed India into an Asian influence with the cherished dream of becoming a “World Power.” Bangladesh, a country that is almost entirely surrounded by India, is generally regarded as its closest neighbor. These two countries rely on each other for their common strategic interests, such as security and development. It is widely perceived that Indo-Bangla relations are currently at their peak, and that these two countries are jointly moving forward for their mutual benefit. By reviewing the secondary literature for the purpose of conducting an institutional analysis, however, this article will critically analyze this relationship in a changing reality, that comprises the rise of Hindutva, China’s growing influence in South Asia, and the Rohingya crisis, which have causing simultaneously disadvantaged positions for both India and Bangladesh, the latter having been dominated by India historically. Thus, each of these dimensions might potentially turn positive aspects of the Indo-Bangla relations into negative ones, and Delhi must address Bangladesh’s concerns meaningfully in order to safeguard its geopolitical interests.

The Economic Dimension in Turkish-Pakistani Relations 2002-2022

The idea of the research is focused on the study of Turkish-Pakistani relations 2002-2020 in the economic field and aims to clarify the level of development of these relations in this field under the AKP government. The importance of the research lies in shedding light on the details of economic relations between the two countries, particularly in areas such as trade, mutual investment, and industrial cooperation. The research consists of a preface addressing the roots of economic and trade relations between Turkey and Pakistan until 2002, as well as two main axes: the first deals with trade relations while the second includes economic cooperation and investment. In addition, the research is concluded with stating the key findings of the study. One of the most important results of the research is that, despite all the circumstances and challenges faced by the two countries during the aforementioned period, they were able to significantly develop mutual trade and economic relations and foster bilateral cooperation to serve common strategic interests.

Quo Vadis ASEAN Security Amidst the United States-China Rivalry in the Southeast Asia Region

Tensions between the United States and China intensify globally, particularly in Southeast Asia. Therefore, ASEAN countries should re-assess the ties between these two great powers, both within the ASEAN region and with external counterparts. Given the strategic value of the region, Southeast Asia has become the venue for strategic competition between the United States and China over the past decade. Therefore, rowing the ASEAN's boat among the two gigantic reefs in the ocean requires ASEAN resilience as a Community to overcome the current and future challenges. Potential conflicts intra-ASEAN could be entry points for major powers to weaken ASEAN's unity. The study aims to analyze the most suitable approach for ASEAN regionally to deal with the challenges and to meet the expectations for a sustainable ASEAN Community and assess whether ASEAN's orientation in maintaining neutrality against major powers remains suitable to serve the strategic interests of the member states in the current environment. In this regard, a qualitative method and concepts of Amalgamated Security Community and Pluralistic Security Community are applied to analyze the study. The results of the study show realistic calculation can never be overlooked to preserve sustainable common strategic interests for the member states, which include economic growth on the one hand, and stable regional peace on the other hand. In this regard, “a manageable United States-China rivalry” by a solid ASEAN Pluralistic Security Community in the region guarantees more sustainability of national strategic interests for its member states and ASEAN.

Australia, Korea and the entangled language of common strategic interests

ABSTRACT During the South Korean president’s state visit to Australia in December 2021, the Australian Government and in turn the Australian media sustained a narrative that the two countries held ‘common strategic interests’. Over the past ten years, the notion of common strategic interests became a ‘naturalized narrative’ in Australia – a narrative, which through entrenched repetition becomes both natural and inevitable to such an extent that counter-narratives are seen as counterintuitive and open to ridicule. This study investigates the common strategic interests narrative. It first explores the bilateral relationship and the narrative gap that occurred during the president’s visit. It then turns to the use of language and narrative in bilateral relationships. It looks at how the constituent components supporting the common strategic interests narrative are contextualized and how this impacts the political action of Australia and Korea. The study finds that the common strategic interests narrative does not cross the linguistic-cultural divide in the Australia-Korea bilateral relationship. The article concludes with policy recommendations. Australia needs to pay more attention to building policy relevance and education links in South Korea.

India – Australia relations in the context of China’s rise

This article analyzes the India–Australia relationship within the challenged context of the US–China rivalry and of the rise of China. The details of this bilateral relationship need to be focused for analyzing cooperation trends and common national interests of the two countries. This paper will apply various theoretical perspectives of international studies for examining the empirical data from official declarations, policies of the two countries and academic research studies directly related to the India–Australia relationship. The hypothesis of this research is that the Indo-Pacific regional structuralization and great powers’ rivalries would lead to the context in which the regional power competition and new regional institutions establishment would promote the common strategic interests and balancing policies between the US and China of the two countries. Therefore, the bilateral relationship between India and Australia would have opportunities for further development in the future.

Turkey's Foreign Policy in Post‐Soviet Eurasia

AbstractThe central question explored in this article is what should motivate decision makers in Turkey when formulating the nation's strategies toward the Turkic countries of Eurasia. Should it be pan‐Islamism that advocates the unity of all Muslims in the world? Pan‐Turkism, based on the unity of Turkic peoples living across Eurasia? Pan‐Turanism, asserting the unity of Turanic people throughout the world? Or Atatürk's pragmatism, which advocated progressive Turkism? It would be unrealistic to revive objectives that, when tested by the rulers of the Ottoman Empire, failed to prevent its collapse in 1918. What Turkey needs now are realistic policies based on common strategic interests that are geographical and relevant, and an active skilled leadership similar to Atatürk's, whose pragmatism provided the driving force behind the founding and survival of modern Turkey.

Participation and Bridging: Involving Etrepreneurs in the Management of the EU Rural Economy

It has been proved that the implication of the European experience in the development of the rural economy in Ukraine is seen as a necessary attribute of the implementation of its ambitions to participate in the global process of sustainable development. It is emphasised that the asset of EU member states in forming the imperatives of sustainable development is to enhance the role and ensure the participation of all stakeholders in the management of the rural economy. The content of the stakeholder-oriented approach is characterised, and its imperatives in the context of agricultural management are identified. It has been substantiated that the stakeholders of rural economic development are any individuals, communities, groups, or institutions interested in the effective results of this process, which either directly affect them, or which they influence. Identified groups of rural development stakeholders: local government (public sector); business (private sector); household sector; non-governmental non-profit organisations (civil society). They influence or may be affected by decisions of any level of management hierarchy that should be taken into account under the conditions of configuration of their strategic orientations in mechanisms of management of the rural economy. To assess the degree and strength of the impact of stakeholders on the development of the rural economy, an appropriate matrix was formed, which allowed to determine their interests and possible strategic interactions in terms of key, secondary, supportive and passive groups of stakeholders. This is necessary to predict both the partnership and the competitive nature of cooperation, as stakeholders have (potentially have) different interests (economic, social, environmental, informational) and limited or unevenly distributed resources to implement these interests (financial, labour, intellectual, innovative, technological, informational, property, personnel, administrative, etc.). The profile of interests and influence of stakeholders on the development of the rural economy was built with a focus on the territorial community as an object of local impact. The mechanisms and features of attracting entrepreneurs as key stakeholders in rural economy management on the basis of bridging, the principles of which provide systematic, consistent, and well-established cooperation towards the implementation of common strategic objectives, interests, and goals of the rural economy. The possibilities of strategic partnership through the inclusive participation of all stakeholders in the implementation of projects and territorial development plans are outlined. The advantages of implementation in Ukraine of the European experience of attracting stakeholders in management of rural economy have been proven.

The Role of Environmental Safety in Integration Processes of the Greater Eurasia

The article focuses on the prominent role of environmental security in international integration taking place in the Greater Eurasia area. The authors discuss and clarify the concepts of Greater Eurasia and ecological safety. The paper explains the thesis that environmental aspects of security should be given much greater attention, since environmental problems can lead to severe conflicts of national interests, or they can become the most important means of achieving interstate environmental agreements and creating ecological programs and projects, uniting people and ensuring common strategic interests. The authors classify global and regional environmental threats. Plenty of examples illustrate local environmental risks and their relation to regional security issues. Accordingly, two interconnected sets of measures are distinguished between two types of environmental threats (risks). The first set involves the active participation of countries in various international environmental programs. The second set of measures aims at developing mechanisms for systematic expert analysis of significant projects directly or indirectly affecting the environment of neighboring countries.

The Nearest Prospects for Trans-Atlantic Security

The idea of creating a common security space from Vancouver to Vladivostok almost 40 years ago seemed to be the main reference point for the former opponents of the Cold War. Today, given Russia's existing relations with the United States and other Western countries, this idea is not remembered or viewed as relevant and realistic. But there is reason to believe that the current situation is due to the fact that both sides made tactical decisions that were contrary to common strategic interests. In the United States, according to the most authoritative experts, there is a belief in the need to develop relations with Russia in order to respond to a number of important problems of international security, including to contain China, and Russia, in turn, needs America and the West as a whole for its own development. At this stage, the US is concerned about poor relations with Russia and its rapprochement with China. Contradictions resulting from the discrepancy between tactical decisions and strategic goals can lead to certain steps on the part of the Biden administration to change the current situation.

Points of View on Franco-British Defence Relations

Franco-British defence relations are long-standing and sound, and merit reinforcing for the longer term in view of the degree to which the two countries hold common strategic interests. Military cooperation has not ceased growing since the Entente cordiale, and indeed has been strengthened by the storms that we have had to, and will continue to ride out together.

Improvement of the methodology for assessing the safety of the economic and information interests of the enterprise

The object of research is the process of assessing the safety of the economic and information interests of the enterprise. The work clarifies its definition. It has been taken into account that the key objects of protection are information, as well as the level of use of information systems at which they fulfill all the tasks assigned to them, which contributes to the achievement of the common current and strategic economic interests of the enterprise. Given this, it is proposed as part of this type of security to differentiate information security and information system security. It is substantiated that the assessment of the level of security of the economic and information interests of the enterprise should take into account the economic consequences of not achieving its desired level, which are manifested in the lack of profit before tax, which occurs due to the use of outdated information systems (compared with competing enterprises) and insufficient funding functioning of existing information systems. The indicators of the safety components of the economic and information interests of the enterprise are established. An example of the choice of indicators for enterprises in the extractive industry is given. It is shown that such an indicator widespread among scientists as the amount of information costs used in absolute terms does not adequately reflect the state of the level of ensuring the economic and information interests of the enterprise and, accordingly, their safety. For the first time, a coefficient of the level of security of economic and information interests is proposed as the ratio of the lack of profit before tax to the minimum amount of profit necessary for the enterprise. The scale of translation of the obtained values into linguistic terms is determined. In contrast to generally accepted practice, it is shown that the minimum and catastrophic safety levels are low and medium hazard levels, respectively.The result of this study is an improved methodology for assessing the level of security of the economic and information interests of the enterprise, which takes into account the economic consequences for the enterprise from non-compliance with this type of security. Application of the developed concept expands the capabilities of managerial analytics, allowing more adequately assess the level of security of economic and information interests for making managerial decisions aimed at increasing it.

The South China Sea issue in U.S. - Vietnam relations under President B. Obama

The South China Sea is one of the most important trade pathways in the world. Its strategic economic importance and its geographic location at the confluence of several spheres of influence have rendered it one of the “world’s hotspots”. The South China Sea issue began as a territorial dispute over the sovereignty of the islands and sea territory involving China, five ASEAN countries including Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia, and Taiwan. While the South China Sea has been the subject of disputes of sovereignty for some time, the conflict began to intensify when China established its nine-dash line in 2012 outlining its territorial claims in the body of water. China’s aggressive stance has prompted reactions from ASEAN countries as well as the US. The South China Sea is an area with relevance to U.S.’s national economic, strategic, security interests, so that increased tension within this area may threaten U.S.'s national interests. Vietnam is also aware that the United States is a superpower that shares concerns about China, as well as its influence in the region can play an important role in balancing power in the South China Sea Conflict. U.S presence help to contain China's aggressive actions, and multilateralization or internationalization of the South China Sea issues is also a contributing factor to control conflict. Therefore, the dispute in the South China Sea is a factor making a closer relationship between the U.S. and Vietnam. Vietnam and the United States established a Comprehensive Partnership in 2013, under which the two countries will strengthen and expand cooperation. In the future, U.S. - Vietnam cooperation will promote strong development, including sensitive fields, because of based on common strategic interests, including "sensitive" fields such as security and defense.

South Korea-Japan Relations in the 2010s: Ambivalent Strategic and Economic Partners?

The power shift in the international system, the domestic politics of South Korea and Japan, and the attitudes of their top political leaders towards a historical reconciliation have worsened bilateral relations. Nevertheless, they share common strategic interests amidst a nuclearising Pyongyang. If Korean reunification is attained within the next few decades, developmental assistance from Tokyo will be immensely useful, making Japan a partner to Korea in the future.

II. The Rise of Gulf–Asian Common Strategic Interests

While the relationship between the GCC and Western countries began to decrease economically and politically, the region increasingly attracted energy-hungry Asian powers – primarily China, India, J...

The Sino–Japanese Relationship and Its Implications for Regional Security in East Asia

For the last ten years, Japan and China have tried to work together toward a “mutually beneficial relationship” based on common strategic interests but have failed to accomplish this for a number of reasons. The two historical neighbors are separated by no more than a strip of water and have come a long way to be the third and the second largest economies in the world, respectively. Along with political economic aspects, relations between the two countries are of critical importance in regional and global security contexts. With that in mind, the following paper will: (1) overview trends in Sino–Japanese relations over the last ten years; (2) look at trends in China's military capabilities and activities and the implications; and (3) discuss key issues and courses of action for Japan.

COMMON INTERESTS OF CHINA AND RUSSIA IN THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION.

The article discusses common interests of Russia and Chi-na in the field of economy and security within the frame-work of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The article highlights the modern Russian-Chinese strategic partner-ship, which became an important factor of stability in the world. Common strategic interests of China and Russia laid the foundations for efficient development of the SCO, wide cooperation and combination of the political and military capacities of Russia and the economic resources of China in order to assert more confidently their global interests and to balance the US influence in the world.

The Game Analysis and Measures of Sino-Russia Oil Project Cooperation

The complementarities and mutual benefit of petroleum resource between China and Russia make the cooperation between the two countries be full of important strategic significance. It used game theory to analyze the strategic choice in the oil cooperation between China and Russia. In the process of the game, Russia is in the leading position, and it may lead it to hesitate in the choice because of the external factors. But in the consideration of the common strategic interests, Russia will choose the cooperation strategy. And the best strategy for Chinese government is to contribute to the strategic cooperation in petroleum with Russia. Therefore it put forward to promoting the further development of Sino-Russia Oil Cooperation.

Asian Security Architecture in the Growth of U.S.-China Strategic Competition in the 21st Century

Recognizing that the broader structure of East Asia`s regional order is going to change, this paper assumes that there are three major factors to drive and facilitate the East Asian order: (1) An existing security architecture comprised of various bilateral and multilateral mechanisms; (2) the role of America in adjusting the current security multilateralism to lead to it remaining cooperative and/or competitive; and (3) the bilateral relationship of the two powers, the United States and China. The paper argues that East Asian order has been and will be determined by the changing state of Sino-U.S. relations. Then it explores what relationship the United States and China engage in and where it is directed. The next section discusses what effect the Sino-U.S. relationship has on the security order in East Asia focusing on the major multilateral security arrangements as seen in Figure 1. To do this, the two distinct multilateral security mechanisms, the U.S.-Japan-Australia Trilateral Strategic Dialogue (TSD) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), will be analyzed. Additionally, as a bridge between the United States and China for security cooperation, the Korea-China-Japan Tripartite Cooperation Dialogue (TCD) will be explored. The future of both Sino-U.S. relations and its relations with the East Asian security order are dealt with in the conclusion. Since the current state of U.S.-China relations is a more complicated, lovehate relationship in locked interdependency, the East Asian order is characterized as a foggy, complex hybrid system. Until a power transition between the United States and China comes close to the threshold, the order will be led more by U.S. chosen bilateralism than Chinese preferred multilateralism. As the Obama administration came into office signaling greater enthusiasm for a multilateral enterprise, Washington`s concern over multilateral security architecture in the region will increase. The viability of a multilateral security institution in East Asia, supported by and with the participation of the United States, will become critical as a non-confrontational way to tame China`s rising power. As a result the Tripartite Cooperation Dialogue (TCD) among South Korea, China and Japan, and the Six-Party Talks will probably become influential as multilateral institutions in which the United States and China both share common strategic interests in East Asia. This development would lead the TCD to become a pivotal security mechanism. This then would contribute to freeing East Asian order of a hybrid and complex system.

China–Europe relations: The limits of strategic partnership

The China–European Union (EU) relationship has grown rapidly over the past three decades with international trade being its mainstay. China and the EU also share a number of common strategic interests and positions. To maximize the potential of this relationship, both sides decided to build a comprehensive strategic partnership. However, serious differences remain between the two sides on questions of norms and values, delaying progress on a strategic framework. This article argues that while these differences constitute a serious obstacle to the realization of a genuine strategic partnership, the growing importance of trade and investment relations between China and the EU will cushion the impact of these differences, thus allowing each side more leverage over the other in dealing with complex bilateral and international issues.

China-EU Relations: Strategic Partnership at a Crossroads

China-EU relations, after more than a decade of steady growth since the mid-1990s, are becoming increasingly more fluid and unpredictable. Observers who had been optimistic are now starting to warn of an impending downward spiral in Sino-European ties. This paper attempts to address these two questions: How do we understand the emerging dynamics in Sino-European relations? Is the Sino-European relationship inevitably moving towards an era of friction and contention, or will it be able to overcome the current challenges to get back to a new honeymoon? This article examines the key factors that have shaped and are likely to continue to play a significant role in China-EU ties, notably common economic and strategic interests. It also outlines some of the negative trends that have emerged in bilateral relations in recent years. It is argued that a sense of cautious optimism perhaps best reflects the reality in China-EU relations.