Collapse Of Democracy Research Articles

Kondisi Demokrasi Indonesia Antara Harapan dan Kekhawatiran Pasca Pemilu 2024

Indonesia's democracy has been at the center of intense debate in recent years, with many parties criticizing its increasingly fragile and threatened state. This article aims to analyze why Indonesian democracy is considered destroyed by some parties. First, the analysis begins by examining the decline in the quality of democracy which is reflected in the classification of Indonesian democracy in the implementation of its government. Data showing a decline in civil liberties, suppression of freedom of expression, and abuse of power by those in power that threaten democratic principles. Internal and external factors that contributed to the collapse of democracy in Indonesia. Among the internal factors are abuse of power, corruption, and the inability of institutions to provide adequate protection for citizens' rights. Meanwhile, external factors include geopolitical pressures and the influence of globalization on domestic politics. Such as political polarization that triggers conflict, lack of active participation from civil society, and lack of consolidation of democratic institutions.

Strengthening the State Influence on Political Parties: Forced Protection or Collapse of Democracy?

Strengthening the State Influence on Political Parties: Forced Protection or Collapse of Democracy?

ПОСТПРАВДА: ЗАГРОЗА ДЕМОКРАТІЇ ТА СПРИЯННЯ ІДЕОЛОГІЇ

The new era of human existence brings a new challenges. Today, humanity has the Internet. It is a tool that not only improves, but also poses a great threat to the existing world order. The rapid spread of information is both an advantage (as it helps to instantly share breaking news to the world) and a danger (as it can spread misinformation just as quickly). It is possible to say that people have lied throughout their history, but it is the widespread and instantaneous distribution of false and manipulative information that has become a feature of our time. The situation that arose was not typical for all previous eras, and researchers quickly gave it the name "post-truth". This term was quickly picked up and began to spread both in academic circles and in the mass media. Post-truth is a situation in which the appeal to emotions has more weight than the reasoned operation of facts, which appeals to reason. And in this case, it is a suitable environment for the spread of fakes, manipulations and propaganda. It also creates favorable conditions for the spread of ideology. On the one hand, it divides society, because now everyone has "his own truth", his own information bubble, and, therefore, common meanings, orientations and, ultimately, common sense disappear. This poses a direct threat to the existence of democratic regimes, because it undermines its fundamental foundations. On the other hand, it is this individualization that turns people into masses (in term of H. Arendt), which can be easily manipulated and implanted in them with ideologically correct thoughts and beliefs. In addition, people no longer need to prove something based on real facts and well-argued statements. It is enough to create an emotionally pleasant picture in their imagination, in which they themselves want to believe. Thus, language, which no longer needs any connection with reality, but closes in on itself, becomes the key means of achieving its selfish goal. In such a case, it is important to find out exactly how, in the post-truth situation, precisely thanks to language manipulation, humanity again became close to the collapse of democracy and the establishment or strengthening of existing totalitarian regimes.

The Collapse of Democracy in Chile

The study of the de-democratization occurring in emerging democracies is one of the key research topics in comparative political science. Some scholars have found that the breakdown of democracy is related to some social structural factors. For example, the inequality of economic development, the degree of political fragmentation of the electorate, and the political institutional arrangements of democracies. Other scholars argue that the collapse of democracy is the result of the actions and choices of political elites. In order to preserve their wealth and status, political elites formed powerful coalitions to undermine democracies, which led to the reversal of democracy into authoritarian regime. Yet there is no single explanation for Chile's democratic collapse. Therefore, this study reviews the literature on the theory of democratic collapse, and analyzes the causes of the democratic collapse in Chile by combining the economic and social conditions of Chile in 1973. The research finds that Chile's democratic collapse is the result of a combination of elite revolt behavior and centrifugal political institutional arrangements. The intense class conflict violates the interests of the political elite and causes the political elite to rebel. At the same time, the centrifugal arrangement of the political system has left the state and the government lacking the ability to effectively counter the revolt behavior of the political elite.

Investigating the causes of the downfall of democracy in Afghanistan from 2001 up to 2021

Democracy in a country always fall due to internal and external factors. The collapse of Democracy not only brings political instability in a country, but it can negative impacts of the countries that have Democracy system. In developing countries, external and internal problems cause Democracy to fall. Afghanistan's geopolitics place is very important for superpowers, these powers have tried to control political power in Afghanistan directly and indirectly. For this reason, this country has always been dependent on the superpowers of the world, such as England in the 18th and 19th centuries, the Soviet Union in the 20th century, and America in the 21st century, it has been the external factors that caused political instability in Afghanistan, internal factors such as ethnic and language discrimination, economic dependence, weaken the political system causes Democracy to fall in Afghanistan.

Lucky Breaks by Yevgenia Belorusets

Reviewed by: Lucky Breaks by Yevgenia Belorusets Ali Kinsella Yevgenia Belorusets Lucky Breaks Trans. Eugene Ostashevsky. New York. New Directions. 2022. 112 pages. LUCKY BREAKS, by Yevgenia Belorusets, is an experimental approach to the novel that neither follows a traditional story arc nor adheres to strict notions of fiction or non. Comprising thirty vignettes, the book offers glimpses of Ukraine following the 2014 Russian invasion through the lives of ordinary women whose lives have been upset by displacement, death, and loss. Individually no one story serves as a synecdoche for life in contemporary Ukraine, but collectively they offer a polyphonic portrait of a resilient society under siege. Belorusets mostly works as a photographer, which is reflected in her storytelling—momentary glimpses wrapped in imagined histories. Despite its short one hundred pages, the slim volume (printed in an unusually small typeface) is a bit of a slog. The intense brutality of war, which cuts people off from their pasts and futures, operates on the page as well. Belorusets's fractured ultrapresent may well reflect the reality of life in a prolonged, stagnant war. As a novel, however, it fails to provide the cohesion and momentum that pull a reader from one existential disappointment to the next flash of mundane happiness. Perhaps it is better to think of it as a collection of prose poetry, which might also be how translator (and poet) Eugene Ostashevsky sees it. If it is dipped into sporadically, rather than read straight through, each story imprints on the imagination without getting lost in the litany of despair. Fortuitously timed for its publisher, Lucky Breaks offers us an opportunity to reflect on the politics of publishing. Belorusets writes in Russian and has here a Russian-born translator. Neither of these facts is inherently objectionable. Today, however, when the literary world has taken a sudden, intense interest in words coming out of Ukraine, there is a severe dearth of Ukrainian material available in English. Most books on top 10 lists about Ukraine are not written by Ukrainians. The prizewinning I Will Die in a Foreign Land was not written by a Ukrainian. As a translator of Ukrainian myself, I know there are books and articles and essays that deserve a wide, English-speaking readership, yet the link between Ukrainian pen and American press is mostly missing. At a time when Ukrainian culture and language are enduring their most intense attack since the early twentieth century, what does it mean for we anglophones to persist in approaching the country via a colonial power? If nothing else, why are we not more curious about the power of this language that the Russian Empire has fought to suppress, to the brink of self-destruction and the collapse of democracy? (Editor's note: To read Michael M. Naydan's recent recommended reading list of more than forty works by Ukrainian writers translated into English, visit worldlit.org.) Ali Kinsella Chicago Copyright © 2022 World Literature Today and the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma

Crowdsourcing dictatorship in Thailand

What explains popular support for military dictatorship? Existing literature on democratic breakdowns focuses on addressing support for democratic collapse but not subsequent authoritarian regime. This article explores pro-dictatorship sentiment before and during the military dictatorship in Thailand. It uses social media data to analyze support for the antidemocratic mobilization of the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the subsequent military dictatorship, which lasted from 2014 to 2019. It argues that support for military dictatorship prior to and after regime installment was qualitatively different both in sentiment and type of support. Prior to the coup, pro-dictatorship support was unified by antigovernment sentiment, while following the coup pro-regime support was contingent upon policy preferences of different groups. These findings fill a gap in the literature on regime change, which tends to be focused on explaining support for democratic collapse and remains silent on this support in its aftermath. This study may present the first-ever evidence of pro-dictatorship support following a collapse of democracy.

World Social Work Day, 15 March 2022

We live in a bizarre world that is constantly changing. While thousands fall into a country demarcated below poverty lines, the world's top ten wealthiest men appeared to have more than doubled their fortunes during the epidemic. 'Davos Man: How the Billionaires Destroyed the World,' a book written by New York Times reporter Peter Goodman, explored how the ultra-rich are responsible for things like climate change, violence, and the collapse of democracy. Social workers seem to go along with fixing the society and reach the last impoverished man on the planet, unmindful of what appears to happen to resources. The following is a report on the topics that were discussed at a meeting of social workers from around the world on 15 March 2022, which the Brisbane Institute of Strengths-Based Practice organised. Journal Space and Culture, India was also a part of this endeavour. There were nearly one hundred social workers attending the conference and a few thousand through other social media outlets.

Youssef, COHEN, Radicals, Reformers and Reactionaries: The Prisoner’s Dilemma and the Collapse of Democracy in Latin America, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994.

Youssef, COHEN, Radicals, Reformers and Reactionaries: The Prisoner’s Dilemma and the Collapse of Democracy in Latin America, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994.

How Far Can Populist Governments Go? The Impact of the Populist Government on the Hungarian Parliament

Abstract The article poses the following research questions: to what extent has the populist executive in Hungary affected formal and informal parliamentary powers? To what extent has the relation between the executive and the legislative changed over the three legislative periods of populist government? This article examines change in formal powers but also in the informal practices concerning parliament’s legislative and scrutiny functions. Regarding the time frame, the empirical analysis compares the period when Fidesz was in opposition (2006–2010), with the period when Fidesz has been in government (2010–2020). The article establishes that during 2010–2020, the legislative suffered profound disempowerment that has been attributed to three factors: systemic collapse of democracy in Hungary, weakening formal powers of the legislature and the autocratic features of the Fidesz party. Moreover, the article demonstrates that executive–legislative relations have been dynamic between 2010 and 2020 and concern different formal and informal practices.

Turkey's Democratic Erosion: On Backsliding and the Constitution

Turkey's Democratic Erosion:On Backsliding and the Constitution Bertil Emrah Oder (bio) INTRODUCTION In March of 2021, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan introduced an action plan on human rights in Turkey. His opening speech included a quote from Malcolm X: "I am for truth, no matter who tells it. I am for justice, no matter who it is for or against" (Erdoğan 2021). Emphasizing the rule of law and human rights throughout his speech, he reiterated his goal of drafting and ratifying a new constitution to mark the Republic's centenary in 2023. The constitutional call coincided with developments perpetuating Turkey's constitutional backsliding, including its move to ban the third largest political party, the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP), and its withdrawal from the Council of Europe's Istanbul Convention on the prevention of violence against women and domestic violence (Official Gazette 2021). As of April 5, 2021, 92 journalists were under arrest, giving Turkey the highest score in terms of threats to journalists in the Council of Europe countries (Council of Europe, www.coe.int/en/web/media-freedom, accessed April 8, 2021). Canan Kaftancıoğlu, one of the leading politicians of the main opposition CHP (the Republican People's Party) in Istanbul, was charged with a series of crimes because of her tweets between 2012 and 2017. Her charges include defamation, inciting public hatred and violence, and insulting the president. The parliamentary immunity of a deputy of the pro-Kurdish opposition HDP, Ömer Gergerlioğlu, was removed [End Page 473] (CoE Parliamentary Assembly 2021), and he was convicted of dissemination of terrorist propaganda by sharing on social media news that had been published by a media outlet. Yet, despite the government's continued and increased actions to undermine democracy in the country, its representatives assert that Turkey needs a new and civilian constitution for the people. Criticizing the constitution-making under military interventions in Turkey, Erdoğan stated, "The new constitution's text, which will emerge with the widest possible consensus, will be submitted for the nation's approval" (Hürriyet 2021a). Shortly after Erdoğan's announcement of the action plan on human rights and his call for a new constitution, the Democracy Report 2021 of the V-Dem Institute placed Turkey on a list of the top 10 autocratic countries and in third place for democratic decline, behind Poland and Hungary, based on recent scores in the Liberal Democracy Index and Electoral Democracy Index (Alizada et. al. 2021, 11, 19). The country had moved towards the consolidation of liberal democracy after 2001 by using deliberative constitutionalism and Europeanization policies in line with the EU accession process. However, since 2014, Turkey has found itself in the bottom 20 percent in the global rankings on the Liberal Democracy Index and has lost its status as an electoral democracy. At present, Turkey's regime type falls within an intermediate category of competitive nondemocracy, i.e., an electoral autocracy (Levitsky and Way 2010, 14–16), as the opposition can still contest governmental issues or rulings using democratic institutions (Alizada et. al. 2021, 19). Under the current circumstances, it is a nondemocracy with multiparty elections, wherein electoral integrity has been secured, mainly by vigilant civic oversight, as observed in Istanbul's mayoral rerun election in 2019. Ekrem İmamoğlu, the main opposition's candidate, won the election in a landslide victory, which was a heavy loss for Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) after its 25-year rule in Turkey's largest city. Turkey's current democratic erosion towards autocracy occurred under the AKP's nearly two-decades-long governmental rule. In contrast with the rapid and complete collapse of democracy by military [End Page 474] interventions in 1960 and 1980, this represents a slow degradation. It demonstrates serious backsliding in multiple areas, including curbs on freedom of expression, the shrinkage of the civic space, a dysfunctional and subservient judiciary, and systemic cronyism. Ironically, the AKP government, led by Erdoğan from 2003 to 2010, oversaw a wave of democratization in Turkey. The AKP came to power by receiving 34.8 percent of the vote in 2002. Prior to the 2002 election, the consensual...

The role of collective narcissism in populist attitudes and the collapse of democracy in Hungary

What are the psychological processes responsible for the recent spread of populist political systems and movements? All political systems essentially reflect the mental representations of their populations, and collective narcissism has recently emerged as a contributing factor in the rise of populism. This article presents two studies examining the role of collective narcissism in predicting populist attitudes and voting intentions in Hungary. Hungary offers a particularly important case study of state-sponsored populism and illiberalism in Europe, as this country has gone furthest in undermining democratic principles and practices within the EU. To establish the pervasive role of collective narcissism we first review the historical evidence, survey research, and narrative analyses of Hungarian political representations. We then present two empirical studies where we predicted and found that collective narcissism was a significant predictor of negative attitudes toward the EU (Study 1), conservatism, and support for the ruling populist party (Studies 1 and 2). Collective narcissism predicted these variables independently from other factors, such as in-group positivity or perceived relative deprivation. However, once conservatism was controlled for the effects of collective narcissism faded out in some cases. The results nevertheless indicate that collective narcissism plays important role in promoting populist politics. The implications of these findings for understanding the psychological appeal of populism and illiberalism are discussed.

Democratic backsliding as a threat of a return to authoritarianism

The article considers the problems of threats to the collapse of democracy, when the components of democracy are at risk. Examples of the collapse of democracy have shown the lack of free and fair elections, which threatens the independence of the judiciary, the restriction of the right to freedom of speech, and the political opposition’s ability to challenge the government, prosecute and offer alternatives to the regime. The government poses a threat to national security in order to create a „sense of crisis” that allows the government to „denigrate critics as pro-government or unpatriotic” and portray defenders of democratic institutions as „representatives of a tired, isolated elite”. With this in mind, the purpose of the study was determined – to systematize the factors of the collapse of democracy. In order to achieve this goal, the criteria of approaches to the analysis of the problems of coagulation of democracy were analyzed and systematized. As a result, the factors of the collapse of democracy include: the weakening of political institutions, violations of individual rights and freedom of thought, which call into question the efficiency and stability of democratic systems. It is established that the problematic aspects are the level of inequality, differences in identity; democratization through bottom-up peaceful protests has led to a higher level of democracy and democratic stability than democratization caused by elites; constitutions resulting from pluralism (reflecting different segments of society) are more likely to promote liberal democracy (at least in the short term); that the threat of civil conflict encourages regimes to make democratic concessions; development in a democratic direction requires collective security; the process of democratization can occur by chance, as it depends on unique characteristics and circumstances; correlation of democratization with democratization of knowledge as the spread of the ability to create and legitimize knowledge among citizens, in contrast to knowledge under the control of elite groups; correlation with the effect of democratization of design. Key words : democracy, democratic backsliding, political regime, democratization, political crisis.

Democracy Backsliding as a Danger of Sustainable Development in the Post-Pandemic Period: Social and Legal aspects of Decision

The article considers topical issues of the threat of collapse of democracy. Examples of the democracy collapse have shown the lack of free and fair elections in the world, which threatens the independence of the judiciary, restrictions on the right to freedom of speech, which limits the ability of the political opposition to challenge the government, to prosecute, to offer alternatives to the regime. The collapse of democracy in connection with the spread of COVID-19 is being considered, as the democratic spectrum has repeatedly resorted to excessive control, discriminatory restrictions on freedoms such as movement and assembly, and arbitrary or coercive coercion. Attention is drawn to the fact that the outbreak of coronavirus COVID-19 has led to the introduction in all countries of restrictions on the rights and freedoms of the individual in order to prevent the spread of this infectious disease, declared a global pandemic by the World Health Organization. Thus, the unusual nature of the COVID - 19 coronavirus pandemic poses numerous dilemmas to the public, governments, parliaments, the judiciary, law enforcement and many other actors when it comes to the need for effective protection of health and, ultimately, human life, as well as adherence to and ensuring the fundamental democratic principles of man and society.

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ АВТОРИТАРНОЇ ДЕМОКРАТИЗАЦІЇ В УМОВАХ ГЛОБАЛІЗАЦІЇ

Authoritarian regimes become more prone to democratization when faced with little choice or risk. In some cases, the risk of democratization for authoritarian factors is so low that ending authoritarianism may not mean leaving power at all. This article develops a single theory of authoritarian democratization in a relatively low risk environment. The power of the authoritarian factor is the most important factor of democratization under the leadership of authoritarianism. When the strength of the current party was significant enough to give incumbent authoritarian politicians considerable confidence in winning the election, ndemocratic regimes conducted reverse democratic experiments that eventually culminated in a stable, prosperous democracy. Evidence of the first wave of democratization in Europe, the democratic transitions in Asia and Africa, illustrates how the party force reinforced democratization led by authoritarianism. As a result, the factors of the collapse of democracy include: the weakening of political institutions, violations of individual rights and freedom of thought, which call into question the efficiency and stability of democratic systems. It is established that the problematic aspects are the level of inequality, differences in identity; democratization through bottom-up peaceful protests has led to a higher level of democracy and democratic stability than democratization caused by elites; constitutions resulting from pluralism (reflecting different segments of society) are more likely to promote liberal democracy.

ПРОБЛЕМАТИКА ДЕМОКРАТИЗАЦІЇ У КОНТЕКСТІ ФОРМУВАННЯ НОВОГО СВІТОВОГО ПОРЯДКУ

Проаналізовано та узагальнено теоретико-методологічних підходів тлумачення та аналізу світового порядку. Розглянуто ключові питання впливу демократизаційних процесів на формування нового світового порядку. Визначено, що суть нового світового порядку полягає в побудові єдиного, взаємопов’язаного і глобального світу, відмову від верховенства національних держав і пріоритеті загальнолюдських інтересів. Обґрунтовано, що для вирішення проблем демократизації в умовах нового світового порядку, необхідно реалізувати наступні принципи: це неодмінна орієнтація західних демократій на власні фундаментальні цінності: свободу, права людини, толерантність, демократію, верховенство права і соціальну ринкову економіку; це визнання необхідності і повагу міжнародного порядку, заснованого на спільних цінностях, на праві, злагоді, співробітництво та участі в управлінні, можливість політичного, економічного, соціального і культурного залучення до будівництва глобалізованого світу; це політична рішучість і військова здатність відобразити нові загрози. Обидва цих компонента необхідні для надійного знищення тоталітарних мереж і антигуманістичних ідеологій.

The referendum as an institution in the Black Sea Region: Does it signal the rise or collapse of democracy?

Views on the institution of direct democracy have changed during the period of democratic transition. The various advantages and positive effects of direct democracy have been confirmed by the practice of some democratic countries. Its educational and political activation value for society was also noted, without which civil society cannot form. The referendum is especially treated as the purest form of correlation between the views of society and the decisions of its representatives. In a situation where two representative bodies are present – the parliament and the president – a referendum is considered a means of resolving disputes between them in important state affairs. The referendum is nowadays becoming more than just a binding or consultative opinion on a legislative act, especially a constitution. First and foremost, it is important to see the extension of the type and scope of issues that are subject to direct voting. Apart from the traditional, i.e., constitutional changes, polarising issues that raise considerable emotion have become the subject of referenda. Problems of this type include, in particular, moral issues, membership in international organisations, and so-called ‘New Policy’. This article presents the role and importance of the referendum as an institution shaping the democratic systems of the Black Sea Region.

The other Europe? Scandinavian intellectuals and the fragility of democracy in the wake of World War II

It is often argued that the Scandinavian post-war period was marked by a democratic optimism that contrasts with the deep concerns for the inherent dangers of popular sovereignty and the thorough moral reconsideration that took place on the European continent in the wake of World War II. This article seeks to balance this view by exploring what Scandinavian intellectuals believed had caused the collapse of democracy in Europe in the 1930s and what they saw as the main threats to democracy in the emerging post-war societies. Focusing on the fears of socialist planning, concerns about the position of individual rights and freedoms in modern societies, and the anxieties concerning the secular total state, the article suggests that the Scandinavian post-war democratic settlement was indeed built around a different set of ideas from those evident in many other places in Europe, but that it was no less informed by recent historical experiences or concerns for the fragility of democracy.

The Collapse of Democracy: The Flint Water Crisis from a Human Rights Perspective

This article begins by tracing the chronology of the violations that precipitated and enabled the water crisis in Flint, Michigan and then discusses human rights and other international laws that were violated in this crisis.

One Constitution and Million Aspirations: A Story of Heterogeneous Patterns of Progress in India

Is there a growth model that is possible when 16 agro-climatic regions accommodate people speaking more than two dozen languages and believe in more than twenty religions? Answer to this question is the secret behind the model of development in India. Typically political scientists believed that poverty and diversity in polity would lead to collapse of democracy (Varshney 1998). However, Indian history has proved this wrong. The Constitution of India that provided a framework for co-existence is to be credited for making this happen. A three-tier governance structure (central, state, local), which allowed dynamic democratic participation (in each level elections held in every five years with an average of voter turn out of 50% and above) and economic progress became the backbone for a heterogeneous growth pattern. As the very term ‘heterogeneous’ indicates, across India, there is no single pattern. But, there is an underlying message behind these different growth models. The lynchpin in this underlying message is how economic model of autonomy successfully worked with democratic ethnic. This paper aims to elaborate on these underlying principles.