Collective Defense Research Articles

JAPANESE STRATEGIC DOCUMENTS: CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THE NATIONAL DEFENSE PROGRAM GUIDELINES

The development and direction of Japan’s security policy is a topic of strategic importance in the region of East Asia, especially in the light of recent development of reinterpretation of the pacifist Constitution in terms of collective defense and its exercise. The aim of this article was to reveal and analyze trends and dissimilarities in Japan’s security policy after the end of the Cold War through the use of both quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The objects of the analysis were four subsequent revisions of National Defense Program Guidelines, a basic strategic document, from years 1995, 2004, 2010 and 2013. The first quantitative part revealed significant security concepts, which the strategic documents concentrated most on and their changes over time. The second qualitative part provided for a complex relationship model of security policy and influencing categories, and their gradual development in time.

Termination of Collective Defense Treties – Procedures, Consequences and Modern State Practice

Abstract State practice has showed that geopolitical interests of nations are usually engaged either through diplomatic or military means. The mutual desire to avoid armed conflicts led to concluding multiple multilateral and bilateral international security and defence treaties. This process formed the basis of two major concepts -the Collective security and the collective defense. Both of them require a solid international legal basis, namely - a treaty that settles all forms of interpretations, disputes and actions. Since these treaties define international relations for a certain period, their eventual termination would have a major impact on the relations between different nations as seen numerously in the past decades. The contemporary world has completely different challenges to ensure collective security in the framework of international organizations. Currently major military actors are guarding the national sovereignty and aerospace borders of smaller states, thus making air policing a real diplomatic issue that should face an international legal framework. The institutional interaction between NATO and the EU as international organizations could lead to complete integration in terms of defense of the EU Member states in the near future. These issues could and should be met with the means of the main sources of the Law of treaties

The Erotics of Knowing: A Neglected Contribution to Analytic Erotism.

An erotics of knowing is posited that comprises embodied aspects of psychological and emotional closeness, and derives not from transference dynamics but from psychological and emotional intimacy-both component and consequence of the analytic process. The experience of knowing and being known is invested with erotism via its interpenetrative and interreceptive aspects; regardless of gender, to know the other is to enter a hidden interior "space" that represents that person's embodied inner world. Yet the interrogation of the intrinsic relationship between knowing and loving is stunningly absent from the psychoanalytic literature. This historical neglect is traced to a split in the discourse presaged by Freud's essay on transference love, which distinguishes between the qualified reality of the erotic transference and the de-erotized but "real" construct of the "analytic love" relationship. A more recent split relocates erotism to the maternal transference, divesting it of aggression and oedipal sexuality. These splits constitute a vigorous collective defense against engaging with the erotics of knowing: from Oedipus to Genesis, our forbidden fruit.

Мета і напрями діяльності Північноатлантичного Альянсу з підтримки сектору безпеки і оборони країн-партнерів

Asymmetric wars require the search for new forms and ways to achieve goals in contemporary military conflicts. One of these forms is to support the capabilities of the security and defense sector (SFA) of NATO partner countries.The official materials of the last three NATO summits, the concept, doctrine and leadership of NATO define the principles of the SFA. This article is devoted to the implementation of SFA.The article is to analysis of SFA implementation measures.In line with the Strategic Concept of the North Atlantic Alliance, NATO is focused on addressing three key challenges, such as collective defense, crisis management, and security-based co-operation, in the interests of defense and security of its members.The NATO Summit in theUKidentified anotherAllianceactivity aimed at strengthening the capabilities of the security and defense sectors of the partner countries, called Security Force Assistance (SFA).According to the NATO guidelines, the SFA refers to the ability to "train and develop national forces in crisis zones" in order to "achieve the ability of the national authorities of partner countries to effectively support security without international assistance". SFA refers to "all NATO actions that develop, improve, or directly support the development of national security and defense forces and their associated institutes." Thus, in the general context, the SFA covers all measures aimed at the development and preparation of the national security and defense sector and is carried out at the tactical, operational, strategic, military-political levels, involves providing advisory assistance from a separate platoon to the ministry. In a wider context, the SFA, though having military orientation, includes such mechanisms for preventing contemporary military conflicts as political, economic, information, legal, and others.In order to implement the SFA, the leadership of theAllianceand individual NATO member states held a series of practical measures. So, at the end of2015, inconnection withRussia's aggression againstUkraine, NATO initiated the creation of a joint multinational group for the training of units for the Armed Forces and the Joint Multinational Training Group (Ukraine).TheUnited Statesbegan the formation of six security assistance brigades (SFABs) whose primary objective was to provide training, counseling, assistance, support and support for operations with coalition forces and partner countries. According to US military experts, the SFABs will achieve the following strategic goals: development of the capabilities of the security forces and defense of the partner countries, the release of regular military brigades from their unrelated functions, provision of, if necessary, the preparation of the infrastructure of the partner countries for the Allied Rapid Reaction Force.The Italian government decided in May 2017 to organize theNATOSecurityForceExcellenceCenterand its location in the capital of the country. It is anticipated that theCenterofExcellencewill be certified and will complete its tasks at the end of 2018.At the tactical level, in line with theAlliance's standards, the following tasks are addressed within the framework of the SFA:organization and conducting of targeted instructor-methodical exercises in accordance with the norms adopted by NATO with the units of the joint and airborne assault brigades, as well as the special forces special forces;familiarization of servicemen of partner countries with new models of weapons, military equipment, means of communication and navigation, and other special equipment;determine the level of readiness of formations for combat operations, taking into account the standards adopted by theAlliance.Along with this, the issue of improving the regulatory and legislative framework, according to which the number of foreign military advisers may, if necessary, be substantially increased to several thousand persons for the entire duration of the SFA operation is relevant.Conclusions. The North Atlantic Alliance is implementing an effective concept of support and development of the capabilities of the security and defense sector and its practical implementation mechanisms that address a wide range of security and defense issues of non-NATO countries. At the same time, implementation of such a concept requires from the partner countries changes in the regulatory framework and appropriate infrastructure preparation.In the following, an analysis of the individual mechanisms for implementing the concept of supporting the security forces at operational and strategic levels will be conducted.

Аналіз підтримки, що надає НАТО силам безпеки і оборони інших країн на прикладі Афганістану

Today, collective defense remains the main task of NATO. The emergence of new challenges and threats that arise far beyond the borders of the area of responsibility of this Organization, in particular terrorism, are challenges that can not be overcome solely on the basis of a “territorial” understanding of security.Therefore, the study and analysis of NATO support to the security forces of other countries is important given the processes taking place in easternUkraine.The purpose of the article. Analyze the experience of NATO activities to provide support to Afghanistan's defense and security institutions during the Operations in by the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) contingent within the NATO Resolute Support Mission (RS-A), as well as in the within the framework of long-term cooperation.Support for the “Security Operations in Afghanistan” by the contingent of ISAF.The ISAF mandate was initially confined to security in and around Kabul. In October 2003, the UN extended the mandate of ISAF to the entire territory of Afghanistan (UNSCR 1510), which paved the way for expanding its mission throughout the country.Support during the mission “Resolute Support” (RS-A).The principal function of the RS-A mission is to provide advisory and consultative assistance to the Government of Afghanistan on the development of the operational capabilities of the Afghan national security and defense forces, including with the use of Expeditionary Advisory Packages outside the permanent locations. According to the Secretary-General of NATO, the RS-A mission is a mission to train advisers and assist the Afghan security forces.Support in the framework of long-term cooperationDespite the fact that NATO focuses its support efforts onAfghanistanwithin the framework of the RS-A mission and the financing of the Afghan security forces, work continues in the area of long-term partnership, which includes political dialogue and practical cooperation between NATO andAfghanistan.Conclusions:1. The support of the Afghan security and defense forces is carried out by NATO in three important areas - within a non-combat Resolute Support Mission, which was the logical continuation of the military operation, Operation Security Assistance in by the contingent of the ISAF, financial support under the fund managed by NATO together with the UN fund and in the framework of long-term cooperation.2. Despite the significant amount of funding and support to the Afghan security and defense forces, they are not able to fully control the situation in the country independently without international assistance.3. A promising direction for NATO's practical assistance to Afghanistan is the gradual transition to a Sustainable Partnership.Further studies should focus on the study of NATO's support of the security and defense sector of non-NATO countries in order to identify conceptual approaches, general principles and tendencies in providing assistance, as well as the peculiarities of shaping and decision-making in support of individual countries in political, military and other areas.

Introduction: Security in Northern Europe

A state’s prioritisation of defence waxes and wanes according to threat assessments. Russia’s military build-up and subversive activities constitute today’s most important challenge to the defence of Europe. NATO views the Russian challenge in terms of not only growing capabilities and expanding exercises, but also of Moscow’s willingness to employ military force to achieve political ends. The invasions of Georgia and Ukraine demonstrate that Russia is prepared to violate international law to advance its national interests and regional ambitions. The defence of Northern Europe, spanning NATO members and key partners, depends on the Alliance’s ability to execute its core mission of deterrence and collective defence, and a credible NATO depends principally on US leadership. While the European states must increase their defence budgets, the US remains the single most important actor in any strategy to contest and contain Russia. The chapter also presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in this book.

Feelings of caregivers faced with trisomy 21

Caregivers' practices with children with trisomy 21 can be influenced by many factors. The issues of antenatal diagnosis and the termination of pregnancy for medical reasons can cause contradictory feelings. Collective and individual defence strategies can however be put in place to support the children and their families along their care and life pathway.

Global Security Governance At Work: The Case of 2008 Russia-Georgia Conflict

This paper concentrates on the activities of different actors on the international arena in the area of security, their cooperation with each other and the overall role diplomatic activities play in the twenty-first century global security governance. After the two worlds wars the international community adopted the principle of collective defence and tried to establish a comprehensive multilevel international security system headed by the UN. Nation-states ceased to be the only actors participating in the international relations, instead they acquired the role of the smallest elements in a global UN-system, often linked together by regional intergovernmental organisations (ROs) to build smaller regional subsystems. On top of that, they still enjoyed all the powers they had as sovereign states. Given the non-hierarchical character of the described system the functions of its components often overlapped and intertwined. With the rising involvement of non-state actors, the system is as intricate as ever. For the system to be effective, it is very important that all the actors are able to participate in the governance processes adequately and equitably. In the age of urgent security challenges, the response has to be quick and concerted. In the present paper, we provide a detailed analysis of the activities of different actors directed at resolving an interstate conflict. We chose to focus on the 2008 Russia-Georgia conflict in South Ossetia, in which directly or indirectly was involved a whole bunch of intergovernmental organisations (CSTO, OSCE, SCO, UN, EU, NATO), sovereign state and non-state actors. It is particularly remarkable that despite the fact that both states were members of the UN and a number of ROs, which should have been enough to ensure proper cooperation, there were still organisations and institutions involved neither of the states were members of, as, for example, the EU. Thus, in regard to the activities of different actors the 2008 Russia-Georgia conflict is illustrative of at least two phenomena: (i) actors trying to exert influence beyond the territory of their concern (ii) actors trying to exert influence beyond their policy domain. Using case-study approach, the paper will present an investigation of these two phenomena and the logic behind them. We will scrutinise the actual way the conflict was handled and what role each of the actors involved played in resolving the conflict in order to determine why they chose to participate in the first place, to define their goals and objectives and to estimate the influence each of them had on the outcome and the general ability of the existing system to provide a concerted response to the challenges of global security despite coinciding scopes. The findings of this study will help to draw conclusions about the role of different players in the global security governance and evaluate the efficiency of the existing global governance mechanisms.

Review of Deni, John. 2017. NATO and Article 5: the transatlantic alliance and the twenty-first-century challenges of collective defense

Review of Deni, John. 2017. NATO and Article 5: the transatlantic alliance and the twenty-first-century challenges of collective defense

NATO options and dilemmas for deterring Russia in the Baltic States

According to the NATO’s collective defence strategy and the principle of deterrence, “no one should doubt NATO’s resolve if the security of any of its members were to be threatened”. In this sense, credible deterrence acts as a guarantee for peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic region. However, recent events in Ukraine and Georgia have revealed the potential weaknesses of the current deterrence models. Without any overt fear of retaliation, we have seen Russia’s aggressive steps towards its neighbours, which were planned and executed with great sophistication, initiative, agility and decisiveness. Although contrary to Ukraine and Georgia which are not the members of the Alliance, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are granted security guarantees in the NATO framework, the Baltic countries clearly constitute Russia’s point of contact with NATO and are, therefore, also subject to the interests of Russia to test mutual capabilities and commitment, and to send strategic messages to the Alliance. In this context, the article aims to assess how credible is the deterrence posture provided by NATO in avoiding potential aggression on the part of Russia against the Baltic countries.

“Guardian of the international order”? NATO’s contested identity, the discourses of Secretaries General, and the Ukraine crisis

ABSTRACTThis article examines the role of NATO Secretaries General within the transatlantic security community in the wake of the 2014 Ukraine crisis. Drawing on a social constructivist perspective, the comparative discourse analysis of Rasmussen and Stoltenberg offers important insights regarding the role of a non-governmental actor in transatlantic relations. So far, research on transatlantic relations rarely investigated the discourses of NATO Secretaries General. The analysis shows that despite increased attention toward collective defence, both Secretaries General argued for an alliance, which is engaged not only in regional but also global affairs. As Eastern European NATO allies, especially Poland and the Baltic states, embrace divisive notions of the alliance’s self and perceived threats, the security community’s collective identity remains contested.

Polskie banki gniewu. Podziały społeczne w Polsce w perspektywie teorii Petera Sloterdijka

The author reflects on the social divisions that — as sociologists have long predicted — can presently be observed in Poland. The author sees the source of the phenomenon in the mechanism of relative deprivation, which leads to disappointed expectations, or to people’s assessment of their own social or material situation as being worse in comparison to a reference group such as their contemporaries, neighbors, an elite, or a ruling class. Such a situation creates anger — here the author reaches for Sloterdijk’s concept — which is accumulated in “anger banks,” that is, in organizations or milieus that thrive on that anger. In the author’s opinion, this is the nature of the current Polish political scene. What is involved is the collective defense of individual and group dignity. The broad support accorded PiS (the Law and Justice party) in the 2015 elections should be analyzed in terms of the reacquisition of dignity by those who have been overlooked. However, the operating mode of the anger banks means that what previously occurred by omission and deafness is presently taking on the dangerous form of insulting and stigmatizing those who think differently. The author concludes that what is needed today, by all sides of the conflict, is a lesson in self-respect and respect for one’s opponents, the reconstruction of social relations within the community, and learning how to listen to and respect the opinion of adversaries.

What Makes a Reliable Ally? Strategic Culture Matters

Questions of fairness and free-riding continue to plague the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as it seeks to achieve its three core objectives of collective defense, crisis management, and cooperative security in an evolving geopolitical environment. While every NATO head of state pledged to spend 2% of national gross domestic product (GDP) on defense within a decade at the Wales Summit in 2014, the precise connection between defense inputs, intermediate outputs, and desired alliance outcomes remains elusive to scholars and policymakers. My research will focus on factors that may predict allies’ propensity to participate in alliance operations, a tangible outcome of intra-alliance burden sharing. Using logistic regression modeling, I will explore the correlation between “Atlanticism”—the preference for the United States to have a central role in European security—and participation in alliance operations. I anticipate that a state’s Atlanticism will positively correlate to decisions to deploy in support of the alliance. I will also test sub-hypotheses that Atlanticism matters most as risk increases for particularly risky types of missions: those that entail primarily combat, and those that involve substantial numbers of ground troops. My findings will add to a growing body of literature that considers alternative burden sharing measures beyond the “2% pledge”, and may help alliance leaders to anticipate which allies are more likely to provide tangible support to declared alliance operations in the future.

Comparing Cybersecurity in NATO and CSTO: Legal and Political Aspects

We compare cybersecurity policies of two international organizations, NATO and Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). The countries of these organizations have a common cultural and historical basis. Given the principles of collective defense and collective security, both organizations strive to protect and integrate their traditionally own historical space. Both organizations move through the military cooperation to create a political union. Both organizations have a leader country. As cases for comparison, we choose organizations consisting of countries with completely different political regimes and, accordingly, different approaches to cybersecurity. In accordance with the Index of Democracy, most of the CSTO countries are states with a transitional regime, while NATO countries belong to democracies or countries with imperfect democracy. The countries have very specific legislation regulating the cyberspace. We use two levels (legal and practical) to analyze cyber strategies, institutions and experience (policies) of two organizations. We analyze the priorities mentioned in cyber strategies as well as terms, goals, and bodies in charge. First of all, we provide deep and comprehensive literature review on cybersecurity. The latter is performed on the following aspects of international cybersecurity: theoretical, legal, activities of international organizations, as well as NATO and CSTO positions on these issues. At the same time the study would be incomplete without understanding of implementation of the cybersecurity strategies. One of the ways to evaluate cyberpolicy effectiveness is based on comparison of countries’ positions in global rankings (e.g. ITU Global Cybersecurity Index). In addition the research considers official statistics data, experts’ surveys, public opinion polls and media publications.

CURRENT ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARMED FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA AND THE ROLE OF THE DEFENSE ACQUISITIONS IN THE PROCESS OF THEIR REALIZATION

Changes in the modern security environment, along with the emergence of non-traditional risks and threats, pose new and unexpected challenges to national security. Its direct impact is on the unstable situation in the Western Balkan countries, the Black Sea region, and the crisis in Ukraine, the Middle East and North Africa. The counteraction of the "hybrid" warfare model, combining conventional means with unconventional methods, requires the search for multilateral approaches to addressing security and defense challenges. The Republic of Bulgaria builds its defense policy within the framework of NATO's collective defense and the Common Security and Defense Policy of the European Union. In this sense, the Armed Forces capability objectives are an essential tool for fulfilling the tasks of protecting national interests, implementing allied engagements and contributing to national security in peacetime. They are used in accordance with the established order of the Constitution, the laws of the country and the observance of international law. The National Defense Strategy defines the following missions for the Air Defense, Support for International Peace and Security and Contribution to National Security in Peacetime. In order to find an acceptable balance between the available resources and the development of the necessary capabilities to implement the missions and tasks of the Armed Forces, taking into account the changes in the strategic security environment and the medium-term priorities for acquiring new capabilities and upgrading the Armed Forces, we conduct a review of the defense capabilities.

A TUTELA PROCESSUAL COLETIVA DO CONSUMIDOR A PARTIR DA ATUAÇÃO CONCERTADA DOS LEGITIMADOS ATIVOS

O presente artigo, através do método dedutivo e de pesquisa teórica de natureza bibliográfica, objetiva apresentar as virtudes da legitimação extraordinária para a defesa processual coletiva do consumidor, indicando eventuais obstáculos na ocupação desse relevante espaço político de deliberação qualificada, bem como será apresentado o contexto atual de algumas garantias processuais adjacentes da jurisdição civil coletiva, como a isenção de custas e a inversão do ônus da prova. Como problema, é indagado se a instrumentalização transindividual seria a melhor opção para a correção dos mais diferentes desvios de comportamento dos agentes econômicos do mercado numa sociedade hipervulnerável pela globalização do assédio de consumo, este caracterizado pelos métodos comerciais coercitivos, técnicas predatórias de contratação em massa, bem como pelas armadilhas do ambiente digital. Conclui-se que a instrumentalização coletiva dos interesses do consumidor, pela articulação concertada dos legitimados ativos, exerceria uma força contra majoritária em relação aos detentores dos meios de produção, que seriam compelidos a mudanças substanciais nos padrões de qualidade e segurança dos bens de consumo, algo que a atuação acidental do consumidor pela via individual jamais conseguirá.

Lithuania’s Balancing Act

Abstract Since regaining independence in 1990 and creating its regular armed forces, Lithuania has had to do a balancing act. It has had to balance between different approaches of state defence, military structure, collective and national defence. Due to events in Ukraine Lithuania had to reconfigure this balance. The Russian threat forced to emphasize strategy of territorial defence, which altogether required tying up forces and enlarging its numbers by bringing back conscription, substantially increased defence budget, followed by higher tempo and scale in procurement and training. However, Lithuania has managed to maintain its activity and participation in international military operations and political initiatives. Its recent contributions have led to an assumption that its participation in various military missions in the future will not diminish, quite the opposite. Increasing the framework of cooperation in terms of defence and security initiatives will involve Lithuania more deeply and will require further contributions.

Deterrence Dilemma in Latvia and Estonia: Finding the Balance between External Military Solidarity and Territorial Defence

Abstract While potential threats from Russia and NATO collective defence commitments are similar for Latvia and Estonia, both countries have adopted different approaches in the balancing exercise between territorial defence and military solidarity. Notwithstanding their differences, both are by their nature fully non-aggressive – without room for pre-emptive initiatives, extra territoriality or asymmetrical tools. Given that in a case of a hypothetical large-scale conventional attack both countries would almost entirely have to rest on the allies, external military solidarity is essential. Until the Ukraine crisis, both offered more military solidarity towards their NATO allies than the latter offered to them. As the result of the Ukrainian crisis, allies became more military-solidary with the Baltic nations, especially having established the Enhanced Forward Presence, while Estonian and especially Latvian contributions to international missions and operations dropped. Therefore, it is suggested that both countries increase their efforts to the allied international endeavours.

NATO’s ‘Out of Area’ Operations: A Two- Track Approach. The Normative Side of a Military Alliance

AbstractEven though many would have bet on NATO’s demise after the Cold War and consider it now to be an archaic, antiquated alliance - as the reality that led to its formation no longer exists to justify its purpose - the need for collective defence in an increasingly complicated security environment stands as grounds for its ever-growing importance and its need to adapt to a spectrum of challenges that is becoming more diversified. NATO has long surpassed its military defensive role and has adapted to new challenges and new threats, while it has broadened its security agenda accordingly. The ‘out of area’ missions that dragged the Alliance out of its borders brought more meaning to the community of shared values, whilst allowing it to become both a security exporter, and a values and norms exporter. The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan comprises NATO’s transformation and adaptation to the new security challenges and its diffusion of norms in the ‘near abroad’.

Male cooperation for breeding opportunities contributes to the evolution of multilevel societies.

A small number of primate species including snub-nosed monkeys (colobines), geladas (papionins) and humans live in multilevel societies (MLSs), in which multiple one-male polygamous units (OMUs) coexist to form a band, and non-breeding males associate in bachelor groups. Phylogenetic reconstructions indicate that the papionin MLS appears to have evolved through internal fissioning of large mixed-sex groups, whereas the colobine MLS evolved through the aggregation of small, isolated OMUs. However, how agonistic males maintain tolerance under intensive competition over limited breeding opportunities remains unclear. Using a combination of behavioural analysis, satellite telemetry and genetic data, we quantified the social network of males in a bachelor group of golden snub-nosed monkeys. The results show a strong effect of kinship on social bonds among bachelors. Their interactions ranged from cooperation to agonism, and were regulated by access to mating partners. We suggest that an ‘arms race’ between breeding males' collective defence against usurpation attempts by bachelor males and bachelor males' aggregative offence to obtain reproductive opportunities has selected for larger group size on both sides. The results provide insight into the role that kin selection plays in shaping inter-male cohesion which facilities the evolution of multilevel societies. These findings have implications for understanding human social evolution, as male–male bonds are a hallmark of small- and large-scale human societies.