Color-blind Ideology Research Articles

Examining the Effect of Self-Rated Health on the Relationship Between Race and Racial Colorblindness in Germany.

This exploratory study sought to test the relationship among race, self-rated health (SRH), and colorblindness, conceptualized as the belief that race/ethnicity should not and does not matter. Independently, SRH, a multidimensional concept entailing physical and psychological health and one's affiliation in an ethnic/racial group, may contribute to racial attitudes. However, little is known about how SRH and racial/ethnic identity in combination may affect colorblind racial attitudes. It was thus hypothesized that SRH would moderate the relationship between race/ethnicity and colorblind racial attitudes. The research sample consisted of 136 autochthonous adults and "individuals with migration backgrounds" residing in Bavaria (Germany), who were divided by self-identified race (whites, n = 85; non-whites, n = 51). The results show that SRH moderates the relationship between race and racial colorblindness. More specifically, it was found that the greater the SRH of the white participants, the less they embraced a colorblind ideology. Conversely, the greater the SRH of the non-white participants, the greater their colorblind racial attitudes. These results suggest that stronger SRH may reduce colorblindness among whites and intensify it among non-whites. The implications of the obtained results may be useful in addressing how surmount barriers to data collection, measurements, and research related to racial and ethnic health disparities in "colorblind" Germany may contribute to health inequalities. Thus, this paper's contribution lies in tracking such disparities to aid their reduction or elimination.

Combating the “Too Sensitive” Argument: A Demonstration That Captures the Complexity of Microaggressions

Colorblind ideology provides individuals with numerous ways to minimize racism. This poses a challenge for instructors who teach about race and racism as students deploy this ideology to derail classroom discussions. Student resistance may be amplified when discussing microaggressions because students often characterize focusing on microaggressions as being “too sensitive” or trying to see racism where it does not exist. This article details a demonstration that attempts to move students past the too-sensitive argument so they can understand the complexity of microaggressions. An analysis of anonymous student reflections shows that the activity successfully conveys the cumulative impact of microaggressions, demonstrates how racism is embedded in everyday interactions, and encourages students to reflect on their own role in perpetuating and ending racism. In short, the demonstration helped students understand the structural and cumulative nature of microaggressions by combating the too-sensitive argument and encouraging a critical examination of racism.

Colorblind along the color line: Racialized fractals, recursive oppositions, and control of meaning in developmental spaces

This paper explores how the dominant ideology of colorblindness is enacted across discourse events among youth in a community center in Vermont. Through critical discourse analysis of interactions among students and staff, we draw on the notion of fractal recursivity, uncovering a multiplicity of racialized oppositions that ideologically separate White and Color, all while relegating on-record racetalk to the verboten. The control of racialized meaning through insistence upon colorblindness reproduces the current racial order, elevating Whiteness and subordinating non-White groups. Ultimately, colorblindness benefits only Whiteness, in attempts to obscure the symbolic and material primacy it is afforded in US society.

‘They say they don’t see color, but maybe they should!’ Authoritarian populism and colorblind liberal political culture

ABSTRACT While easy to empirically document the explicit bias underlying authoritarian populism, most of the individuals animating the movement are driven by sentiments harder to detect, such as implicit bias and what is known as the colorblind ideology. Drawing from semi-structured interviews of Colorado (USA) residents (n = 71), the paper makes the following three contributions: presenting populism as something more than a homogenous entity; its qualitative empirical material on the implicit biases held among Trump supporters even in the face of observed minority poverty; and, finally, its specific angle on race politics, building on prior accounts that unpack authoritarian populism through racialized imaginaries.

Distinguishing "I don't see color" from "Racism is a thing of the past": Psychological correlates of avoiding race and denying racism.

Scholars have proposed 2 separable dimensions of racial colorblind ideology: the first is centered on "not seeing color" (i.e., color evasion), and the second is centered on denying racism (i.e., power evasion). Yet, to date, there is no psychometric evidence for this distinction. In this article, we aim to fill this gap by establishing the presence of and characterizing differences between these 2 dimensions using both variable-centered and person-centered approaches. Study 1A (n = 707) provides exploratory factor analytic evidence supporting the separability of power and color evasion. Study 1B (n = 710) provides confirmatory evidence of this factor structure and evidence of discriminant validity. In Study 1B, 3 latent profiles based on power and color evasion were identified: acknowledgers (low color evasion, low power evasion), evaders (high color evasion, average power evasion), and deniers (average color evasion, average power evasion), which differed on relevant variables (e.g., modern racism, support for affirmative-action). In Study 2 (n = 546), these profiles were replicated and extended by examining differences in attitudes and desire to engage in campus diversity activities. Implications for racial colorblind ideology theory and practical applications are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Missing Mayberry: How whiteness shapes perceptions of health among white Americans in a rural Southern community.

Elucidating how the racialized social system of whiteness affects the health of white Americans is critically important given current trends. Mirroring the nation, whites in rural North Carolina are currently experiencing increases in early mortality at greater levels than any other racial group in the state. Health focused oral history interviews conducted with whites (n=13) in an economically distressed, rural community provide insight into potential determinants of this trend. Interview transcripts were coded and analyzed using a modified grounded theory approach. Analysis was guided by the whiteness and health framework, which considers how structural racism is both health promoting and health harmful for whites. Analysis highlighted three key themes: color-blind ideology, belief in the American Creed, and resistance to change. Whiteness influenced these rural whites' beliefs such that they were blind to the experiences of people of color in their community. Their explicit and figurative nostalgia for The Andy Griffith Show's idyllic town of Mayberry (a fictional Southern community devoid of Black American characters and racial tension during the 1960s) exposed color-blind expectations of what it means to have a healthy community. Additionally, interviewees attributed health status to individual effort and health behaviors, rather than considering how macro-level social determinants impact health. Individual level blame and resistance to change influenced interviewees' political views and suspicion of some social programs that could benefit the health of their community. These meritocratic beliefs about hard-work and self-sufficiency have implications for individual and community level health outcomes.

Towards a global theory of colorblindness: Comparing colorblind racial ideology in France and the United States

AbstractIn this article, we apply key tenants of colorblindness, as a racial ideology developed in the United States, to France. In France, colorblindness means more than not seeing how race structures opportunities and outcomes; it also means not acknowledging racial and ethnic categories. Colorblindness arose in a different historical context, for different reasons, and as a product of different mechanisms in France than it did in the United States. We argue that despite variations in the contexts and mechanisms underpinning colorblindness between the United States and France, the consequences are markedly similar in both contexts. Colorblind ideology silences opposition to racial and ethnic inequality and maintains white supremacy in both contexts. Finally, we demonstrate that such a comparison moves us closer towards aglobal theory of colorblindness.

You Blind? What, You Can’t See That?: the Impact of Colorblind Attitude on Young Adults’ Activist Behavior Against Racial Injustice and Racism in the U.S.

Colorblindness and social dominance orientation (SDO) are social attitudes that contribute to the continuation of racism in the United States (U.S.). Colorblindness encourages people to no longer see race, so when race does matter, they cannot see it. SDO reflects the extent to which people support group equality. The current study was conducted to examine if those social attitudes affected young adults (age 18–35) activist behavior against racism in the U.S. Two hundred twenty-two participants completed a survey consisted of previously validated scales: Colorblind Scale as reported by Neville et al. (Journal of Counseling Psychology 47:59–70, 2000), Social Dominance Orientation7(s) as reported by Ho et al. (Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 109:1003–1028, 2015), and Activism Orientation Scale as reported by Corning and Myers (Political Psychology, 23:703–729, 2002). The survey was distributed at a University in the Mid-Atlantic region with results revealing that colorblind attitude and social dominance orientation significantly associated negatively with activist behavior. I conclude with explaining the importance of combating colorblind ideology in the fight against racism in the U.S.

Police endorsement of color-blind racial beliefs and propensity to interact with youth of color.

The beliefs of police, as the point of first contact with the justice system, may help to explain disproportionate minority contact between police and young people. Color-blind racial beliefs, a form of implicit racism in which racial differences are denied, are more strongly endorsed by police than by laypeople. Using a 2 (youth race) × 3 (offense severity) experimental design, 339 officers participated in an online study examining the influence of youth race, offense severity, and officers' color-blind racial beliefs on officers' reported likelihood of interacting with young people. Officers with lower levels of color-blind beliefs reported they would be less likely to interact with Black youth. Additionally, attrition analyses indicated that officers assigned to the Black youth condition were more likely to drop out when asked to complete the measure of color-blind beliefs. Policy and practice implications are discussed, with a focus on promoting greater discussion of color-blind ideologies in multicultural trainings for police officers and increasing frank discussions about race and racial issues.

Countering the Colorblind Rhetoric

To be colorblind suggests a race-neutral perspective whereby no theological anthropological meaning is attached to one’s physical embodiment. Colorblind ideology benefits the hegemony and negates the imago Dei of people of color and their long history with individual and institutional racism. This article advocates for the use of Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a critical pedagogy to counter the colorblind rhetoric in spiritual identity formation and praxis, specifically using CRT theories racial realism and whiteness as property for the purpose of faith formation, faith transformation, and meaning-making in the current theo-political U.S. context.

Hiding in Plain Sight: Understanding and Addressing Whiteness and Color-Blind Ideology in Education

The author argues that color-blind ideology amounts to a refusal to deal with the reality of racism, which protects and extends White racial advantage, as well as shares thoughts on dismantling Whiteness in education.

Walking on egg shells: colorblind ideology and race talk in teacher education

ABSTRACTThis study examined the race talk of teacher education students in the context of colorblind ideology. Analysis revealed five integrated themes: (1) racial socialization; (2) feeling and dealing with race talk; (3) abstract liberalism; (4) the pitfalls of good intentions; and (5) institutional challenges. The findings pushes the field to consider (1) a more comprehensive understanding of colorblind ideology; and (2) implications for teacher education programs.

Get Out and the legacy of sundown suburbs in post-racial America

ABSTRACTIn the thriller Get Out (2017), director Jordan Peele depicts the reality of people of color in wealthy, white-dominated spaces in ‘post-racial’ America after the election of Obama. In a post-racial society, colorblindness is represented in cinema by increasing the number of black films, directors, writers, etc. This essay argues that the logic of colorblind ideology masks the centrality of racism in neoliberalism. Get Out challenges neoliberal racism in its current form of colorblindness through the narrative and casting, but also uses memory to restore African-American history to undermine other neoliberal strategies that obscure the colonial roots and the lingering impact of structural racism, such as individualism, equality, and progressivism. Get Out confronts the collective illusion of the elimination of racism as a social-spatial practice in post-racial America, exemplified by the real horror of Trayvon Martin being killed in the modern equivalent of a sundown town.

‘We’ve been thinking you were stupid all this time:’ racial microinsults and microinvalidations in a rural Southern high school

ABSTRACT Racial microaggressions in school have gained increasing attention in recent years. However, scholars often neglect students’ experiences of racial microaggressions in rural schools. To fill this gap, this study employs in-depth interviews with 26 students to examine two forms of racial microaggressions – microinsults and microinvalidations. While racial microinsults are slights to students’ belonging, ability, and innocence, microinvalidations negate racially marginalized students’ experiences through meritocratic and colorblind ideology, or treatment as an outsider. This study finds that black and mixed-race students interpreted racial microinsults using microinvalidations, minimizing the salience of race and asserting meritocratic ideology. White students both elucidated the prevalence of racial microinsults and espoused them during the interviews. These findings underscore the impact of incorporating white and multiracial students’ perceptions of racial microaggressions in school, and they suggest the power of meritocracy and colorblindness to mask mistreatment of black and mixed-race students.

Faculty of Color Unmask Color-Blind Ideology in the Community College Faculty Search Process

ABSTRACTThis qualitative study explored the systemic barriers to hiring faculty of color in the community college. A phenomenological design was used to examine the community college full-time faculty search process from the perspective of 10 full-time faculty of color who actively participate in racial justice advocacy. The participants represented five community college districts throughout California and have participated on multiple full-time faculty search committees. This study utilized critical race theory as a guiding framework. An analysis of the participants’ interviews identified that color-blind ideology is pervasive, despite institutional commitment to diversity and nondiscriminatory laws. The leadership and agency of faculty of color strategically challenged the dominant ideology to advocate the hiring faculty of color. Actionable recommendations are presented to combat color-blind ideology in hiring policies and practices at the national, state, and local levels.

School principals’ diversity ideologies in fostering the inclusion of Muslims in Finnish and Swedish schools

ABSTRACT Mainstream scholarly approaches to improving equity in education, including culturally responsive education, promote multicultural recognition of diversity and abandon color-blindness as an ineffective strategy. The social psychological literature affords a more nuanced understanding of the merits of different diversity ideologies. However, these research strands rarely address religion. It is vital to study the actualization and influences of different diversity ideologies with respect to different forms of diversity and different contexts. This study analyzes Finnish and Swedish principals’ diversity ideologies in fostering Muslim inclusion. The principals rely mainly on color-blind ideology, but assimilation into the secular normativity of the school is also commonly pursued. Multicultural ideology commonly applies to linguistic diversity, while Islam is excluded from the multiculturalist discourse. Reflexivity regarding the complex dynamics of recognizing individual vs. group identities in education as well as understanding of the implications of religion-blindness is called for.

Unseen and Underserved: A Content Analysis of Wellness Support Services for Bi + People of Color and Indigenous People on U.S. Campuses

Bi-erasure and color-blind racial ideologies (CBRI) are two systems of oppression that create barriers to wellness for bisexual + People of Color and Indigenous People (bi + POCI). The authors posited that, for college students, these forms of invisibility may be experienced in campus wellness support centers, including university counseling centers, multicultural centers, and centers for sexual and gender diversity. The authors explored the extent to which these wellness support centers’ web-based messages (e.g., identity-based group offering across centers, counseling staff interest listed in biographies, counseling center based resource lists) erase or affirm bi + POCI. This content analysis, guided by Neuendorf’s methodology, was delimited to universities that have American Psychological Association-accredited counseling centers (N = 139). Findings revealed that none of these centers’ websites housed messages acknowledging bi + POCI specifically, disparate affirmation was offered to POCI as compared to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBT) students through staff biographies irrespective of university type, and minority-serving institutions affirmed POCI and LGBT-identified POCI through their web-based resource lists at significantly higher rates than historically White institutions. These and other finding are discussed in the context of intersectionality and practical recommendations to increase the visibility of bi + POCI are offered.

Discourse within University Presidents’ Responses to Racism: Revealing Patterns of Power and Privilege

BackgroundRecent incidents of racism at predominantly White institutions (PWIs) have gained increased national attention. The backlash to individuals speaking out against racialized practices is often masked through discourse that dismisses the adverse effects of racism. Because university administrators often center their responses to incidents of racism on upholding free speech, scholars should analyze the ways that administrators’ responses might reinforce the existence of such racist behaviors and affect marginalized students.Purpose and Research QuestionsRather than placing the burden on students to disrupt institutionalized racism, the author critically analyzed the discourse administrators utilized in their responses to understand the role of power in language. The following research questions informed the study: (a) what are the various characteristics of the discourse of university administrators as they respond to incidents of racism? and (b) how do university administrators’ responses to racism support or disrupt larger patterns of social power and privilege?Research DesignThe author utilized critical discourse analysis (CDA) to deconstruct relationships between the speech patterns of university presidents and larger Discourses about social power. Through a process of description, interpretation, and explanation, the author sought to reveal the underlying ideologies that go beyond surface-level discourse about free speech.Data Collection and AnalysisBased on the context of increased police brutality and student protests on college campuses, the author reviewed data on recent incidents of racism at PWIs. The three final cases chosen for analysis represented varying approaches utilized by administrators to respond to racist incidents. Through multiple phases of coding, the author interpreted relationships between textual patterns to reveal a larger narrative about administrative accountability.FindingsEach university president utilized a different approach to campus racism. The major discourse patterns represented were (a) a direct reproach of individuals as accountable for racism; (b) an indirect and theoretical approach to the reality of racism; and (c) a denial of or diversion from racism through authority.Conclusions and RecommendationsAcross the cases, administrators utilized speech that either downplayed the existence of racism or defined it through privilege or colorblind ideology. With the last incident resulting in the firing of the president, the analysis revealed ways that presidents can utilize emotional speech without substantial action. In order to be more responsive to marginalized communities, administrators need to intentionally engage with marginalized groups who are often silenced because their beliefs do not fit the standard of the dominant norm.

Veiled Threats: Color-Blind Frames and Group Threat in Affirmative Action Discourse

AbstractThis research examines the way color-blind rhetorical techniques are used by supporters and opponents in legal documents submitted to the latest U.S. Supreme court case on affirmative action. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva posited that color-blind ideology is the dominant racial ideology in the United States. We focused our critical discourse analysis particularly on the use of color-blind frames as described by Bonilla-Silva. This research also assesses how group threat was used within color-blind frames to activate feelings of racial animosity, a distinction from the color-blind frames that act to minimize race. Drawing on data from 184 amicus briefs submitted for 2013 and 2016 and using critical discourse analysis, we found both supporters and opponents used color-blind frames, but that these frames were more prevalent (and distinctively used) in opponents’ briefs, where we observed all four of Bonilla-Silva’s color-blind frames. We also found the use of threat by opponents to be distinct and prevalent, suggesting that affirmative action was framed as a source of competition that threatened resources held in high regard by white America. We discuss the implications of these findings for the future of affirmative action and make suggestions for future research.

Critical Race Theory v. Deficit Models

ABSTRACTThis article is a response to Amanda Lewis, Margaret Hagerman, and Tyrone Forman's the Sociology of Race & Racism: Key Concepts, Contributions & Debates. Sociology and education, like any scholarly areas, have veins that reinforce racism and some that astutely assess, theorize, and challenge White supremacy. In this article, I explore the history of racial analysis in sociology and education, especially the 1990s and early 2000s, where theorists moved the larger discourse around racism from an issue of individual prejudice to one of structured racial oppression. In particular, I discuss the development and applications of concepts such as color-blind ideology, Critical Race Theory, racial formation, and systemic racism. The argument centers on how critical sociology and education scholars of race/racism are not regularly speaking to each other, despite their fields’ similar developments. The article points to how a deeper engagement with the developments of each, in particular the rebirth of ethnic studies in education, would contribute to the future development of both.