Clitic Forms Research Articles

Syncretism and ordering in the evolution of Catalan pronominal clitic clusters

This paper examines the 3rd person clitic combinations found in a digital corpus of Catalan texts dating from the 11th century to the first half of the 18th (the CICA) and attempts to clarify the origin of the current clitic system of colloquial non-Valencian Catalan. Scrutiny of the database shows that the locative HI (i.e., hi or its variants í/y/hic) replaced the canonical dative clitic of 3rd person clusters in the 14th century in both singular and plural forms, contrary to what has previously been claimed. The medieval patterns of usage that the data reveal are very close to those occurring in colloquial non-Valencian Catalan as it is spoken nowadays, as opposed to those seen in Valencian Catalan, where a locative clitic is no longer present. On the basis of this data, we argue that the incompatibility of plural morpheme combinations in Old—among other reasons—forced the generalization of the morpheme /i/ as a dative marker, thus converting it into the true ‘elsewhere’ item of the Catalan clitic system. The similarity between medieval and modern colloquial non-Valencian Catalan clitic forms allows us to analyze them in the same way. Specifically, we suggest there is only one clitic area for these clusters in which the HI works as a place nominal located structurally in the nominal layer.

Pronominal Affix of Bugic Language Enjoyable Dialec

In terms of social strata, the same language has different variations if it is spoken by groups of people with lower-middle social strata and upper-middle social strata. This study aims to describe the variation of Bugis pronominal affixes in the Ennak dialect used by Bugis speakers in Sinjai Regency. This research is classified into the type of qualitative descriptive research. The data in this study are the speeches of the Bugis people in Sinjai Regency or the Ennak dialect. Data collection was carried out by speaking and tapping techniques. This study uses intralingual equivalent data analysis. Data that is compared with intralingual equivalents are differences and similarities which have other names, namely HBS (Same Comparative Relations) and HBB (Different Comparative Relations), both of which are advanced techniques in data analysis. The results showed that the use of Bugis pronominal affixes in the Ennak dialect consisted of proclitic and enclitic. has a different style from the use of the clitic form in Indonesia.

Pronominal Affix of Bugic Language Enjoyable Dialec

In terms of social strata, the same language has different variations if it is spoken by groups of people with lower-middle social strata and upper-middle social strata. This study aims to describe the variation of Bugis pronominal affixes in the Ennak dialect used by Bugis speakers in Sinjai Regency. This research is classified into the type of qualitative descriptive research. The data in this study are the speeches of the Bugis people in Sinjai Regency or the Ennak dialect. Data collection was carried out by speaking and tapping techniques. This study uses intralingual equivalent data analysis. Data that is compared with intralingual equivalents are differences and similarities which have other names, namely HBS (Same Comparative Relations) and HBB (Different Comparative Relations), both of which are advanced techniques in data analysis. The results showed that the use of Bugis pronominal affixes in the Ennak dialect consisted of proclitic and enclitic. has a different style from the use of the clitic form in Indonesia.

VEGETABLE SELLER REGISTER : ANALYSIS LANGUAGE IN KAHAYAN MODERN TRADITIONAL MARKET PALANGKARAYA MUNICIPALITY

Language variations in terms of usage are known as registers. This study examines the form and meaning of registers of vegetable traders in the modern traditional Kahayan market of Palangkaraya Municipality. Descriptive qualitative method was used in this research which involved five informants in Kahayan Modern Traditional Market Palangkaraya Municipality based on sampling technique the criteria needed. Collecting the data, the researcher utilized three instruments which were observation, interview and documentation. (1) This study attempts to describe the form of registers of vegetable traders in the modern traditional Kahayan market, Palangkaraya Municipality. (2) This study attempts to describe the meaning of the register of vegetable traders in the modern traditional Kahayan market, Palangkaraya Municipality. The data were analyzed using the listen, note and tapping technique. Data were analyzed using triangulation method. The results of this study are that the first is that there is a clitic form of the entlithic type and the phrase. Second, the meaning of registering vegetable traders in the traditional Kahayan market, Palangkaraya, Kota Madya, is instrumental, provides an opportunity, and interaction function shows feelings. Keywords: Vegetable Seller Register, Analysis Language, and Traditional Market

Phatic Marker in Bengkulu Malay Language

The current study aims to describe the form and function of a phatic marker in Bengkulu Malay. The data were taken from the spoken language of Bengkulu Malay language, which consists of phatic utterances. The data were collected using the observational and conversational method. The analysis was done using contextual analysis, distributional method, and pragmatic identity method. The result shows there are two forms of phatic in Bengkulu Malay, they are particle form, including nah ‘nah’, yak ‘yah’, ay ‘ai’, way ‘wai’, awu ‘ya’, woy ‘woi’, wey ‘wei’, hoy ‘hoi’, and clitic form, including -lah and ‘lah’.Â

Use of Independent and Clitic Forms of Non-Reflexive Personal Pronouns in Sixteenth-Century Standard Slovenian

This article presents the use of independent and clitic forms of non-reflexive personal pronouns in sixteenth-century standard Slovenian. It presents phrases in which the use of one or the other was fxed, and other examples highlighting the differences between individual authors and, within their works, also between individual pronouns and clitics. In addition, the situation in Old Church Slavic and in older preserved Slovenian manuscripts is comparatively described. The conclusion evaluates possible explanations for such use in the sixteenth century.

Typological Differences in Morphological Patterns, Gender Features, and Thematic Structure in the L2 Acquisition of Ashaninka Spanish

It has been widely argued that morphological competence, particularly functional morphology, represents the bottleneck of second language acquisition (Jensen et al. 2017; Lardiere 1998, 2005; Slabakova 2008, 2009, 2013). In this study, we explore three challenging aspects of the morphology of Spanish among advanced L1 Ashaninka—L2 Spanish speakers: (i) the acquisition of proclitics and enclitics with inflected verbs; (ii) the distribution of accusative clitics according to the thematic role of the direct object in anaphoric and doubling structures; and (iii) the distribution of clitic forms and their association with gender features. Our results show evidence of the L2 acquisition of clitic structures in L2 Spanish speakers, and no difference between native and L2 speakers regarding sensitivity to thematic roles. However, there are statistically significant differences between groups in the distribution of the gender specification of the clitic antecedents or doubled determiner phrases (DPs). We take these results as evidence in support of the view that morphological patterns can be acquired (proclitics vs. suffixes) as well as preferences for mapping thematic roles onto clitics, but subtle differences in the continuum of preferences for mapping gender features are more difficult to acquire.

PERILAKU PRONOMINA PERSONA /ITE/ UNTUK MENYATAKAN ASPEK DAN KEPEMILIKAN DALAM STRUKTUR KALIMAT BAHASA SASAK MASBAGIK

This study focuses on the behavior of pronouns persona /te/ to express aspects and possessions in the structure of the Masbagic sasak language sentence. This research is descriptive conducted solely based on the facts that exist or the phenomenon that empirically live on the speakers. Researchers describe the data contained in the systematic data related to the problems studied. Data collection referred to the technique of lively cognate and recording techniques. Data were analyzed using intralingual pad method, presenting the result on informal method. The results are pronomina persone has a clitic form of proclitik te- and enclitik -te. When the pronominal persona of the proclical form meets with the verb it will express an aspect and there will be phoneme changes in the verb. When the pronouns persona of the enclosed form meets the nouns it will declare an ownership that there will be an addition of phoneme /n/ if the word attached ends in the vowel and there is no phoneme change in the noun attached if the consonant ends.

Feature variability in the bilingual-monolingual continuum: clitics in bilingual Quechua-Spanish, bilingual Shipibo-Spanish and in monolingual Limeño Spanish contact varieties

ABSTRACTDirect object clitics in Latin American Spanish are subject to great variability in features across dialects. Variability also characterizes bilingual acquisition and especially clitic doubling structures in language contact contexts. We focus on the distribution of clitics and Differential Object Marking (DOM) in clitic doubling structures among Shipibo-Spanish bilinguals, Quechua-Spanish bilinguals, and monolingual speakers of Spanish in contact with Quechua. We analyze a continuum of clitic forms and DOM as complex cases of feature reassembly and functional convergence that results in new interface rules with scalar hierarchies.

The Bantu-Romance-Greek connection revisited: Processing constraints in auxiliary and clitic placement from a cross-linguistic perspective

This paper explores a connection between Romance and Greek on the one hand, and Bantu on the other. More specifically, we look at auxiliary placement in Rangi and clitic placement in Tobler Mussafia languages, with a special emphasis on Cypriot Greek, and argue that a common explanation for their distribution can be found once a move into a dynamic framework is made. Rangi exhibits an unusual word order alternation in auxiliary constructions under which the position of the auxiliary appears to be sensitive to an element appearing at the left periphery of the clause. A similar sensitivity to a left-peripheral element can be seen to regulate clitic placement in Cypriot Greek (and generally in the so-called Tobler Mussafia clitic languages). The paper presents a parsing-oriented account of these two phenomena in the Dynamic Syntax framework, arguing that the similarities in syntactic distribution are the result of the encoding in the lexicon of processing strategies that were potentially pragmatic preferences in earlier stages of the respective languages. The account thus leans on the role played by the lexical entries for auxiliary and clitic forms, as well as the assumption that underspecification is inherent in the process of establishing meaning in context. The account is further supplemented by possible pathways of diachronic change that could have given rise to the systems found in present day varieties.

Object agreement marking and information structure along the Quechua-Spanish contact continuum

Direct object clitics in Spanish are morphological markers at the interfaces of syntax, phonology, morphology, and information structure (Zwicky, 1985; Ordóñez & Repetti, 2006; Belloro, 2007; Spencer & Luís, 2012). They play an important part in argument morphology in Spanish and are subject to variability in bilingual acquisition (McCarthy, 2008). In this paper we explore the morphology-syntax-information structure mapping of direct object clitics in clitic structures in a range of speakers that includes Quechua-dominant bilinguals and Spanish monolingual individuals along a continuum of language contact situations. Our findings indicate clear dissociation between syntactic properties and marking of morphological features. They also indicate a progression from default gender marking in clitics to a scalar system of clitic forms based on animacy and informational value along the continuum of speakers. Finally, while clitics in liberal clitic doubling varieties receive a focus interpretation (Sánchez, 2010; Sánchez & Zdrojewski, 2013), our data indicate that in some Spanish contact varieties they denote the primary object and secondary topic (Sánchez, 2003; Dalrymple & Nikolaeva, 2011; Mayer, 2008, 2013, forthcoming). The findings of this exploratory study support the view that while clitics exhibit common syntactic properties across a continuum of speakers, they may vary in morphological marking and informational value.

Towards a reconstruction of connected speech in Latin: clitic forms of the verb ‘to be’ in Terence

Towards a reconstruction of connected speech in Latin: clitic forms of the verb ‘to be’ in Terence

The Effects of Production Demands on Grammatical Weaknesses in Specific Language Impairment: The Case of Clitic Pronouns in Italian

Extended optional use of direct object clitic pronouns (e.g., la in Paula la vede ["Paula sees her"]) appears to be a clinical marker for specific language impairment (SLI) in Italian. In this study, we examined whether sentence production demands might influence the degree to which Italian-speaking children with SLI produced clitics. Preschool-age children with SLI ( n = 15) and 2 groups of younger typically developing children ( n = 15 each) participated. Production demands were varied through use of a syntactic priming task. The children with SLI were more likely than the comparison children to omit the clitic in a control condition in which they had to describe a target picture without the benefit of a preceding sentence prime. The children with SLI were also more likely to describe target pictures using a default clitic or a clitic that had appeared in the preceding prime sentence but was inappropriate for the target. The findings suggest that children with SLI have difficulty generating a sentence containing a grammatical slot for a clitic when production demands are increased, and when they succeed in generating such a sentence, they often cannot at the same time retrieve the appropriate clitic form.

Possessives and grammaticalization in Romance

As is well known, the possessive paradigms of French, Italian, Spanish and Romanian contain three types of possessive: adjectives, determiners and pronouns. Comparing with the Latin system, from which all Romance possessive systems derive, two tendencies prevail: possessive pronouns tend to be eliminated, and possessive adjectives change into determiners or become defictive adjectives with a restricted distribution. However, the possessive system of each of these four languages appears to be different. The aim of the article is to examine the extent to which these differences are the result of different degrees of grammaticalization. We show that the possessive system in French is in the lead in terms of grammaticalization in that neither of its two paradigms any longer displays adjectival properties. The least grammaticalized system is the Italian, while Spanish and Romanian occupy intermediate positions: Spanish combines the French system of clitic forms with the Italian system of strong forms. As for Romanian, the dependence of the possessive form on the definite article or its substitute AL shows that it is more grammaticalized than the Italian possessive system.

The high applicative syntax of the dativus commodi/incommodi in Romance

Dative benefactive/adversative arguments, also known as the ‘dativus commodi/incommodi’ (DCI) in the Latin grammatical tradition, present variable behaviour in Romance. This paper compares and contrasts the syntactic restrictions on DCIs in five Romance languages to reveal that clitic-doubling covaries with the possibility of lexical DCIs and the possibility of combining the DCI with a bare unergative. We argue that Pylkkänen's (Introducing arguments, MIT, 2002) High Applicative analysis should be broadened to account for these Romance datives and their variable behaviour so that the DCI clitic is always generated as the head of a high applicative projection. Doubling and non-doubling languages diverge based on the type of D-element that merges in the specifier of ApplP. In clitic-doubling languages (Romanian and Spanish), the DCI essentially matches the Bantu high applicative construction in that lexical datives, as DPs, are merged in the specifier position of the applicative phrase. The Appl head in doubling languages may also introduce a pro as an applied argument whose reference is recovered via the agree relation established with the applied morpheme. In non-doubling languages (French, Portuguese, Italian), the DCI functions quite differently. It may only occur in clitic form as the head of the applied phrase, since lexical indirect objects are PPs and consequently may not merge in Spec,ApplP. A result of this restriction is that an expletive operator is merged in the specifier, binding a VP-internal referential DP, accounting for the restriction on bare unergatives.

On the Origin of Philippine Vowel Grades

The concept of vowel grade by which morphological features in some Indo- European languages are signaled by change in the quality of the vowel of a given form has long been recognized. More recently, the term has also been applied to the variation in vowels that occur in some case-marking prepositional forms in Austronesian languages. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate some of the processes by which vowel grades developed in some Philippine languages. These processes include what has been referred to elsewhere as vowel-grade harmony, an assimilatory process by which the vowel of one case-marking preposition copies that of another. Noun phrases in many Philippine languages are commonly described as being introduced by "phrase markers" that specify certain syntactic and semantic features of the noun phrase they introduce. These are typically unstressed clitic forms having a CV or CVC shape. However, the quality of the vowel varies from language to language. Thus, in Ivatan, the forms that introduce common noun phrases all have an u vowel, while those that introduce personal noun phrases all have an i vowel; in Tagalog the forms that introduce common noun phrases all have an a vowel, while those that introduce personal noun phrases all have an i vowel, like Ivatan. Recognizing that the similarity in vowel quality of "phrase markers " in these languages is commonly the result of vowel-grade harmony and not necessarily the result of regular phonological change provides an explanation for the multiple irregularities that are found in attempting to reconstruct the protoforms of "phrase markers."

Marginal clitics

This paper is concerned with a set of cases involving pronominal clitic forms in various languages which have not received much attention in the literature and which we refer to, for descriptive purposes, as “marginal” pronominal clitics. The general hypothesis developed is that regular clitics can acquire a marginal status as the result of an alteration of their formal feature composition which triggers compensation from the semantics. In other words, marginal clitics make a semantic contribution to the string while regular clitics make a formal contribution. Following an approach to the composition of lexical entries based on Minimalist assumptions, we argue: 1) that marginal clitics include a semantic component that is not found in the descriptions of regular clitics; and 2) that the development of a semantic component in the lexical entry of a regular clitic is accompanied by a fixation and/or reduction in its formal feature composition. The main goal of this paper is not to offer detailed analyses but rather to propose a general approach to this marginalization process. This approach, we believe, can provide a useful tool to be used in the description of clitic systems across languages. To support this, we present a set of case studies in Modern Greek, Niuean and French.

Long Head Movement? Verb movement and cliticization in Croatian

Croatian, along with other Slavic, and some Romance languages, has type of verb-fronting — the ‘Long Head Movement’ (LHM) construction — in which a non-finite verb raises to C 0 across a finite auxiliary, in apparent contravention of the Head Movement Constraint. Rivero and Roberts have each argued on the basis of LHM-data that the Minimality condition of the ECP should permit one head to cross another under certain conditions. A detailed investigation of the properties of LHM in Croatian shows that the conclusions drawn by these authors with respect to the ECP are inadequate in two respects. Firstly, the structural analysis for LHM sentences in Croatian assumed by Rivero and by Roberts is incorrect. Clitics in Croatian are syntactically enclitic, right-adjoining to C 0. The auxialiary involved in LHM-constructions is a clitic form, hence is located in C 0 at S-structure, and not lower down in the clause. Since the verb and clitic auxiliary in LHM occupy the same position, the Croatian data fail to support the view that the ECP must allow for one head to move across another. Secondly, although the notion of ‘last resort’ is alluded to by these authors in connection with the ‘triggering’ of LHM in grammatical instances, the role of ‘economy’ in ruling out starred examples is not properly considered, rendering argumentation with respect to ECP based on such (ungrammatical) examples invalid. However, LHM does involve ‘long movement’ in the sense of ‘acyclic incorporation’. We conclude that the correct definition of Minimality is one based on Baker's notion of ‘distinctness’ of heads.