Party Committee Research Articles

State Ideologies, State-led Gender Policies and the Role of Zhenotdel in the Soviet Society Experiences of the 1930s

This study discusses gender equality appearances in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) during the time period between 1928 when the first five-year plan was implemented and the end of the 1930s. Investigating to what extent gender equality goals were achieved in the Soviet society gives us the relationship between gender perspectives and ideology, state-led policies, and women’s and men’s experiences in the stated period. The Zhenotdel, the women’s department of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party, is one of the most crucial institutions to conduct state-led gender policies in the USSR. The study, therefore, starts with the Zhenotdel’s gender policies and further investigates the Zhensektor, a woman section of the Party. The aims of both institutions are not only women’s issues but also matters concentrated on state-led policies and ideologies in the Soviet society. However, Stalin’s declaration of “Socialism in One Country” brought harsh masculine policies and a state-led ideology prioritized that women’s emancipation and gender equality. Therefore, in that period, gender equality in Soviet society could not be achieved.

Partisan bias and evaluations of women in Congress

ABSTRACT When people are asked to assess the job performance of their representatives in Congress, are women lawmakers evaluated differently from men? Some have argued that women lawmakers are harmed by gender biases, while others suggest that women politicians benefit from their gender. I argue that both hold true, where the direction of gender bias depends on constituents’ partisan motivations. Using responses from the 2006–2020 Cooperative Election Studies, I consider how partisan motivated reasoning conditions the relationship between lawmaker gender and approval of members of Congress. Among those who share the same party loyalties as their member of Congress, those represented by a woman express greater job approval than those represented by a man, all else equal. Among constituents represented by a lawmaker from the opposing party, women legislators are penalized, earning lower evaluations than men. Partisan motivations contribute to polarized evaluations of the job performance of women who serve in Congress.

NÂNG CAO NĂNG LỰC LÃNH ĐẠO CỦA ĐỘI NGŨ CÁN BỘ CHỦ CHỐT CẤP HUYỆN Ở TỈNH QUẢNG BÌNH

In recents years, the Party Committees at all levels in Quang Binh province have focused on perfecting, consolidating and improving the leadership capacity for key district-level officials, creating positive and effective changes in personnel work. The article studies the theoretical and practical basis, analyzes the current situation of leadership capacity of key district-level officials in Quang Binh province, thereby proposing solutions to improve the leadership capacity of key district-level officials to meet task requirements in the new situation.

Pravoohranitel'nye organy Oshskoj oblasti Kirgizskoj SSR v period Velikoj Otechestvennoj vojny

During the Great Patriotic War, the law enforcement agencies of Soviet Kyrgyzstan performed a number of tasks related to maintaining public order in the country and the security of all citizens; special attention was paid to suppressing crimes to protect socialist legality and control the civilian population. Law enforcement agencies patrolled the streets of cities to carry out passport registration among visitors, fought against child homelessness and neglect. The article uses for the first time unpublished archival documents of party organs; minutes of the meeting of the bureau of the Osh regional party committee and reports of the heads of state and party authorities.

The Split-Ticket Voting Phenomenon: Analyzing Internal Voter Factors in the Central–Provincial House of Representatives Election

This research aims to analyze the phenomenon of split-ticket voting in the Central–Provincial House of Representatives election of 2019 in Makassar City based on internal voter factors. This research uses an inductive qualitative analysis. Inductive analysis is an approach that begins with field facts, analyzes them based on relevant theories and arguments, and ultimately yields a conclusion. The results show that voters demonstrated a rational or strategic approach to ticket-splitting in the Central–Provincial House of Representatives election 2019 in Makassar City. Four significant internal factors influence this phenomenon. The strength of the partisanship factor indicates that voters tend to assess candidates for the Central–Provincial House of Representatives based on individual character and achievements rather than political party loyalty. Furthermore, incumbency information reveals voters’ pragmatic behavior based on rational choices to gain personal benefits. On the other hand, the strategic/policy balancing factor shows the significant influence of non-positional candidate characteristics in voter decisions. Finally, campaigns and socialization play a crucial role through strategic coordination among candidates for the Central–Provincial House of Representatives, political nodes, and voters, emphasizing the importance of narratives constructed through direct interactions and political gossip in securing voter support. Therefore, it is recommended that candidates for the Central–Provincial House of Representatives from the same political party enhance collaboration and coordination to create straight-ticket voting for their voters. Meanwhile, it is essential for political nodes to strengthen coordination that prioritizes transparency and integrity in conveying information. On the other hand, voters should be encouraged to actively seek information about candidates’ track records and policies to make decisions based more on substantial judgment than the influence of political gossip or short-term incentives. These steps are expected to reduce the phenomenon of split-ticket voting in the simultaneous elections for the coming period in Makassar City.

В.Т. Суслин: последний первый секретарь ростовского обкома КПСС

The article presents the first scientific biographical essay about the last first secretary of the Rostov regional Committee of the CPSU Vitaly Timofeyevich Suslin (1937). His work history began at a metallurgical plant in Taganrog, and the heyday of his party career fell on the late Brezhnev period and the Perestroika period of the Soviet era. For ten years (late 1970s – late 1980s) V.T. Suslin was one of the leaders of the Rostov regional Committee of the CPSU. And after working in the Central Committee of the CPSU (1988–1990) on an alterna-tive basis, he was elected first secretary of the Rostov regional party committee during the rapid collapse of its authority (1990–1991) and the reduction of power resources. The “tug-of-war” with the new regional Council of People’s Deputies headed by L.A. Ivanchenko, a fellow party member and recent competitor of the hero of the article for the position of the regional party leader, became a characteristic of the time. After the ban of the CPSU and the collapse of the USSR, V.T. Suslin took an active part in the restoration of the party structures of the Communist Party, but did not aspire to become a public political figure. V.T. Suslin died in Taganrog at the age of 60 (1997).

What Is Minimalist Governance?*

“Informality” and “semiformality” are the primary characteristics of minimalist governance. The operation of minimalist governance assumes a boundary between state and society and some amount of autonomous space between them at the ground level. Whether in a traditional or modern form, minimalist governance stands in contrast to the formal, hierarchical bureaucracy of the state. Minimalism is a pragmatic approach to governance tailored to local conditions, a form of semiformal or informal government that emphasizes operational effectiveness over elaborate bureaucratic procedures. Since minimalist governance does not rely entirely on the hierarchical power of the state apparatus, this semiformal approach is simple and effective, hence its “minimalist” appearance. The key to solving the problem of formalism at the basic level of government lies in managing the relationship between “a thousand threads above” and “a single needle below.” Autonomy and self-governance must be granted to the basic level of the government so that party committees may fulfill their integrative political functions and their role in minimalist governance. Ultimately, this will allow the “needle” of grassroots organizations to connect with “a thousand threads above” while also penetrating deeply into local society. There is significant practical and theoretical importance in understanding the uniqueness of Chinese-style modernization, and the modernization of rural governance, from the perspective of “social foundations,” but to achieve this Chinese-style modernization we must learn from the West and from China’s own traditional and contemporary experiences.

RADT-37. INTERIM RESULTS OF ACCELERATOR-BASED BORON NEUTRON CAPTURE THERAPY, RANDOMIZED CONTROLLED TRIAL FOR RECURRENT AND REFRACTORY HIGH-GRADE MENINGIOMAS

Abstract BACKGROUND High-grade meningiomas (HGMs) recurred after X-ray treatment showed 5.2 months as median progression free survival (mPFS) and only 24.6 months as median overall survival (mOS) from the literatures. Recently, we showed much more excellent OS and PFS using reactor-based boron neutron capture therapy (BNCT) (Neuro-Oncology 24:90-98, 2022). Based on these data, we started “A phase II investigator-lead RCT using accelerator-based BNCT system for refractory recurrent high-grade meningioma”, with the aid of Japanese governmental financial support. METHODS We prepared 2 study arms, BNCT test treatment arm (12 subjects) and control best supportive care arm (6 subjects) in RCT fashion. PFS judged by third party committee was set-up as primary endpoint and PFS judged by investigators themselves and OS of BNCT arm were set-up as secondary endpoints. To diminish ethical problems of this RCT, rescue BNCT is permitted for control group patients, if they showed progress disease during the observation period. Macdonald criteria was adopted for assessment. The first patient-in was August 2019 and the last patient-in was August 2021. Interim results of this trial: Three and two grade 3 subjects were included in BNCT and control arm, respectively. Others were grade 2 subjects. As of April 20, 2023, mPFS judged by investigators showed 90 weeks and 8 weeks for BNCT and control arm, respectively (P = 0.0004). OS-2 year rates of BNCT and control arms are 91.7% and 25%, respectively (p = 0.01) CONCLUSION Primary endpoint, mPFS judged by third party committee is still being closed and unknown, so far, until the end of the trial (August 2024). With regard to secondary endpoints, there are marked differences in both arms in mPFS judged by investigators. Also, OS in BNCT arm is extremely excellent in comparison with EORTC RCT of “trabectedine” and PD-1 blockade reports, just recently appeared.

Do political parties always prefer loyalists? Evidence from South Korea.

This paper examines the relationship between ideological polarization and party disloyalty, focusing on the moderating role of the status of a political party in the legislature, i.e., the ruling party or the opposition party. It hypothesizes that the ruling party is willing to endorse disloyal candidates whose issue positions are not close to their own party's platform, whereas the opposition party is likely to punish disloyal candidates to demonstrate party unity in the nomination process. The present study tests this hypothesis, using data from South Korea, where the nomination process for the parliamentary election is dominated by party leaders. The results are by and large consistent with the hypotheses. In line with previous studies, our results suggest that party loyalty is one of the driving forces of polarization in politics. In order to fully understand party polarization at the level of political elites, it is necessary to consider heterogeneous effects of party members' behavior on candidate selection, varying across the party's status, either the ruling party or the opposition party.

Navigating Party Loyalty and Party Hopping in Malaysia Through Nordin Salleh and Khaliq Mehtab’s Cases

This article delves into the intricate dynamics of party loyalty and its implications for political stability in Malaysia, with a specific focus on party hopping. This study applies a doctrinal approach by examining statutory provisions, courts’ judgments and secondary sources. Through a detailed analysis of two landmark cases – Nordin Salleh and Khaliq Mehtab – this study uncovers the underlying challenges within Malaysia's political landscape. The analysis illuminates the judicial position in Nordin Salleh and the departure in Khaliq Mehtab’s cases; to which contrasting judicial positions were taken by the then Supreme Court in the former and the Federal Court in the latter. In light of these findings, the study underscores the critical need for robust and adaptable political institutions capable of withstanding such disruptions, thereby fostering a stable and resilient democracy. Furthermore, this study draws attention to the 2022 constitutional amendment addressing party hopping, acknowledging it as a positive step towards enhancing stability. However, it also highlights the existing gaps in the reforms, particularly in light of the pending application in court. In conclusion, this study posits that the constitutional amendment represents a commendable effort to advance political stability, but its efficacy remains to be seen.

Party direct control and corporate fraud: Evidence from China

This study examines the impact of the involvement of Party committees of the Communist Party of China in the decision-making process of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in China on fraudulent activities. Based on a sample of 1180 listed SOEs covering the period 2004–2019, we present empirical evidence of a negative relationship between Party direct control and the likelihood of corporate fraud, mainly driven by the effect of Party participation in the board of directors. Additional evidence suggests that Party direct control raises the anticipated costs associated with fraud by facilitating the exposure of fraudulent activities and enhancing the likelihood of CEO dismissal upon the detection of wrongdoing. Furthermore, we observe that the negative association between party direct control and corporate fraud is weakened in firms with robust external monitoring mechanisms and significant levels of state ownership. Additionally, our findings reveal that the deterrent effect of Party direct control on corporate fraud is enhanced following the implementation of the 2015 “Discussion Precedence” reform, which bestowed Party committee members with increased decision-making authority in SOEs.

Misuse and punishment: corruption of regional leaders of the USSR in 1946-1952

The article on the basis of documents of the Central Committee Secretariat of the CPSU reveals the scale and main types of abuses of regional leaders of the USSR in the first post-war years. It is shown that the Central Committee received information about the corruption of the first secretaries of regional party committees and chairmen of regional executive committees from various sources and considered it in ordinary order. In most cases, the Central Committee either did not punish regional leaders for abuses, or imposed on them mild party punishments that did not affect their careers. Dismissal, expulsion from the party and criminal prosecution were rarely used and, as a rule, under the influence of political circumstances.

BUILDING CULTURAL LIFE IN PHU THO PROVINCE (2010-2020)

Building and developing culture, including cultural life, is one of the great policies of the Party and State in the current renovation cause. The Party affirmed: “Promoting the building of a healthy environment and cultural life, associated with the movement “All people unite to build a cultural life”, building a new countryside and a civilized city”. Phu Tho is a province in the northern mountainous region of Viet Nam, the cradle of Lac Viet culture. Over thousands of years of history, Phu Tho today is likened to a “museum” of national culture with bold cultural imprints. In the period 2010-2020, the Party Committee and authorities of Phu Tho province have focused on leading and directing the implementation of cultural construction in general and cultural diversity in particular. Studying the process of building cultural diversity in Phu Tho (2010-2020) to see the achievements in the process of the Party Committee of Phu Tho province leading and directing the construction; at the same time, draw experiences in the process of building cultural heritage in Phu Tho in the next period.

‘Emerging forms of spatialised and socialised authority’ among ‘tenure-insecure peri-urbanites’ in African peri-urban spaces

This paper explores the ‘emerging forms of spatialised and socialised authority’ adopted by tenure-insecure peri-urbanites to secure coveted land in African peri-urban spaces. The paper demonstrates that tenure-insecure peri-urbanites are increasingly utilising various formal and informal institutions – ‘emerging forms of spatialised and socialised authority’, in the form of state functionaries, political party allegiance, traditional leaders, cooperatives, lobbying groups, legal courts, and religion and the occult to access and secure land in African peri-urban spaces. The review demonstrates how land remains of economic, social and emotional importance among tenure-insecure peri-urbanites. It further indicates that tenure-insecure peri-urbanites are not passive but ‘nimble-footed and responsive’, as they find ways to secure land by drawing on various normative orders like the courts and sometimes through evasion, patronage, performance and other means of conviviality. The paper also highlights the complex power dynamics characterising peri-urban areas and underscores the need for a nuanced understanding of the multiple actors involved in land governance. The paper recommends the need for effective and inclusive mechanisms of access and security over land to balance the interests of diverse actors and promote the rights of tenure-insecure peri-urbanites in peri-urban spaces. Overall, the paper helps to broaden the scope of actors that need to be engaged in the planning and governance of peri-urban spaces in the age of complex peri-urbanisation processes.

Donor activity is associated with US legislators' attention to political issues.

Campaign contributions are a staple of congressional life. Yet, the search for tangible effects of congressional donations often focuses on the association between contributions and votes on congressional bills. We present an alternative approach by considering the relationship between money and legislators' speech. Floor speeches are an important component of congressional behavior, and reflect a legislator's policy priorities and positions in a way that voting cannot. Our research provides the first comprehensive analysis of the association between a legislator's campaign donors and the policy issues they prioritize with congressional speech. Ultimately, we find a robust relationship between donors and speech, indicating a more pervasive role of money in politics than previously assumed. We use a machine learning framework on a new dataset that brings together legislator metadata for all representatives in the US House between 1995 and 2018, including committee assignments, legislative speech, donation records, and information about Political Action Committees. We compare information about donations against other potential explanatory variables, such as party affiliation, home state, and committee assignments, and find that donors consistently have the strongest association with legislators' issue-attention. We further contribute a procedure for identifying speech and donation events that occur in close proximity to one another and share meaningful connections, identifying the proverbial needles in the haystack of speech and donation activity in Congress which may be cases of interest for investigative journalism. Taken together, our framework, data, and findings can help increase the transparency of the role of money in politics.

Kim Jong Un and Consolidating Power: Explaining Elite Appointment in the Workers’ Party of Korea Central Committee, 2012–2019

Despite concerns about the stability of the early days of the Kim Jong Un regime, he has firmly established his control over the existing system. How was he able to achieve this? Important insights are provided by Kim Jong Un’s patter of official appointments, particularly involving the members of the Central Committee of the Workers Party of Korea (WPK). This study scrutinizes the pattern of elite appointments under Kim Jong Un from 2012 to 2019, examining the personal data of 296 members of the WPK Central Committee. The results reveal that under Kim Jong Un’s leadership, party and military elites enjoyed the privilege of being appointed to key posts compared with cabinet elites. However, as his power consolidation advanced, this preferential treatment for party and military elites began to diminish starting in 2016. These findings suggest that certain tensions and conflicts may exist within North Korea under Kim’s rule.

The case for partisan motivated reasoning

A large body of research in political science claims that the way in which democratic citizens think about politics is motivationally biased by partisanship. Numerous critics argue that the evidence for this claim is better explained by theories in which party allegiances influence political cognition without motivating citizens to embrace biased beliefs. This article has three aims. First, I clarify this criticism, explain why common responses to it are unsuccessful, and argue that to make progress on this debate we need a more developed theory of the connections between group attachments and motivated reasoning. Second, I develop such a theory. Drawing on research on coalitional psychology and the social functions of beliefs, I argue that partisanship unconsciously biases cognition by generating motivations to advocate for party interests, which transform individuals into partisan press secretaries. Finally, I argue that this theory offers a superior explanation of a wide range of relevant findings than purely non-motivational theories of political cognition.

Policy uncertainty and air pollution: Evidence from the turnover of local officials in China

This paper examines the impact of policy uncertainty on air pollution, using the turnover of local officials in China as a quasi-natural experiment. The results from the two-way fixed effects model show that policy uncertainty caused by the turnover of different officials produces contrasting effects on air pollution. While the turnover of the mayor has no effect on air pollution, the turnover of the municipal party committee secretary deteriorates it. Two-Stage Least Square estimation confirms these results where the age and tenure of officials were used as instrumental variables of policy uncertainty. The results are robust after endogenous treatments and robustness tests. The mechanism analysis further indicates that policy uncertainty worsens air quality by weakening environmental regulation and crowding out green innovation. Moreover, the impact is more pronounced in smaller and less developed cities. The conclusions provide policy implications for environmental governance in the period of policy uncertainty.

Godfatherism and Electoral Security in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: A Human Security Approach

<p>This study delves into the intricate relationship between godfatherism and electoral politics in Nigeria's Fourth Republic, with a specific focus on the 2018 gubernatorial election in Osun State. Godfatherism has emerged as a prevalent phenomenon in Nigerian politics, where influential figures play significant roles in shaping political outcomes. Using a human security analytical approach, this study critically examines the link between godfatherism and electoral politics in Nigeria's fourth republic and its implication for human security, focusing on the micro-political analysis of the Osun state gubernatorial election in 2018. Employing a mixed-methods approach, this study draws on descriptive research methodology and the Elite theoretical framework to uncover the complexities of godfatherism and its implications for electoral politics. The findings indicate that godfatherism, despite its potential benefits for the democratic balance of power, has taken an unsettling turn in Nigeria's electoral environment, thus posing grave dangers to human security. It has evolved into a disruptive force, undermining the foundations of popular democratic governance and denying citizens the full dividends of democracy. The study highlights how godfatherism influences candidate selection, party loyalty, and electoral outcomes. Moreover, the study reveals that godfatherism perpetuates a system of political patronage, compromising the independence and accountability of elected officials. It also examines the consequences of godfatherism on the unity of political parties, electoral malpractices, and the quality of democratic representation in Osun State. In conclusion, this study underscores the need to reevaluate the role of godfatherism in Nigeria's electoral politics while advocating for reforms in the political system to promote transparency, accountability, and citizen participation.</p>

중국 정치 엘리트 유형 변화에 관한 연구 – 제20기 공산당 중앙위원회를 중심으로 –

중국 정치 엘리트 유형 변화에 관한 연구 – 제20기 공산당 중앙위원회를 중심으로 –