Colonial Affairs Research Articles

In the Mirror of the Imagination: Mark Twain's Kipling

GREGG CAMFIELD In the Mirror of the Imagination: Mark Twain's Kipling You won't know why this topic has come up without you have read a book by the name of Marie Twain & Company, by Leland Krauth. After all, Kipling's literary stock is low; while regularly cited, his works are not considered in their own rights but rather as symptoms of colonial attitudes at their worst.1 Such citations do not invite us to read Kipling, but merely to nod and wink in his direction. Krauth's charming and insightful new book invites us to change this approach to Kipling, at least insofar as Kipling reveals something of Mark Twain. Krauth reminds us that literary galaxies are rich and confusing things, and that the constellation ofwriters with whom any great writer converses is quite broad. We need to know about those literary relationships if we wish to know our authors. Krauth has put Twain in the company of many ofhis contemporaries in a rich collection of chapters, each focusing on Twain and one other writer. The last of these pairings , "Mark Twain and Rudyard Kipling" is the most unusual in current Twain criticism. Not since Howard Baetzhold's Mark Twain and John Bull, published over thirty years ago, has anyone gone into such depth on the reciprocal influences of Twain on Kipling and Kipling on Twain. And while Baetzhold was trying to show the degree to which Twain embraced elitist political visions and thus found much consonance between Kipling and Twain, the general run of Twain criticism since— encouraged by contemporary liberal cultural relativism—has been to find more value in Twain's anti-imperialist writings. No doubt many critics have fought against this tendency to turn Twain into a liberal icon, but, recently, scholars have persuasively Arizona Quarterly Volume 61, Number i, Spring 2005 Copyright © 2005 by Arizona Board of Regents issN 0004-1610 86 Gregg Camfield illuminated Twain's emphatic public attacks on imperialism.2 Twain took these positions at great risk to his reputation and income. Thus, the consensus opinion seems to hold Twain to be a progressive, fighting against authoritarianism and cultural bigotry. Krauth is in this camp. He acknowledges some very strong parallels in Twain's and Kipling's literary situations—both began as provincial journalists, worked with regional materials, grew popular and were often deprecated for their popularity , and were ultimately celebrities, having their value sanctioned by honorary Oxford degrees, conferred in fact during the same ceremony where the two, like unruly schoolboys, shared cigars against the ceremonial rules of the day (Twain, Chapters 170). Nonetheless, Krauth predicates his chapter on antithesis. He shows that despite strong similarities in outlook "we are returned again to the fundamental difference between the two writers: Kipling cherishes authority, Twain challenges it. In terms of colonial affairs, Kipling sanctions imperial dominion, finding it both necessary and just; Twain contests it, seeing it as both inappropriate and immoral" (256). Krauth's analysis is compelling, but I think his conclusions about the relationship between the two can be refined. I don't think Krauth fully illuminates how Twain interpreted Kipling and, consequently, misses a chance to more richly understand Twain's own political morality, which is far more complex, far more tangled between eighteenth- and twentieth-century understandings of rights, human nature, and social morality than Krauth reveals. Twain's "A Fable" shows that Twain thought that Kipling had been misinterpreted. This little beast tale begins with a cat watching a man put a beautiful painting on a wall opposite a mirror. One is supposed to view the picture through the mirror, that is, to approach the painting through the "mirror of the imagination" in order to gain perspective. Yet when the cat tells the other animals about this nearly divine beauty, they all step between the mirror and the painting and thus see only themselves. The moral of the story, delivered "by the cat," explicitly sets the story up as an allegory about how to read: "You can find in a text whatever you bring, if you will stand between it and the mirror of your imagination. You may not see your [donkey] ears, but they will...

The Sixteenth-Century French Religious Book (review)

224 Reviews Parergon 21.2 (2004) in Dutch state finances, for which colonial exploitation provided one solution. Although Horlings provides some revealing statistics about Dutch and British economic activity (export figures; the number of steamships in merchant fleets) the comparative element is found here (if at all) within a single article, rather than between the pair. The two opening essays examine political developments from very different perspectives. H. M. Scott looks at the deterioration in diplomacy up until 1788 through the figure of Sir JosephYorke, Britain’s representative in The Hague. Niek van Sas concentrates on internal rivalries between Patriots and Orangists in the Netherlands and their impact on foreign relations from 1780 to 1850. Later, N. A. M. Rodger and Jaap R. Bruijn offer essays on seapower, the former questioning traditional readings of the British navy’s role in imperial policy, the latter exploring the relatively late entry of the Dutch navy into colonial affairs. Finally, there are two articles on the metropolitan state and its relations with the colonies. P. J. Marshall identifies the trends that saw the British parliament and the judiciary taking a more active role in imperial administration. He also challenges earlier interpretations of the differences between British and Dutch colonial government. Jur van Goor asks whether the changing style of Dutch rule in the East Indies during the period represents a radical change or merely a change in emphasis. Unfortunately, his brief conclusion does not provide a clear answer to this question. In most cases there are implicit comparisons to be made between the two articles in each section, but simple juxtaposition is no substitute for a more thorough and overt analysis of the variations in British and Dutch experience (especially in the form of editorial commentary). In summary, Colonial Empires Compared contains much interesting material but fails fully to live up to the promise of its title. Lindsay Diggelmann Department of History University of Auckland Pettegree, Andrew, Paul Nelles and Philip Conner, eds, The Sixteenth-Century French Religious Book, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2001; cloth; pp. xviii, 366; RRP US$99.95; ISBN 0754602788. Contrary to the usual flow of academic bright ideas, the French, or at least Britishbased historians of early modern France, have begun to emulate the British model of the history of the book, built upon the monumental foundations of Pollard Reviews 225 Parergon 21.2 (2004) and Redgrave, Wing and the ESTC. The University of St Andrews Reformation Studies Institute has begun assembling an analytical database of sixteenth-century French religious vernacular literature, broadly conceived and now re-labelled the French Vernacular Book Project. This collection publishes eighteen papers, four in French, from the first Sixteenth-Century French Religious Book Conference, held at St Andrews University in 1999, and celebrating the conclusion of the first stages. As might be expected, the initial results of collaborative research into a topic intersecting such vast fields as the history of the early modern book and its relationship with the Reformation and Catholic Reformation, have spawned an eclectic collection showing little cohesion. Topics range from the material to the intellectual, including the production and distribution of books, their censorship, readership and impact on group opinions, their collection by individuals and institutions, their use for devotional rituals, religious drama, Protestant historiography, political advice and criticism. In other words, this book reflects a field in the process of growing through prodigious work into one asking new historical questions that will precipitate illuminating answers. Andrew Pettegree outlines the early trends revealed by the project, most intriguingly the limited period (1555-67) of vigorous French Protestant printing, and the subsequent resurgence of French Catholic printing in shaping a distinctive Catholic identity, previously badly under-estimated by historians. Paul Nelles challenges similar assumptions about the limited and specific impact of the book on French religious life through a thorough analysis of individual and institutional book inventories and their provenances. Though necessarily limited, such evidence enables him to project beyond the material production of religious books to their potential audiences, identifying the Catholic clerical professionals who bought liturgical, sacramental and apologetical works, the clergy and laity throughout society who sought manuals of piety and devotion, and the socially...

Colonial affairs: Bowles, Burroughs, and Chester write Tangier

A North African port city that was home to as many Europeans as Moroccans, postwar Tangier was truly an international zone, a place where the familiar boundaries of language, culture, nationality, and sexuality blurred, and anything seemed possible. In the 1950s and 1960s three leading American writers settled in Tangier, where they were able to find critical new ways of living and writing on the margins of society. A subtle literary portrait of Paul Bowles, William S. Burroughs, and Alfred Chester, Colonial Affairs is also a complex and perceptive account of the ways colonialism and sexuality structure each other, particularly as reflected in the literature written in postwar Tangier. Sexual commerce and culture flourished in Tangier during these years, as gay expatriates fled repressive sexual norms at home. Greg Mullins explores the covert and overt representations of sex, fantasy, desire, and sexual identity in the literature of Bowles, Burroughs, Chester, and Moroccan authors who collaborated with Bowles. He argues that expatriate writing in Tangier articulates the desire to exceed national and other forms of identity through representations of sex, especially marginalized forms of sex and sexuality. The literature that emerges variously celebrates, critiques, and attempts to evade the double bind of colonial sexuality. Framed in relation to queer and postcolonial theory, Mullins's work is grounded in contemporary debates about sex, race, and desire. His sophisticated yet nimble analysis establishes beyond any doubt the central importance of colonialism and sexuality in the fiction of these writers working at once at the center and the margins of tradition - and reveals to contemporary readers the queer angles of their distinctly original work.

Vichy in the Tropics: Petain's National Revolution in Madagascar, Guadeloupe, and Indochina, 1940-1944

This book examines the role of the Vichy regime in bringing about profound changes in the French colonial empire after World War II. In the war's aftermath, the French colonial system began to break down. Indochina erupted into war in 1945 and Madagascar in 1947, while Guadeloupe chose an opposite course, becoming territorially part of France in 1946. The book traces the introduction of an integralist ideology of National Revolution to the French colonial realm, shedding new light on the nature of the Vichy regime, on the diversity of French colonialism, and on the beginnings of decolonization. Encompassing three very different regions and cultures, the study reveals both a unity in Vichy's self-reproduction overseas and a diversity of forms which this ideological cloning assumed. World War II is often presented as an agent of change in the French colonial empire only insofar as it engendered a loss of prestige for France as colonizer. The author argues that Marshal Philippe Petain's Vichy regime contributed to decolonization in a much more substantial way, by ushering in an ideology based on a new, harsher brand of colonialism that both directly and indirectly fueled indigenous nationalism.The author also rejects the popular notion that Nazi pressure lurked behind the Vichy government's colonial actions, and that the regime lacked any real agency in colonial affairs. He shows that, far from allowing the Germans to run French colonies from behind the scenes, Vichy leaders vigorously promoted their own undiluted form of ultra-conservative ideology throughout the French empire. They delivered to the colonies an authoritarianism that not only elicited fierce opposition but sowed the seeds of nationalist resurgence among indigenous cultures. Ironically, the regime awoke long-dormant nationalist sentiments by introducing to the empire Petain's cherished themes of authenticity, tradition, folklore, and volkism.

A Turbulent Time: The French Revolution and the Greater Caribbean

A Turbulent Time: The French Revolution and the Greater Caribbean

The Governor a Missionary? Dutch Colonial Rule and Christianization during Idenburg’s Term of Office as Governor of Indonesiaw (1909-16)

As a reslut of forced Christianization, the motherland threatens to alienate the indigenous population of our colonies from herself.’ With this slogan a combination of left-wing political parties entered the elections for the Dutch Parliament in June 1913. This combination won the elections and in the end it was the liberal Cort van der Linden who was commissioned to form a government. The then governor-general of what was called the Dutch East Indies, the Christian statesman A. W. F. Idenburg (1861-1935), consequently considered relinquishing his post, now that a government would be formed of a political colour different from his own. On the advice of the leader of his party, the Dutch politician, journalist, and church leader Abraham Kuyper, however, he decided that his decision to stay or to resign would depend on the possibilities of co-operation with the new minister of colonial affairs. But he had no illusions about the opinion of the European press in Indonesia. ‘Against me,’ he wrote in a letter to the outgoing minister of colonial affairs, J. H. de Waal Malefijt (1852-1931), a fellow party member, ‘a devilish howling has burst out in some of the papers. They all agree that I must go.’

The Jacobean union: a reconsideration of British civil policies under the early Stuarts

Introduction James Stuart and the Origins of a British Vision Kings, Courtiers, and Councillors: The Making of British Policy The Early Stuarts and the Security of the Multiple Kingdom Britain and Early Stuart Foreign Policy The Early Stuarts and British Economic, Commercial, and Colonial Affairs Epilogue and Conclusion Bibliography Index

"The Mosque Is One Thing, the Administration Is Another": Murid Marabouts and Wolof Aristocrats in Colonial Senegal

During the 1930s, the Frcnch colonial authoritics in Scnegal werc cmbroilcd in a controvcrsy over the administrativc status of a town namcd Darou Mousty. The town had becn cstablished in 1912 by Maam Ccrno, the chief licutenant and a younger brother of Amadu Bamba, founder of the Islamic Murid Sufi order in Scnegal. Under the ablc Icadership of Maam Ccrno, Darou Mousty quickly grew into a Icading centcr for Islamic Icarning and agricultural production in the colony. The succcssful developmcnt of the Murid town was also duc in part to the patronagc of the local provincial chief, Macodou Sall, who rulcd Guct provincc in which Darou Mousty was located on behalf of the colonial govcrnmcnt. In 1930, the Frcnch administrator of the ncighboring cercle, or region, of Diourbel requcsted that the licutenant-govcrnor of Scnegal transfcr Darou Mousty and its surrounding villagcs to his authority. At first glancc, the debatc that cnsued as a rcsult of this requcst appcars to focus on the gcographical location of Darou Mousty in rclation to the administrativc centcrs of the colony and Frcnch cfforts to bring the town morc firmly under their control. Howevcr, upon further cxamination, the attempt to transfcr Darou Mousty was in rcality central to a strugglc betwecn competing African rcligious and political factions that werc using the apparatus of the Frcnch colonial govcrnmcnt to advancc and defend their own intcrcsts. To complicatc mattcrs further, the disputc ovcr the Murid town was not purcly a colonial affair, rather its roots can bc found in the precolonial political and rcligious fabric of Scnegal.

Anthropology and the professionalisation of colonial administration in Papua and New Guinea

During the 1920s Australia took three steps to raise the quality of its field staff engaged in ‘native administration’ in Papua and New Guinea: the appointment of government anthropologists, the institution of a cadet scheme, and the establishment of a chair of anthropology at the University of Sydney. The driving force behind all steps was J. H. P. Murray, who had first expressed an intention in 1915, and had been interested in the usefulness of anthropologists since meeting Dr C. G. Seligman in 1904. To persuade the Australian government and his colleagues in New Guinea, Murray enlisted support from academic circles and others interested in colonial affairs. Besides official suspicion of ‘experts’, Murray had to overcome the parsimony of the Australian government which otherwise responded warmly to his suggestions. The greatest difficulties were practical, but the delay in implementing all three steps was due more to an anxiety on Australia's part not to make mistakes and to undertake innovations only after fullest consideration and on the best possible advice. The episode is important not so much for its impact on Papua and New Guinea, although that was not insignificant, but because of the light it throws on Murray's thought and on the seriousness with which Australia regarded its colonial undertakings.

Diderot et l'actualité politique

Hédia Ouertani-Khadhar : Diderot and Contemporary Politics. Politics, however defined, permeates all of Diderot's works. This article reviews Diderot's reactions to the political events of his time, taking in many subjects, such as religious problems, the quarrel between doctors and surgeons, governmental incompetence, the Encyclopédie war, the Paris Parlement, free trade in cereals, the establishment of just taxes, military reforms, colonial affairs, France's foreign policy, the fate of Poland, the future of the monarchy and the hopes placed in Louis XVI.

The Lifanyuan and the Inner Asian Rituals in the Early Qing (1644-1795)

THE LIFANYUAN AND THE INNER ASIAN RITUALS IN THE EARLY QING (1644-1795)* Ning Chia The Qing empire under Manchu rule (1644-1911) created the political entity today known as "China" by integrating the traditional antagonists, agrarian "China proper" (neidi)1 and nomadic Inner Asia.2 This major historical development cannot be understood without discussing the role of the Lifanyuan, as the first and only government institution in Chinese history designed specifically to deal with the various groups of Inner Asian peoples.3 The unique Qing Inner Asian rituals, under the direct administration of the Lifanyuan, played a critical part in the Manchus' ability to expand the empire beyond the Inner Asian frontier. These rituals provided the symbolic instruments by which relations between Chinese and Inner Asian groups were recast from a problem of foreign policy to one of internal imperial administration. The Inner Asian population—the Mongols, Tibetans, and Uighurs—like the Manchus were physically and culturally non-Han Chinese. They had undergone their own distinct historical experiences and processes of development , often in conscious opposition to Han-Chinese society. During the pre-Qing periods, the two forms of society—agricultural China and nomadic "The author is grateful to William T. Rowe of The Johns Hopkins University, Susan Naquin of the University of Pennsylvania, and Maxine and Donald Huffman of Central College for their helpful comments on this article. 1 Neidi in Chinese means "inner land." It is used here to refer to the geographical area where the Han Chinese people lived. The size of the area changed dynasty by dynasty in history. On the eve of the Qing, it was approximately the territory from the Great Wall in the north all the way to the South China Sea, and east from the sea to today's Shaanxi province in the west. 2Scholars have used the term "Inner Asia" differently in defining the people and territory along the Great Wall frontier of China. See Chia 1991. In this article, I follow Lattimore 1988 in using this term for Qing Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang (or Chinese Turkestan). Historically, the Mongols in Mongolia were divided into two parts in the Qing dynasty. South of the Gobi Desert was called Inner Mongolia, and north of it Khalka or Outer Mongolia. The latter became the Mongolian People's Republic in 1912. 3For discussion of this issue see Chia 1991:31-32 and 99. The Xuanzhengyuan (Commission for Buddhist and Tibetan Affairs) in the Mongol Yuan dynasty was only responsible for Tibet—one of the several parts of Inner Asia. Late imperial China Vol. 14, No. 1 (June 1993): 60-92 60 The Lifanyuan and the Inner Asian Rituals61 Inner Asia—had been separated from each other by various boundaries, including social structure, political organization, material life, language, and ethnic consciousness. War and military actions characterized the relationship between the two. The Manchus of the early Qing, a people of Inner Asian origin themselves undergoing transformation from the nomadic to the agricultural world, faced the same problem as previous Chinese dynasties: how to find a lasting solution for the conflict along the Inner Asian frontier. The response of a Manchu-Mongol-staffed institution—the Lifanyuan—in the imperial court provided the basis for this solution. The uniqueness of the Qing Lifanyuan can be seen immediately from its Manchu-language title. Far from "Barbarian Control Office" or "Court of Colonial Affairs," which are common and reasonably correct translations of the Chinese-language title "Lifanyuan," in Manchu the name of this office was Tulergi golo be dasara jurgan, the "Ministry Ruling the Outer Provinces." This Manchu version of the institution's title reveals how different was the Manchu cultural and political attitude toward Inner Asia from that of the Chinese.4 Based on this attitude, the Qing practiced unprecedented policies in Inner Asia. When the Lifanyuan came into being in 1638, it was classified, together with the Six Boards and the Censurate (Duchayuan), as one of the "eight yamen"—the eight most important governmental departments.5 During its formative period under the high Qing emperors, Kangxi (1662-1722), Yongzheng (1723-1735), and Qianlong (1736-1795), the Lifanyuan was promoted to be equal to the Six Boards...

King and People in Provincial Massachusetts

The American revolutionaries themselves believed the change from monarchy to republic was the essence of the Revolution. King and People in Provincial Massachusetts explores what monarchy meant to Massachusetts under its second charter and why the momentous change to republican government came about. Richard L. Bushman argues that monarchy entailed more than having a king as head of state: it was an elaborate political culture with implications for social organization as well. Massachusetts, moreover, was entirely loyal to the king and thoroughly imbued with that culture. Why then did the colonies become republican in 1776? The change cannot be attributed to a single thinker such as John Locke or to a strain of political thought such as English country party rhetoric. Instead, it was the result of tensions ingrained in the colonial political system that surfaced with the invasion of parliamentary power into colonial affairs after 1763. The underlying weakness of monarchical government in Massachusetts was the absence of monarchical society -- the intricate web of patronage and dependence that existed in England. But the conflict came from the colonists' conception of rulers as an alien class of exploiters whose was the plundering of the colonies. In large part, colonial politics was the effort to restrain official avarice. The author explicates the meaning of interest in political discourse to show how that conception was central in the thinking of both the popular party and the British ministry. Management of the of royal officials was a problem that continually bedeviled both the colonists and the crown. Conflict was perennial because the colonists and the ministry pursued diverging objectives in regulating colonial officialdom. Ultimately the colonists came to see that safety against exploitation by self-interested rulers would be assured only by republican government.

West european politics: Svante Ersson and Jan-Erik Lane, ‘Polarisation and Political Economy Crisis: The 1982 Swedish Election’, 6:3, July 1983, pp. 287–96

This paper focuses attention on the fortunes of Darwin's theory among the English-speaking community in Cape Colony during the latter part of the nineteenth century. The paper begins with a review of early encounters with Darwin dwelling particularly on the response of figures like Roderick Noble - professor and editor of the Cape Monthly Magazine, the geologist John Shaw, and Sir Henry Barkly, governor of the colony. Besides these more theoretical responses, Darwin's ideas were also mobilised in a range of scientific inquiries on such subjects as birds and butterflies. But most conspicuous was the use of evolutionary thought-forms in the work of the eminent philologist Wilhelm Bleek, cousin of Darwin's leading German apologist, Ernst Haeckel. The prevailing sense is of a liberal intelligentsia calmly interacting with a novel theory with all due deference. During the 1870s, an address by Langham Dale at the South African Public Library injected new energy into the Darwin discussion. Dale expressed disquiet over some of the anthropological implications of evolution as well as its apparent reductionism, and this stimulated a range of reactions. Several anonymous commentators responded but the most sustained evaluation of Dale's position emanated from the Queenstown physician and later politician, Sir William Bisset Berry. Then, in 1874, copious extracts from John Tyndall's infamous 'Belfast Address' were printed in the Cape Monthly and this added yet further impetus to the debate. Tyndall's seeming materialism bothered a number of readers, not least Hon William Porter, former attorney-general of Cape Colony. To figures like these the materialist extrapolations of radical Darwinians such as Haeckel were deeply disturbing, not just for religious reasons, but because they seemed to destabilise the moral and pedagogic progressivism that lay at the heart of their civilising credo. While reservations about Darwin's proposals were certainly audible, taken in the round Darwinian conversations among the English-speaking literati at the Cape were conducted with liberal sentiments, not least when evolutionary science approached questions of race. For Darwin's writings were seen to confirm a monogenetic account of the origin and unity of the human race, and could readily be called upon to justify the paternalistic ideology that governed colonial affairs.

African photographs in the Royal Commonwealth Society Library

Originally named the Colonial Society, and also known variously in the stages of its history as the Royal Colonial Institute (1870-1928) and the Royal Empire Society (1928-1958), the Royal Commonwealth Society was founded in 1868 as ‘a place of meeting for all gentlemen connected with the Colonies and British India’ and as a centre for the study of colonial affairs. A library was one of the major objects of its founders and photographic material was early seen as an integral part of a collection attempting to present a comprehensive survey of the concerns of empire. The Proceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute for 1896, and for several succeeding years, invited ‘donations of photographs of the various Colonies … from Fellows and others’, and this brief appeal seems to have met with considerable success on an individual level, with many accessions dating from around this period.

Christianity and Colonial Protest: Perceptions of W. E. Owen, Archdeacon of Kavirondo

A perennial debating point among those concerned with Christianity in colonial Africa has been the nature or absence of sensitivity among European missionaries (and, later, African church leaders) toward questions of justice. Scholars concerned with church and society in Africa from the nationalist historiographical period onward have sought evidence concerning a Christian appreciation of the contradictions of colonialism and a commitment to rectification of injustices that by its nature colonialism tended to produce. In eastern African studies especial attention has been directed toward W. E. Owen, the Anglican archdeacon of Kavirondo throughout the interwar period.1 His broad range of interests, his outspokenness, and his general responsiveness to African initiatives have combined to render him a controversial figure in colonial affairs and a perplexing and oft-times frustrating figure among mission leaders of the time. It remains useful to continue to re-examine Owen's perspectives and actions, for they speak directly to the challenge of Christian responsibility in a culturally-diverse and frequently unjust world, and to the way in which individuals responded to that challenge. This article reflects an effort at such understanding in a colonial environment.2 Owen's political involvements throughout his mission career centred upon four major themes: forced labour, the administration of justice, African political participation, and variations upon cultural practices that seemed to violate individual freedom.3 His concerns regarding labour ran the gamut from unpaid labor for public works to labour for essential undertakings during the second world war. Regarding the administration of justice they related particularly to abuses in local tribunals and to the problems of interpretation, and regarding African political participation, they

Pennisular Finance and Colonial Trade: the Dilemma of Charles IV's Spain

Charles IV's rule over the Spanish empire has often been decried as neglectful and reactionary. In a recent article, however, I argued that such descriptions were not accurate, maintaining that the early years of the reign pushed forward many institutional innovations and showed a marked concern for colonial affairs. This is not to say, of course, that the death of Charles III produced no change; but the critical facts were that economic policy-making continued to be based on the colonial compact and that the crown remained as committed to providing economic benefits to Spanish agriculture and manufacturing as to securing relief for the Peninsular treasury.1 Although 1788–9 may properly be characterized as a moment of truth for Spain, one which brought to the surface conflicting interests and ideologies, the Peninsula's transformation by the Bourbon Reforms was not so deep nor the government's circumstances so dire as to upset the political balance.

The Culmination of the Bourbon Reforms, 1787-1792

N APOLEON'S invasion of the Iberian peninsula and the forced abdications of Charles IV and Ferdinand VII in 1808 threatened the unity of the Spanish empire. A danger so obvious prompted the provisional government to chart a new course in colonial affairs. Among the measures it considered was the reestablishment of the Ministry of the Indies, which had been dismantled after the death of the controversial Jose de G'alvez in 1787.1 Naturally, this projected revival reopened the quarrel between supporters and opponents of the great minister. But both sides could agree that the administrative changes occasioned by Galvez' demise were followed by a catastrophic decline in Spain's colonial fortunes. It seemed to many that a return to the old institutions was needed.2 The views then voiced by Jose Pablo Valiente and Francisco de Requena, two experienced members of the Council of the Indies, were faithful expressions of contemporary opinion. Valiente maintained that the colonies' powerful elites and disobedient officials had been tamed by the Ministry. Because of their devotion to the slogan king, one law, however, royal advisors were not prepared to allow the Indies to remain under a special regime, and so destroyed the colonial office. In succeeding years, Valiente complained, Madrid neglected American problems, colonial bureaucrats regained their independence, and the fruits of the Bourbon reforms were utterly lost.3 Requena, far from believing that the Galvez years had been a

La presse parisienne devant la guerre du Rif (avril 1925-mai 1926).

How did the Parisian press cover the war of the Rif ? How did Parisian journalists react to this war of liberation, which, at the time, was of a type without precedent ? Such are the questions to which this brief study seeks to suggest a reply. The main conclusion which emerges from this reading of press commentary is that the journalists of the period were incapable of going beyond the scope of their personal recollections an of historical tradition to comprehend a novel phenomenon. Very frequent reference to old stereotypes inherited either from the period of colonial conquest or from anticolonialist preachings, as well as the violence in word and tone which was typical even ot would-oe pacifists are both very revealing with regard to the frame of mind of a certain elite vis-à-vis colonial affairs. Even the communist press which belatedly celebrated the revolt of the Rif after a fashion still quite akin to that of pre-1914 revolutionnary trade-unionism, dœssnotsstandsout clearly from the lot. Europo- centrism and an almost total ignorance ot Maynreb realities were characteristic of the entire Parisian press in 1925-26.

Sources in Lima for the Study of the Colonial Consulado of Peru

When the old Palacio de Gobierno was demolished in 1938, a mass of papers and volumes were discovered and saved. They turned out to be the heart of the colonial archive of the Lima Tribunal of the Consulado (or Merchant’s Guild) and represented a substantial portion of the colonial Hacienda, or treasury, papers of Lima as well. An archive, the Archivo Histórico de Comercio y Hacienda, was created (and opened in 1944) for the express purpose of housing these documents and its first director, Frederico Schwab, was entrusted with the organization and cataloguing of this valuable collection. Schwab and Luis Felipe Muro Arias’ Catàlogo de la Sección Colonial del Archivo Histórico del Ministerio de Hacienda was published in Lima in 1944 and listed all of the major documentation held by the new archive relative to the colonial affairs of the Consulado and the Real Hacienda. A few years later Robert Sidney Smith, another scholar to reach and work this rich depisitory in its early years, transcribed the original index to the archive created by the Consulado to house its papers in the late eighteenth century. This work, El Indice del Archivo del Tribunal del Consulado de Lima, appeared in 1948 with an excellent preface to the history of the collection by Schwab and a valuable introduction to the Lima Consulado prepared by Smith himself. Since then, scholars such as the Peruvian Manuel Moreyra y Paz-Soldan and the Frenchwoman Marie Helmer have been able to take advantage of this great collection because of the pioneering work of Schwab, Smith, and their colleagues. The archive has since lost its autonomy and is now incorporated into the Archivo Nacional, which was a logical step in centralization since both archives are located in the Palacio de Justicia in Lima.

Finances publiques et conquête coloniale : le coût budgétaire de l'expansion française entre 1850 et 1913

Bien qu'ayant fait l'objet de longues polémiques dans l'opinion, au Parlement, et plus récemment chez les historiens, le problème du financement public de l'expansion coloniale est paradoxalement peu connu. Combien la conquête coloniale a-t-elle coûté au budget français ? Comment furent dépensés les crédits votés ? Questions cent fois posées, auxquelles il n'a jamais été donné, du moins à notre connaissance, de réponses très précises.Il nous a paru utile de combler cette lacune à l'occasion d'une Recherche coopérative du C.N.R.S., afin d'installer sur des bases plus solides le débat traditionnel concernant la « rentabilité » et l'utilité économique des colonies, et celui plus récent sur la place des dépenses publiques dans les processus de développement. Le financement public de l'expansion coloniale, considérée sous tous ses aspects militaires, administratifs, économiques, repose sur trois sources de crédits : le budget de l'État ; les budgets locaux des territoires coloniaux et des collectivités autonomes (ports, chemins de fer, etc.), dans la mesure où ils en sont dotés ; les emprunts publics, garantis ou non par l'État, émis par ces mêmes territoires ou collectivités publiques.