Climate Change Denial Research Articles

Dead White men vs. Greta Thunberg: Nationalism, Misogyny, and Climate Change Denial in Swedish far-right Digital Media

ABSTRACT In the autumn of 2018 Greta Thunberg started her school strike. Soon she and the Fridays For Future-movement rose to world-fame, stirring a backlash laying bare the intrinsic climate change denial of Swedish far-right digital media. These outlets had previously been almost silent on climate change, but in 2019, four of the ten most read articles on the site Samhällsnytt were about Thunberg, all of them discrediting the movement and spreading doubt about climate science. Using the conceptualisation of industrial/breadwinner masculinities as developed by Hultman and Pulé [2018. Ecological Masculinities: Theoretical Foundations and Practical Guidance. Routledge Studies in Gender and Environments. New York: Routledge], this article analyses what provoked this reaction. It explores how the hostility to Thunberg was constructed in far-right media discourse in the years 2018–2019, when she became a threat to an imagined industrial, homogenic and patriarchal community. Using conspiracy theories and historical tropes of irrational femininity, the far right was trying to protect the usually hidden environmental privileges, related to unequal carbon emissions and resource use, that Thunberg and her movement made visible.

The Neo-Malthusian Reflex in Climate Politics: Technocratic, Right Wing and Feminist References

ABSTRACT A neo-Malthusian reflex can be observed in the climate debate: statistical calculations link climate change to world population growth and suggest strategies for birth control. The undead neo-Malthusian ghost is being revived, with its reference to the category of ‘population’ and its colonial-racist and social-Darwinist legacies. This article discusses this dangerous development, paying particular but not exclusive attention to German constellations, showing that the actors who strengthen this narrative range from ecological mainstream positions to those right-wing forces who do not deny climate change. However, some climate activist and feminist positions have also contributed by advocating a birth strike as a strategy for containing climate change. The article analyses three dimensions of neo-Malthusianism: the abstract statistical construction of an excess population; the historically deeply rooted racist and classist attribution of this excess to ‘others’; and the totalitarian visions of global ‘fertility’ management. The argument is that even if the racist and classist attributions are not directly addressed by the more progressive political actors, the three dimensions of neo-Malthusianism strongly flow together and reinforce each other. In conclusion, the text takes up anti-Malthusian feminist perspectives which place a special emphasis on the concept of reproductive justice.

A matter of time… consideration of future consequences and temporal distance contribute to the ideology gap in climate change scepticism

Factors that contribute to the well-established ideology gap in climate change beliefs (i.e., conservatives’ scepticism about climate change and its severity) remain underexplored. In the present research, we propose that there are differences in the consideration of future consequences, as well as the perception of climate change in time, between conservatives and liberals which, in part, contribute to this gap. Across three studies (total N = 654) in the Netherlands and the UK, we demonstrate that, compared to liberals, conservatives tend to consider future consequences of their behaviour less and perceive the effects of climate change as further away in the future. Furthermore, we find that temporal distance to climate change, and, to a lesser extent, consideration of future consequences, can partially account for higher levels of scepticism about climate change on the conservative side of the ideological spectrum. Besides contributing to a better understanding of this ideology bias, these results have implications for climate change communication.

Authoritarian Populism, Environmentalism and Exceptional Governance in Hungary

This paper analyzes how the incumbent authoritarian populist Orbán government started to navi­gate itself from an anti-climate to a conservative green position. First, the theoretical background of environmentalism and democracy/autocracy will be investigated. It is to say that the relationship between democracy and the environment is quite contradictory, although democracy has a demonstrable effect on the quality of the environment and sustainability, it is not worth absolutizing. That is why we should put an emphasis on the environmental approach of authoritarian regimes, here as a case study of the Hungarian regime. From 2010, the Orbán regime elaborated an ambiguous attitude toward the environment and green politics; on the on hand, it was characterized by climate denialism and demolition of environmental institutions, on the other hand, the super-majority behind the regime accepted the Fundamental Law with several green elements. In the second half of 2019 and early 2020, the regime started to create a new conservative green agenda. This authoritarian populist greening is not based on eco-authoritarian traditions. This paper challenges the notion that authoritarian populist actors are hostile to environmental policies. The Orbán regime proved adaptive in the case of the climate emergency and is about to elaborate its own climate agenda. At the same time, the regime is unable to face the real nature of the climate and ecological emergencies. The crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has been used by the regime to rule by decree based on exceptional powers. In fact, the regime relied on exceptional governance before the COVID-19 crisis, ever since the migration crisis of 2015. The authoritarian populist regime recognized the political opportunities of exceptional governance in terms of overlapping crises and that is why it is characterized by authoritarian climate populism.

How Dissent on Gender Bias in Academia Affects Science and Society: Learning from the Case of Climate Change Denial

Gender bias is a recalcitrant problem in academia and society. However, dissent has been created on this issue. We focus on dissenting studies by Stephen J. Ceci and Wendy M. Williams, arguing that they reach conclusions that are unwarranted on the basis of the available evidence and that they ignore fundamental objections to their methodological decisions. Drawing on discussions from other contexts, particularly on manufactured dissent concerning anthropogenic climate change, we conclude that dissent on gender bias substantially contributes to (a) the exacerbation of biases in society and (b) an increasing number of attacks on researchers, making it both epistemically and socially problematic.

Anxiety and climate change: a validation of the Climate Anxiety Scale in a German-speaking quota sample and an investigation of psychological correlates

The climate crisis is an unprecedented existential threat that causes disturbing emotions, such as anxiety. Recently, Clayton and Karazsia measured climate anxiety as “a more clinically significant ‘anxious’ response to climate change” (2020, p. 9). To gain a more nuanced understanding of the phenomenon from an empirical psychological perspective, we translated the core of the Climate Anxiety Scale into German and assessed potential correlates in a large German-speaking quota sample (N = 1011, stratified by age and gender). Overall, people reported low levels of climate anxiety. Climate anxiety correlated positively with general anxiety and depressiveness, avoidance of climate change in everyday life, frustration of basic psychological needs, pro-environmental behavioral intentions, and policy support. It correlated negatively with different forms of climate denial and was unrelated to ideological beliefs. We were not able to replicate the two dimensions found in the original scale. Moreover, we argue that items appear to measure a general climate-related emotional impairment, rather than distinctly and comprehensively capturing climate anxiety. Thus, we encourage researchers to rework the scale and include an emotional factor in future research efforts.

Energy Transition Indicators in African Countries: Managing the Possible Decline of Fossil Fuels and Tackling Energy Access Challenges


 
 
 
 The global move to tackle climate change as envisaged in the 2015 Paris Agreement has necessitated debates and action geared towards transitioning to a low carbon economy. Although there is no agreed international definition of energy transition, the focus has been put to a shift from fossil fuels to renewables. This paper is intended to contribute to the global debate on energy transition with a focus on the initiatives taking place in a few selected countries. The argument in this paper is to the effect that many developing countries still need fossil fuels to tackle energy access challenges and ensure economic growth. Nevertheless, this does not in any way mean that these countries are climate change deniers. In this respect, the question to be addressed in this article is how can we measure energy transition efforts in developing countries? In responding to this question, the article attempts to develop and analyse some key energy transition indicators.
 
 
 

The effect of misinformation and inoculation: Replication of an experiment on the effect of false experts in the context of climate change communication.

An important communication strategy of climate skeptics is the use of fake experts, who act as spokespersons, although they do not possess any expertise in the field. One promising approach to tackle the effect of misinformation is inoculation. Previous research focuses on the United States, and the comparably low effect sizes of previous research call for further examination and consolidation. This study aims to complement those findings with data for Germany and replicates and extends an experiment by Cook et al. with a 2 × 2 between-subjects design. Our study confirms the importance of pre-existing worldviews for climate-related attitudes. Regarding the effects of misinformation messages and most notably, the effects of inoculation messages we could not replicate the findings of Cook et al.: At least in our setting, the misinformation message and also inoculation preceding misinformation had hardly any effect on the climate-related attitudes under study.

From populism to climate scepticism: the role of institutional trust and attitudes towards science

ABSTRACT Why do populist citizens oppose climate change? Thus far, data constraints limited the ability to test different theoretical mechanisms against each other. We argue that populist attitudes affect climate attitudes through two distinct channels, namely institutional trust and attitudes towards science. The former argument focuses on political institutions as the central actors in implementing climate policy. Individuals who distrust these institutions are more sceptical about climate change. The latter argument claims that populists deny climate change because they distrust the underlying climate science. According to this view, populists would view climate scientists as part of the self-serving elite that betrays the people. Utilising data from the Austrian National Election Study and structural equation modelling, we find strong support for the relationship of populism and climate attitudes via attitudes towards science and institutional trust. Populists systematically hold more negative attitudes towards science and political institutions, and consequently deny climate change.

TECHNOLOGICAL AGNOSTICISM AND CLIMATE CHANGE: PLATFORM CULTURE ON TECHNOLOGY FORUM WHIRLPOOL

This paper explores the (limited) discussion of climate change within energy debates on Australian technology forum Whirlpool. These discussions are characterised by $2 , which is an attitude that no technology is $2 or $2 than any other because different technologies have different applications depending on the requirement. By completing a thematic analysis of all Whirlpool replies within four threads centred on energy debates (n = 3,101), I observed Whirlpool contributors depoliticise energy technologies by removing climate change as a factor when considering technology choices. Overall, I found that when technological agnosticism was expressed within these debates, it intersected with issues concerning the $2 , $2 , $2 , and $2 of technology and pushed against concerns regarding climate change. I argue that the prevalence of technological agnosticism within these debates is not an example of climate change denial per se but a reflection of Whirlpool’s platform culture which valorises traits of $2 such as rationality and neutrality (Massanari, 2017). I conclude by comparing Whirlpool’s platform culture to Reddit and suggest that future research ought to explore how particular platform cultures shape energy debates and ultimately, attitudes and action towards climate change.

Avoidance, rationalization, and denial: Defensive self-protection in the face of climate change negatively predicts pro-environmental behavior

Despite urgent need for climate action, denial of climate change and resulting absence of appropriate pro-environmental behavior are widespread. Interpretive (recognition of climate change as a problem but re-interpretation of its severity) and implicatory denial of climate change (recognition of climate change as a problem but denial of psychological, political, and moral implications) can be interpreted as self-protective strategies people use to protect the self in the face of threat. However, research has not integrated individual self-protective strategies into one comprehensive measure. The present research aimed at reviewing the existing literature and constructing the Climate Self-Protection Scale (CSPS) to make climate-relevant defensive self-protection measurable. In Study 1, N = 354 Germans responded to a pool of items. Using exploratory main axis analysis, we identified five factors, corresponding to the self-protective strategies rationalization of own involvement, avoidance, denial of personal outcome severity, denial of global outcome severity, and denial of guilt. Study 2 (N = 453 Germans) used confirmatory factor analysis to verify the five-factorial structure of the CSPS. Self-protective strategies were positively related with each other (except for avoidance and denial of guilt) and fit into a framework of interpretive (denial of global and personal outcome severity) and implicatory denial (rationalization, avoidance, denial of guilt). They related positively to male gender and right-wing political orientation, and negatively to various indicators of pro-environmentalism. This provides evidence of criterion and construct validity of the CSPS. In future research, the scale could be used as a tool to examine climate-relevant self-protective strategies further.

COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and its effect on human psychology

Digital media, while opening a vast array of avenues for lay people to effectively engage with news, information and debates about important science and health issues, have become a fertile land for various stakeholders to spread misinformation and disinformation, stimulate uncivil discussions and engender ill-informed, dangerous public decisions. Recent developments of the Covid-19 infodemic might just be the tipping point of a process that has been long simmering in controversial areas of health and science (e.g., climate-change denial, anti-vaccination, anti-5G, Flat Earth doctrines). We bring together a wide range of fresh data and perspectives from four continents to help media scholars, journalists, science communicators , scientists, health professionals and policy-makers to better undersand these developments and what can be done to mitigate their impacts on public engagement with health and science controversies.

‘Scientists don’t care about truth anymore’: the climate crisis and rejection of science in Canada’s oil country

ABSTRACT Recent research in the area of science and technology studies focuses on climate change denial, the spread of misinformation, and public distrust in climate scientists; these beliefs are held especially by those dependent on fossil fuel extraction for their livelihoods. Many of the same individuals who deny the scientific consensus on climate change are nevertheless directly impacted by the climate crisis and environmental disasters. In fossil fuel dependent locations, do people continue to deny the scientific consensus on climate change and distrust climate scientists even after themselves experiencing a catastrophic flood? This paper investigates this question through interviews with 40 people affected by the 2013 Southern Alberta Flood, the costliest flood in Canadian history, who also live in the City of Calgary, the economic hub for Canada’s tar sands. Results indicate the participants rejected the scientific consensus on climate change, voiced a distrust in the motivations of climate scientists, though hoped they would one day discover the ‘truth’, and worked discursively to protect the oil industry. The findings reveal the complexity of post-disaster environmental views and trust in science, as well as how fossil fuel dependence shapes these views.

Critiquing Latour’s Explanation of Climate Change Denial: Moving Beyond the Modernity/Anthropocene Binary

The concept of the Anthropocene has reintroduced politics of denial at the centre of critical studies of international relations. This article interrogates Bruno Latour’s explanation of climate change denial with reference to an ontological difference between Modernity and the Anthropocene, together with his advocacy for a new language beyond the Modern gaze. Our aims are twofold: to disclose how Latour’s posthuman critique risk reproducing prevalent forms of climate change denial in the global North, and to question what falls outside Latour’s dualistic frame: the heterogenous ways through which climate change and the Anthropocene is met across the globe; the ambiguous relation with nature through which modernity was formed; the modernist genealogy of Anthropocene discourse, and lastly how discourses of global governance have absorbed posthumanist critique in its attempt to naturalise postcolonial power relations. At stake, we argue, is critical theory’s paradoxical complicity in the denialism it seeks to critique.

Reporting on the 2019 European Heatwaves and Climate Change: Journalists’ Attitudes, Motivations and Role Perceptions

ABSTRACT In summer 2019, several countries in Europe experienced unprecedented heatwaves. Two extreme event attribution (EEA) studies, which assess the role of climate change in extreme weather events, were published at roughly the same time as the heatwaves were taking place (June/August 2019). Building on a prior study of online news media coverage of the heatwaves, this study surveyed journalists from major news outlets in France, Germany, the Netherlands and the UK. Based on the responses of 42 journalists, we found a relative lack of knowledge about EEA studies but a high level of importance assigned to writing about the link between the heatwaves and climate change (e.g., likelihood or intensity); a relatively low number of specialist reporters vs. general reporters covering the heatwaves; a strong reliance on scientific experts as sources; no inclusion of climate change deniers; stronger role perceptions as educators than advocates; relatively little time and resource constraints on their reporting; and an overall tendency for the journalists to report more about climate change. The findings provide new insights into journalism practice and climate journalism in terms of the peculiarities and contextual factors that can influence coverage of extreme weather events and climate change.

Climate skeptics’ identity construction and (Dis)trust in science in the United States

ABSTRACT In this paper we argue that climate change skepticism is an opinion-based social identity rooted in subjectively perceived marginality and exclusion from climate science. We use 33 interviews conducted with climate skeptics in Idaho and scholarship on social identity theory to examine identity construction among skeptics. Skeptics construct themselves as open-minded truth-seeking questioners of climate change and social outsiders who face ostracism from climate scientists, while concurrently producing an understanding of climate scientists as an oppositional identity: untrustworthy and exclusive. Skeptics’ identity construction provides insights into their trust/distrust judgments of climatology and suggests new pathways to effectively communicate climate change across social groups.

Making Information Measurement Meaningful: The United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals and the Social and Human Capital Protocol

Drucker’s saying that “What gets measured gets managed” is examined in the context of corporate social responsibility. The United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals have encouraged sustainability reporting, and a reporting tool, the Social and Human Capital Protocol, has been developed to assist measurement and provide information to support the achievement of sustainability. This information should be valid and reliable; however, it is not easy to measure social and human capital factors. Additionally, companies use a large number of methodologies and indicators that are difficult to compare, and they may sometimes only present positive outcomes as a form of greenwashing. This lack of full transparency and comparability with other companies has the potential to discredit their reports, thereby supporting the claims of climate change deniers, free-market idealogues and conspiracy theorists who often use social media to spread their perspectives. This paper will describe the development of environmental reporting and CSR, discuss the natural capital protocol, and assess the extent to which the Social and Human Capital Protocol is able to fulfil its purpose of providing SMART objective measurements. It is the first academic article to provide a detailed examination of the Social and Human Capital Protocol.

Are “Climate Deniers” Rational Actors? Applying Weberian Rationalities to Advance Climate Policymaking

ABSTRACT In recent decades, the label of Climate Denier has become an increasingly popular ad hominem device for climate change communications. Yet, what constitutes climate denial has evolved considerably from its original ascription for those who deny the physical science of anthropogenic global warming. This paper unpacks the multiple contemporary meanings of climate denial to examine whether this moniker can correlate with rational action (i.e. principled action logically derived from reliable knowledge), and how rationality can be deployed when pursuing political priorities that conflict with the orthodox normative positions of experts. Valid modes of rationality are diverse and not the sole preserve of those proponents of transformative and/or unified climate change action. Modes of rationality are also intimately linked to problem framing. Experts' existing problem-frames may actually facilitate Deniers' avoidance of the sorts of rationalisations that experts wish them to make. By better understanding the rationalities pertaining to the climate change debate, the paper concludes, experts and advocates can tailor their communication to more effectively influence the design of effective policies. A better understanding of how Climate Deniers can be rational and how rationalisation relates to problem framing may be necessary to address the most polarised politics of the climate crisis.

The psychology of the anti-vaccine movement

The psychology of the anti-vaccine movement

Obstruction, delay, and transnationalism: Examining the online climate change counter-movement

In this article, we provide a preliminary exploration of the Climate Change Counter Movement Hyperlink Network. Recognising the international growth of the Climate Change Counter Movement, we use a hyperlink analysis to 1) identify if the counter movement uses this platform, 2) identify the structural dynamics of the hyperlink network, and 3) if and how do movement organisations connect across countries. Our findings reveal that a combination of USA and non-USA actors are operational in the hyperlink network, where climate delaying and obstruction discourse can diffuse across countries. In addition, we found cohesive subgroups illuminating an alignment of interests between think tanks across countries on climate change, a distinct role played by blogs, and a small group of connected coal-related organisations promoting information on clean coal technologies. Lastly, we observe an alignment between climate change counter movement organisations and representative organisations of the traditional Wise Use Movement. These findings provide an intriguing account of the operations of a counter movement hyperlink network, expanding our knowledge on the transmission of counter movement across countries and what this means for further developments in this area of scholarship.