Coalition Strategies Research Articles

EVs meet health: A complex-systems policy integration approach for electric vehicle adoption and its impact on respiratory and cardiovascular disease

The transition from gasoline-combustion to zero-emission vehicles represents one of the most ambitious public and private enterprises around the globe to mitigate air pollution and its subsequent effects on climate change. The present study uses the rapid transition in the state of California to analyze the connections between the increasing utilization of electric vehicles (EVs) and two critical health outcomes: Asthma and acute myocardial infarction (AMI) emergency department (ED) visits. We fit simultaneous quantile and interquartile-range regression models to health and sociodemographic data from the California Office of Health and Hazard Assessment and electric vehicles registration data, 2011–2017. Results show that changes in EV utilization, from 2011 to 2013 to 2015–2017, have larger and more favorable effects as asthma and AMI deteriorate across zip codes. Looking at zip codes located at the 75th and 25th percentiles of the change in the asthma- and AMI-related ED visits distribution, a 5-percentage points change in the EV-to-gasoline combustion utilization ratio is associated with a 25-percentage points (p<.01) and 12.5-percentage points (p<.01) decline in asthma- and AMI-related ED visits, respectively. Our findings also suggest that, should the U.S. meet the goals of Executive Order N-79-20 by 2035, we could observe about 37,000 fewer asthma-related ED visits (95% CI: 16,154–59,280) per year, with an overall possible annual savings of about $65.5 million dollars (95% CI: $29.1M – $106.7M), and a possible decline of about 19,292 AMI-related hospitalizations, with possible annual savings of about $425 million dollars (95% CI: $365M – $509M). Our findings are optimistic in that spillover effects from increasing EV utilization can reduce healthcare costs while improving population health. Research should point toward the development of public-private coalitional strategies to effectively bridge usually disparate sectors of the economy and policy-making like energy and health.

Involving lead users in firm’s standardization strategy within action groups: evidence from smart robotics

PurposeThis research explores how firms manage the complex technologies standardization in action groups. It considers the strategic issues that technology producers face when involving lead users in architecture design. Drawing on the multi-mode standardization literature, this study addresses two dilemmas regarding value creation and appropriation by technology producers within coalitions. The first dilemma is how to create value by developing solutions in compliance with industry standards. The second one is how to appropriate value while ensuring the technology sharing with action groups. The answers to these two dilemmas contribute to filling the research gap on value creation and appropriation in multi-mode standardization.Design/methodology/approachThe research focuses on technology producers participating in action groups where lead users play a crucial role. We conducted a qualitative analysis based on the standardization experience of a Japanese company specializing in smart robotics. Data are collected through semi-structured interviews with key actors. Action groups are defined operationally as a set of stakeholders including competitors of the technology producers, component suppliers, end users, services providers, research centers and academia. The case study is suitable for highlighting specific aspects of the standardization process during its manifestation. It reveals how firms create and appropriate value, providing details about its standardization strategy.FindingsOur findings show that smart robotics standardization is drivn by collaborative models, where the two dilemmas of value creation and appropriation are evident. Firstly, the case revealed that standardization is lead users oriented. Secondly, lead users’ involvement is crucial to customize technologies. Thirdly, the firm’s position is to share a part of the value with the members. The IPR policy is a matter of interest within action groups, since the collaboration is based on open innovation models to share patents and licenses related knowledge.Research limitations/implicationsThis research has some limitations attributable to the limited generalizability of the results due to the qualitative analysis. In addition, this study considers the perspective of technology producers, but should also take into account the perspective of both collective actions itself and the lead users. Findings have some implications in the strategy negotiation. Participating in action groups is not enough to ensure a competitive advantage. Involving lead users is of strategic importance to acquire a competitive advantage. Lead users contribute to the producers’ technology design, helping firms to differentiate solutions from the industry standard and create value from customized technologies.Practical implicationsThis study helps practitioners understand the competitive side of collective actions, clarifying the value capture and appropriability in standardization. The research provides insights to policymakers and standard development organizations committees when they are called to harmonize standards considering the fallouts on the sector’s competitiveness. Findings suggest appropriate property rights policies to manage the issues related to the value appropriability and technology sharing, recognizing action groups members for their contribution in value creation.Originality/valueThis study shows how firms deal within action groups with the two dilemmas of variety versus technology conformity and property rights versus technology sharing. It fills the research gap in collective actions, emphasizing the perspective of the individual firm in the group rather than the coalition strategy itself. This topic highlights the crucial role of lead users within action groups in managing the two dilemmas, offering a new perspective for understanding critical issues of multi-mode standardization. Reflecting on mechanisms and tools to manage the two dilemmas allows firms to protect their competitive advantage in coalitions.

Climate Youth to Power: Coalition Strategy as Social Movement Response to Youth Power Deficits

Climate Youth to Power: Coalition Strategy as Social Movement Response to Youth Power Deficits

Max Weber meets Silvio Berlusconi’s charismatic parties. The history of a spectacular failure

ABSTRACT Silvio Berlusconi emerged as a central figure in Italian politics following the collapse of the mass-based party system in the early 1990s. As a political leader, he introduced significant innovations in various fields of politics: new campaign methods; a unique leadership style and language; novel coalition strategies, and fresh ideological content. This article focuses on one key innovation: the creation of a genuinely new political party with an original organizational model. Despite the electoral success of Silvio Berlusconi’s political parties (Forza Italia and later Popolo della Libertà), there has been little theoretical and especially empirical work devoted to studying them. This paper aims to fill that gap by examining the entire trajectory of Forza Italia from its inception to the present, highlighting its quintessentially charismatic nature in Weberian terms. The first section of the article discusses how scholars have variously perceived Forza Italia – as a personalized/charismatic party, a catch-all party, a franchise party, or a business-firm party. The article then considers the factors that have hindered its institutionalization. In the final section, the paper critically analyses the legacy of Berlusconi’s parties for the stability of the Italian party system and, more broadly, for the quality of democracy in Italy.

Free Milieus, Creative People: An Investigation of Creative City Policy in Istanbul from the Perspective of Governmentality

This paper analyzes the creative city policy for Istanbul, which has recently become a popular throughout the world. Cities are expected to be creative milieus that foster free circulation of people, ideas, and interactions for economic growth, global competitiveness, and social development. Drawing on Foucault and governmentality studies, this paper first argues that the creative city policy is a neoliberal political rationality that seeks to stimulate individuals' creative capacities through structuring urban space. Neoliberalism includes the de-governmentalization of state and the active participation of non-state actors in the governing processes. Second, using examples from street gentrification, industrial heritage re-functioning, and co-working spaces in Istanbul, this paper dissects how creativity, freedom, and economic growth intersect in urban space and how a broad coalition of political parties, state agencies, local authorities, non-governmental organizations, small-scale cultural entrepreneurs, and creative professionals have been formed around the creative city. As a result, creative city policy is a form of governmentality that includes official documents as well as spatial strategies of a heterogeneous coalition of state and non-state actors.

The (new) Democratic Party: ideology, values and strategies of sympathizers, members and delegates

ABSTRACT The PD has always been a composite and complex party, where different and sometimes opposing political cultures converge. The 2023 primary elections overturned the predictions by handing over the party leadership to Elly Schlein, interpreted by many as the beginning of a renewal process. However, it is precisely the logic of open primaries that brings into play different actors, bearers of values and strategies that are not always congruent. Will the PD be able to build a more homogeneous political culture and a coalition capable of facing the centre-right in the upcoming internal challenges? Does the change in the PD’s internal balances complicate or facilitate the formation of a competitive political offer? To answer these questions, we will investigate the differences between members, sympathisers and delegates to the National Assembly according to three analytical dimensions - self-placement on the left-right axis, value positioning with respect to some relevant issues, and the party’s coalitional perspectives - on the basis of the data collected during the 26 February 2023 primaries and in the context of the National Assembly on 12 March. First, we will deal with the process of selecting the PD leadership, discussing the rules of competition, the specificities of the two main candidates, and reconstructing the results obtained at the regional level during the phase of the democratic militants’ vote and that of the open primaries. The analysis of the data will provide us with solid elements on which we can then offer an overall discussion of the main results that emerged to understand, in terms of ideological orientations, values, and expectations on the party’s coalitional strategies, whether and to what extent Schlein’s election might be the prelude to an internal renewal or whether it might prefigure a new season of divisions.

Saved by the Greens?

Abstract Since the federal election in 2021 Alliance 90/the Greens have governed in a novel “traffic-light” coalition with the Social Democrats and the Liberals. The Greens’ willingness to experiment with new coalition models has precursors on the state level, where they have exhibited a surprising coalition flexibility. This article combines models from coalition theory with insights from issue ownership and niche parties to explain this flexibility. The empirical analysis based on Wahl-O-Mat data shows that one contributing factor is the emergence of a radical challenger that reduces the perceived distances between the established parties. This is reinforced by an increasing relevance of ecological and environmental issues, which the Greens have issue ownership of and which function as a bridge over the camp divide. The article illuminates how a general shift in a multilevel party organization shapes and enables coalition strategies on the federal level.

Be careful what you wish for: Portfolio allocation, presidential popularity, and electoral payoffs to parties in multiparty presidentialism

We know little about how coalitional strategy affects the electoral fates of political parties in presidential democracy. The literature on coalitions in parliamentary systems shows a negative impact of entering government, while the coattail effects literature on presidential systems suggests some benefits. Combining elements from both approaches, we argue that there is a conditional electoral effect of joining the cabinet under coalitional presidentialism. Even considering presidentialism’s heightened attribution of responsibility to a unipersonal executive, we find that coalition parties do indeed place a meaningful electoral wager whenever they choose to enter the president’s cabinet as identifiable allies. Leveraging data on Brazilian elections held at national and local levels over 24 years and employing an innovative measure of portfolio salience, we show that the payoff of this wager is contingent on control of the most highly-valued cabinet positions and on the popular approval of the president.

Florynce Kennedy’s Cultivation of Reproductive Expertise in Abramowicz v. Lefkowitz and Abortion Rap

ABSTRACT This essay centers the legal and coalitional strategies of Black feminist Civil Rights attorney Florynce Kennedy in pre-Roe v. Wade abortion rights advocacy. Examining the depositional records of the 1969 case Abramowitz v. Lefkowitz and its subsequent distillation into the 1971 book Abortion Rap, we demonstrate how Kennedy’s rhetorical tactics enabled white women’s reproductive experiences to be intelligible—but centered—as expertise in the legal domain. Kennedy’s lines of questioning enabled feelings about unwanted pregnancies to become intelligible as expertise, challenging the authority of established experts. Kennedy impatiently leveraged her expert knowledge of the legal system to manage the state’s objections that threatened the well-being of witnesses and integrity of the case. While Abortion Rap appealed to the intersections of Black women’s reproductive concerns, it also hindered the possibility for coalitional trust to be built between legal experts and Black Power activists around abortion advocacy.

POLITICAL CAMPAIGN STRATEGY OF PDIP IN SURABAYA ON INSTAGRAM AND FACEBOOK MEDIA

This study describes the important role of social media in politics in interacting with digital networks. Eri – Armudji further highlight the advantages of PDIP in order to gain promotional votes on Instagram and Facebook media with embedded text in various forms of campaign content to field implementation. PDIP brings Eri – Armudji as a leader in the City of Surabaya 2020-2024. This study uses descriptive qualitative, data collection through interviews, documentation, and observation. The theoretical approach uses Niffenegger’s political strategy of 4P (Product, Promotion, Prince, Place). Research results, First; shows that the success of PDIP Surabaya as a political party has a high correlation with figures, community members in increasing their popularity and electability through coalitions of parliamentary and non-parliamentary parties to the use of social media. One of them continues to introduce Eri – Armudji by carrying out campaign movements through the 4P strategy that has been proven to win the superior vote of 597,540 voters or 56.94% of political opponents. Second; Eri – Armudji’s political campaign during the pandemic used a candidate platform approach, humanist-religious, economic value, mass communication skills both in the field and in social media as a means of winning political campaigns online with of followers of Eri Cahyadi on Instagram 26,000 – Facebook 6,695, while followers Armudji on Instagram 19,700 – Facebook 1,205. So that social media has an effect on increasing victories of Eri Cahyadi and Armudji with a cross-party coalition strategy approach and strengthening the acquisition of parliamentary seats in the DPRD in the city of Surabaya.

The Ideologies of Organized Interests and Amicus Curiae Briefs: Large-Scale, Social Network Imputation of Ideal Points

AbstractInterest group ideology is theoretically and empirically critical in the study of American politics, yet our measurement of this key concept is lacking both in scope and time. By leveraging network science and ideal point estimation, we provide a novel measure of ideology for amicus curiae briefs and organized interests with accompanying uncertainty estimates. Our Amicus Curiae Network scores cover more than 12,000 unique groups and more than 11,000 briefs across 95 years, providing the largest and longest measure of organized interest ideologies to date. Substantively, the scores reveal that: interests before the Court are ideologically polarized, despite variance in their coalition strategies; interests that donate to campaigns are more conservative and balanced than those that do not; and amicus curiae briefs were more common from liberal organizations until the 1980s, with ideological representation virtually balanced since then.

Blockholdings in closely held corporations: An analysis of ownership coalitions in emerging countries

Blockholdings in closely held corporations have been examined in the literature to understand the importance of the size and structure of minimal coalitions in a volatile macroeconomic environment. We show, theoretically and empirically, that three-member minimal controlling coalitions provide the best performance results because the portfolio of potential strategies of such coalitions can increase strategic choices in the boom-bust-recovery cycle, but coordination costs are not that high. We also show that “competition” between potential minimal controlling coalitions (of the same firm) with two or more members improves the firm’s performance. With respect to the characteristics of the institutional owners of one-member controlling coalitions, we found that firms controlled by foreigners and/or other non-financial firms and financial holdings performed better than the average firm. Our study indicates that the change of ownership structures in emerging countries is determined by the extant economic systems and through administrative interventions.

Выборы в Африке: успехи и неудачи этнической и региональной консолидации электората

The article examines the impact of elite coalition strategies on the ethno-regional consolidation of the electorate in African countries. Ethnic voting has traditionally been seen as a key factor in African elections, but recent research shows that other determinants also play a significant role. Moreover, it is clear that the strength of ethnic voting varies considerably from country to country, and various explanations have been offered, ranging from the features of the historical path to the structure of ethnic splits and the sizes of the ethnic groups in question. We suggest that the strength of ethnic voting can vary not only between countries, but also between different electoral cycles in the same country. The reason for this is the choice of strategy by political actors: we assume that when a coalition strategy is chosen, the role of ethnic cleavages will decrease, and the territorial homogeneity of the vote will increase. This paper examines three cases similar in terms of democracy level, political system, British colonial past, and ethnic heterogeneity: Malawi, Nigeria and Ghana. In cases of Malawi and Nigeria, we observe how the choice or rejection of a coalition strategy by political actors can influence the increase or decrease of ethno-regional consolidation of the electorate. Ghana is an example of successful and stable consolidation achieved through the consistent application of coalition strategies. This article demonstrates that coalition strategies of elites can indeed influence ethno-regional consolidation of the electorate. In addition, the research reveals that voting is significantly influenced by some other non-ethnic factors related to economic voting (both retrospective and prospective), strategic voting of smaller ethnic groups, and distinctive kind of voting in national capitals.

Svalbard in the Strategy of the Great Powers During the Second World War (1939– 1945)

The article deals with the place of Svalbard in the strategy of opposing coalitions during the Second World War in the various stages of the war. Since 1939 until the Tehran Conference, the main strategy of the Anti-Hitler Coalition had been the British strategy of “tightening the ring”. Therefore, the Arctic in the frame of this strategy was considered to be an important segment of the “ring”, and Svalbard — as the ice shore of the “channel” through which the route of the northern convoys ran, and the main battles of the war at sea took place. With the adoption of the new coalition strategy of “direct action” in 1943, the role of Svalbard changed accordingly. In the global warfare strategy, this role became auxiliary. At the same time, as the war was nearing its end, the archipelago obtained a special significance in the national defense doctrines of the circumpolar states as well as in the post-war world order, in particular, in the Soviet doctrine of “creating a belt of friendly states” and in the Norwegian strategy of “building bridges”. In accordance with the changes in the main coalition strategy and national doctrines of the Arctic states, the article examines military operations in the archipelago as well as the policy of these states towards Svalbard at the end of war. In this regard, it is noted that during those military operations not only the liberation of the Norwegian territory was accomplished but also a direct military cooperation between Norway and the USSR. On the basis of the recently declassified documents, the author examines the role of Svalbard in the constructing of the post-war Europe, in particular, in solving the so called “Polish question”, in abandoning operation “Unthinkable”, and in establishing a zone of “limited forms and purposes for military activity” in Northern Norway bordering the USSR.

A fast implementation of coalitional model predictive controllers based on machine learning: Application to solar power plants

This article proposes a real-time implementation of distributed model predictive controllers to maximize the thermal energy generated by parabolic trough collector fields. For this control strategy, we consider that each loop of the solar collector field is individually managed by a controller, which can form coalition with other controllers to attain its local goals while contributing to the overall objective. The formation of coalitions is based on a market-based mechanism in which the heat transfer fluid is traded. To relieve the computational burden online, we propose a learning-based approach that approximates optimization problems so that the controller can be applied in real time. Finally, simulations in a 100-loop solar collector field are used to assess the coalitional strategy based on neural networks in comparison with the coalitional model predictive control. The results show that the coalitional strategy based on neural networks provides a reduction in computing time of up to 99.74% and a minimal reduction in performance compared to the coalitional model predictive controller used as the baseline.

Cournot’s Oligopoly Equilibrium under Different Expectations and Differentiated Production

The subject of this study is an oligopolistic market in which three firms operate in an environment of quantitative competition known as the Cournot oligopoly model. Firms and their production are differentiated, which brings the theoretical model closer to real market conditions. The main objective was to expand the Cournot duopoly and add another firm, resulting in an oligopolistic market structure assuming a partially differentiated production and coalition strategy between two firms. This article contains an oligopolistic model specifically designed for three different types of expectations, and has been applied to find and verify the stability of the net equilibrium of oligopolists. The market of telecommunication operators in Slovakia was selected as a real market case with accessible data on an oligopoly with three companies and partial differentiation. There are studies in which the authors limit their considerations to a certain number of repetitions of oligopolistic games. An infinite time interval is considered here. Three types of future expectations were considered: a simple dynamic model (or naïve expectations) in which the oligopolist assumes that its competitors will behave in the future based on their response functions, an adaptive expectations model in which the oligopolist considers a weighted average of the quantities offered by its competitors, and real expectations in which firms behave as rational players and do not have complete information about demand and offer output based on expected marginal profit. While the presented model proved to be stable under naïve and adaptive expectations, no stable equilibrium was found under real expectations and further results indicate a chaotic behavior.

Organizational and coalition strategies for youth violence prevention: A longitudinal mixed-methods study.

This longitudinal study identifies espoused change orientations and actual youth violence prevention (YVP) practices over five years by 99 public and nonprofit organizations in one city. Annual key informant interviews provided both qualitative and quantitative data, including organizational collaborative network data. Data were also obtained on participation in a citywide YVP coalition, juvenile arrests and court referrals. On average, organizations both in and outside the coalition adopted a problem-focused as often as a strengths-based change orientation, and were only marginally more oriented toward empowering community members than professionals and changing communities than individual youth. Most surprisingly, YVP coalition members adopted more of a tertiary (reactive/rehabilitative) than primary prevention orientation compared to nonmembers. The number of different YVP strategies implemented increased over five years from mainly positive youth development and education interventions to those strategies plus mentoring, youth activities, events and programs, and counseling youth. Network analysis reveals dense initial collaboration with no critical gatekeepers and coalition participants more central to the city-wide organizational network. Coalition participation and total network collaboration declined in Years 3-5. Youth violence arrests and court referrals also declined. The coalition was marginally involved in successful community-collaborative, school-based interventions and other strategies adopted, and it disbanded a year after federal funding ended. Despite, or possibly due to, both national and local government participation, the coalition missed opportunities to engage in collective advocacy for local YVP policy changes. Coalitions should help nonprofit and public organizations develop more effective change orientations and implement commensurate strategies at the community level.

The Italian parliamentary election of 2022: the populist radical right takes charge

The Italian parliamentary election of 2022 was called following Mario Draghi’s resignation in June. The campaign took place – for the first time in Italian history – over the summer. Yet, its crucial moments occurred in the very first days, when parties had to present the respective coalition strategies. In a matter of weeks, Italy’s political system moved from the embryonic tripolarism inaugurated in 2013 to a full-fledged quadripolarism. The election saw less than two thirds of the eligible voting population participate – a new all-time low for Italian general elections. The result awarded a clear victory to the center-right coalition, due to its successes in most FPTP constituencies. Given the clear indications which emerged from the election results, the process of government formation took less than a month overall. This election can be considered historical in at least two ways. The first is the formation of a government led for the first time by a female politician, Giorgia Meloni. The second is the political composition of her government, with two populist radical right parties in control of about 80 percent of the votes cast in favour of the governing coalition.

Struggling for girls’ education: coalition strategies of Norwegian and German women’s rights activists in comparative-historical perspective

ABSTRACT This paper explores how girls’ education developed in Norway and Prussia (and later North Rhine-Westphalia, NRW) during the first and second wave of women’s political mobilisation. It analyses how organisations and activists of the women’s movement were included in different cross-interest coalitions in education politics. The cases are interpreted in light of Rokkanian cleavage theory. In Germany, the women’s movement was split along class lines but also along denominational lines. The Catholic women’s movement became a part of the Catholic and later the Christian democratic political alliance. In Norway, influential sections of the women’s movement were linked first to the liberal movement and later to the social democratic movement. In both cases, women’s rights activists left a mark on education policy, but Norwegian women’s rights activists enjoyed successes earlier and more consistently. This is a result of the Norwegian women’s movement’s comparatively greater unity and related to the different cleavage structures.

Dadkhah mothers of Iran, from Khavaran to Aban: digital dadkhahi and transnational coalitional mothering

This article offers a theoretical account of the figure of the ‘Dadkhah mother’, the ‘justice-seeking mother’, by highlighting her historical, political and feminist significance in contemporary Iran and beyond. By drawing on a conceptual analysis of visual images, oral and written history and social media posts, I outline the key qualities of the figure of the Dadkhah mother and her longstanding activism and solidarity-building practices. I elaborate on what I call ‘transnational coalitional mothering’ and ‘digital dadkhahi’. The article builds on feminist theorisations of mothering, resistance, affective (mediated) solidarity and conditions of (un)grievability to argue that the multiple mediatised, resistant and coalitional strategies of the Dadkhah mothers of Iran offer radical alternative modes of thinking about mothering and (elderly) women's resistance. Such modes acknowledge these women's undeniable contribution to activism and to doing gender and politics across borders, beyond patriarchal motherhood, familial kinship ties, Western-centric co-optive voices and hierarchical framings, and in direct opposition to authoritarian spatiotemporal nation-building myths and impositions.