Clash Of Interests Research Articles

Role and Meaning of Public Space: Findings From the Margins of Milan

This article investigates the meanings of the public space, specifically addressing urban marginalized areas. It explores the issue of inequality in relation to public space and how this is reflected in urban policies. Starting from a theoretical framework based on three heuristic dimensions regarding practices, imaginaries, and norms, the authors will analyze through a multidisciplinary approach—that brings planning and cultural anthropology into dialogue—three cases related to some resignification and re-appropriation dynamics within a neighborhood of social housing located in Milan. The three cases concern: a regeneration project of a road accomplished through an experimental municipal device; a recently renewed square located on the border of the neighborhood; the organization of a public event to clean up waste. The public space of San Siro will emerge as an arena where several social actors and their conflicting interests clash, thus affecting the everyday life of its residents and the possibilities for planning an inclusive city as a whole.

India-China Rivalry: The Contest That Is Shaping the “Asian Century”

ABSTRACT The 21st century is expected to be the dawn of the “Asian Century”, with Asia becoming the centre of gravity of great power politics. What contributes to the shaping of this century is the rise of two Asian powers, India and China, which share common aspirations but act differently. The context of the “Asian century” is discussed based on the geopolitical dynamics between India and China, as differing perceptions combined with a clash of interests have led to geopolitical conflict and competition between the two countries. From this perspective, the “Asian Century” is being shaped by the ‘confrontational coexistence’ between India and China, which implies a departure from the long-held axiom of ‘peaceful coexistence’.

Mixed-Age Group Teaching in Second Language Learning: An Observational Study of a Montessori Classroom in Pakistan

This study aimed to highlight the effects of teaching young students of 3to 6 years in mix aged groups, especially in language learning. Themixed method study employed purposive sampling, where observationsof a class with 40 students, and semi-structured interviews of 2Montessori Directresses were the chosen mode of investigation. Thesetting of the classrooms and the nature of the interactions and exchangesamong the mix aged students creates an almost familial environment,where the older students take on the roles of mentors and help youngerstudents learn and correct their errors. The participants asserted that therewas seldom any conflict or clash of interests in the Montessoriclassroom, as the energies of all students were engaged positively. Theobservations also showed that peer interactions and collaborative work inthe group lessons and at the times of free student play, were contributingfactors in second language acquisitions and learning the patterns of thenew language inductively.

Smolensk nobility against the government: from the history of the abolition of serfdom in Russia

The article analyzes the participation of the Smolensk nobility in the discussion of the peasant question in Russia in 1847-1859. The author focuses on the perception of government initiatives by the Smolensk nobility, its reaction to plans to abolish serfdom before the rescripts and during their discussion. The article shows that the local «program» of the abolition of serfdom in general was formed during the work of country meetings, before the opening of the provincial committee; that the government, involving the provincial nobility in the preparation of the reform, saw in him only an unquestioning executor of the orders of the center, that it was the clash of state and local interests that led to consolidation of Smolensk landowners, who defended the possibility of preserving farms even after the abolition of serfdom.

With or without you? Perceived indispensability and opposition to separatist movements.

Positive intergroup relations are shown to be related to the perception that, despite mutual differences, all subgroups are indispensable for the identity or functioning of the overall society. Yet, so far, the research on identity and functional indispensability is concerned with minorities that strive for inclusion in the larger nation-state (e.g., immigrants). In contrast, we examined the roles of identity and functional indispensability in the context of separatist movements. In Study 1 (N=397), we found that Han Chinese' perceptions of identity and functional indispensability of Tibetans and Uyghurs were associated with higher willingness to engage in collective action against these groups' separatist movements. We replicated these findings in Study 2a and 2b among a diverse sample of the Dutch concerning the Brexit (N=378) and Frexit (N =279). In experimental Study 3, again among the Dutch (N=405), we found that indispensability increased anti-Frexit action intentions. We conclude that, in the context of separatist movements, perceived indispensability can make attitudes towards separatist movements more antagonistic. The findings contribute to a better understanding of intergroup relations when subgroups' interests clash.

The EU’s “Democracy Promotion” Policies in Ukraine and Georgia: Is it a Normative Cover in front of the EU-Russia Tug-of-Love?

The EU democracy promotion literature mainly focuses either on its ways and tools in promoting democracy with successes and failures, or on the role of authoritarian actors with countervailing measures in impeding on the democratization paths of target states. Yet, a rare of studies examines what the EU actually promotes and with which underlying motivations. This article suggests that the EU democracy promotion is not just an outcome of bilateral relations between the EU and target states but an outcome of interdependent strategic interests of the EU, target country and illiberal regional power. Thus, it is shaped by not only the EU’s normative ideals and local needs as it declared but mostly the interrelated clash of interests between different actors in the region. The main argument of this study is that the EU’s differentiated democracy promotion agendas in target countries, which are very similar in terms of their local contexts or in the same region, stems from the presence of illiberal regional power(s), who has certain actorness in that region. Based upon this argument, this study explores the EU’s differentiated democracy promotion agendas in Ukraine and Georgia and the role of illiberal regional power -here Russia-, who has certain leverage over these states. By examining the periodical differentiation EU’s democracy promotion agendas towards Ukraine and Georgia, it concludes that the EU has changed its democracy promotion agendas depending on the changes in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine/Georgia.

The Inferential Meaning of Controversial Terms: The Case of “Terrorism”

The international community has not been able to agree on a definition of “terrorism,” which has been a controversial term for decades. In order to understand the controversy, here the meaning of “terrorism” is analysed by means of the inferentialist framework developed by Robert Brandom. It will be shown that there is wide agreement about (at least some of) the consequences of application of the term, whereas the conditions of application are precisely what is at issue. Three consequences of application will be distinguished: epistemic, evaluative, and programmatic. Evaluative and programmatic consequences of application of the term “terrorism” are widespread and very serious, even in the absence of a precise definition, and that explains why the conditions of application are a controversial matter. In the end, the controversy is best understood as a clash of interests regarding when the consequences of the term should apply.

Influence of Machiavellian Principles of Political Power, Religion and Development on Successive Regimes in Kenya, 1963-2007

This paper interrogates Kenyan politics through the lenses of Niccolo Machiavelli’s ideas on political power. It analyses the relevance of Machiavelli’s political ideas, as they have applied by different political leaders in Kenya. It pays special attention at how over the years Kenyan politicians at the helm of Kenyan political stage, the state house, have shrewdly mastered and used religion channelise politics of their times. Colonial rule in Kenya witnessed the emergence of a profoundly unbalanced institutional landscape and underdevelopment. With all capacity resided in a strong prefectural provincial administration, political parties remained underdeveloped making Kenyan politics to be leader centred. Politics is perceived as a game in which interests clash and political leaders attempt to establish stability amid conflicting interests. This reality is captured in the ideas of Machiavelli, whose works in political philosophy created the ideological ground for the emergence of Machiavellianism. The most significant aspect of colonialism in Kenya was political domination control, underdevelopment and authoritarianism. Colonialism in Kenya between 1895-1963 was characterized by economic exploitation and colonial expression. Sadly, the spectre of repression, exploitation and underdevelopment persisted in independent Kenya all against the hopes Kenyans had at independence. In this work, we argue that the post independence history of Kenya is replete with key aspects of Machiavelli’s conception of political power, ‘ misuse’ of religion by leaders and glaring underdevelopment all in the name of managing politics. Therefore, this paper examines the application of Machiavellian principles in the independent Kenya between 1963 and 2007.

МЕЖДУНАРОДНОЕ ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЕ СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВО В АРКТИКЕ

The article analyzes the evolution of the Arctic policy of Russia and China. The PRC and the Russian Federation have established mutually beneficial cooperation in the Arctic region, despite the existence of fundamental contradictions between the countries in many directions. The clash of interests, especially between the United States and the Russian Federation, leads to an increase in military and political tension and turns the previously abandoned peripheral region of the Far North into a zone of increased information, political and, mainly, military activity of superpowers.

The China in foreign policy of the US president Richard Nixon administration (january-february 1969)

The article investigates the formation of the foreign policy course of US President Richard M. Nixon on China in January-February 1969. The practical implementation of pre-election initiatives by the administration of President Richard M. Nixon in the Chinese direction in January-February 1969 was studied. There were analyzed reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of Washington's foreign policy strategy toward Beijing during the investigated period. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the process of forming the foreign policy course of the new administration towards China in January-February 1969 is outlined. It describes the specific US foreign policy actions towards communist China at the beginning of Richard M. Nixon's presidential period. Despite the presence in the political, academic, and social circles of the United States of certain attitudes in favor of the recognition of the People's Republic of China as the political reality of international life, the question of the legal recognition of China in the second half of the 1960s constantly moved to the background. The victory of Richard М. Nixon in the presidential election in 1968 was accompanied by a series of changes in the system of geopolitical and military priorities of the United States. The new administration’s more realistic approach to China was due primarily to the fact that Beijing, which renounced its alliances and claimed the role of a «third force», was a strong player in the international arena. Moreover, the policy of Kennedy–Johnson did not justify itself, as China has intensified its foreign policy, and established relations with many countries, including the US allies. At the beginning of the presidency of Richard М. Nixon, in January-February 1969, his administration managed to quickly develop and begin to implement a holistic concept of «new policy» for China. His Chinese policy was inextricably linked to the US foreign policy in Asia and reflected the clash of American and Chinese interests in the region. At the same time, the representatives of the American establishment had a clear idea of how they could influence Soviet-Chinese relations in order to deepen the rift between the USSR and China and what concrete benefits they could derive from this. A number of objective and subjective factors did not prevent the administration of the 37th President of the United States, Richard М. Nixon, radically changing Washington’s Chinese policy. Communist China continued to be recognized as a powerful factor in the US-Soviet dialogue. In spite of this, in the late 60s of the twentieth century, the objective preconditions began to evolve gradually, which promoted the normalization of US-China relations in the future and allowed to resolve most of the controversial issues that ultimately led to the international recognition of the People’s Republic of China by the United States of America.

The policy of the administration of the US President Richard M. Nixon on PRC (March-July 1969)

The article investigates the formation of the foreign policy course of US President Richard M. Nixon on China in March-July 1969. The practical implementation of pre-election initiatives by the administration of the President Richard M. Nixon in the Chinese direction in March-July 1969 was studied. There were analyzed reasons, course and consequences of intensification of Washington's foreign policy strategy towards Beijing during the during investigated period. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the process of forming the foreign policy course of the new administration towards China in March-July 1969 is outlined. It is described the specific US foreign policy actions towards communist China at the beginning of Richard M. Nixon presidential period. Despite the presence in the political, academic and social circles of the United States of certain attitudes in favor of the recognition of the People's Republic of China as the political reality of international life, the question of the legal recognition of China in the second half of the 1960’s constantly moved to the background. The victory of Richard М. Nixon in the presidential election in 1968 was accompanied by a series of changes in the system of geopolitical and military priorities of the United States. The new administration’s more realistic approach to China was due primarily to the fact that Beijing, which renounced its alliances and claimed the role of a «third force», was a strong player in the international arena. Moreover, the policy of Kennedy–Johnson did not justify itself, as China has intensified its foreign policy, established relations with many countries, including the US allies. At the beginning of the presidency of Richard М. Nixon in March-July 1969, his administration was managed to quickly develop and begin to implement a holistic concept of «new policy» for China. His Chinese policy was inextricably linked to the US foreign policy in Asia and reflected the clash of American and Chinese interests in the region. At the same time, the representatives of the American establishment have a clear idea of how they could influence Soviet-Chinese relations in order to deepen the rift between the USSR and China, and what concrete benefits they could derive from this. A number of objective and subjective factors not prevented the administration of the 37th President of the United States, Richard М. Nixon, radically changing Washington’s Chinese policy. Communist China continued to be recognized as a powerful factor in the US-Soviet dialogue. In spite of this, in the late 60’s of the twentieth century the objective preconditions began to evolve gradually, which promoted to the normalization of US-China relations in the future, and allowed to resolve most of the controversial issues that ultimately led to the international recognition of the People’s Republic of China by the United States of America.

The verdict to N. Sarkozy: Corruption in public sector and corporate corruption in the eyes of society

Corruption is a multifaced and controversial phenomenon, attracting attention of various social sciences. Conflictology considers corruption as a conflict destroying the social structure. Corruption entails the clash of different interests including interests of largescale business, government, and interests of specific officials. Society treats corporate and public governance corruption differently, aggravating the conflict and the counteraction against corruption. The court decision of 2021 sentencing the 23rd President of France Nicholas Sarkozy allows to demonstrate the controversies in public opinion to the corruption in public governance and corporations. Besides the general scientific methods, the authors addressed to the survey of students studying politics. Corruption in public governance is explicitly considered to be a menace to the society and criminal offence. Corruption in corporations is a menace from the public opinion perspective, but, at the same time, it is considered a constrained and acceptable form of work albeit unethical. Largescale corporations are issuing ethical codes with anticorruption provisions, however in fact they are inefficient and ignored by their employees. Admitting corruption to be a constrained phenomenon more harsh penalty for corrupted top managers is at the same time desirable. The corruption scandals around ex-president of France Sarkozy demonstrate the reputation losses of big multinationals while their top managers escaped the responsibility and fell out of the social opinion spotlight. The research shows the fission of interests and sophistication of social conflict around corruption.

The Big Tech versus the Nation-States: Clash of Economic Interests and Struggle to Compete on a Global Scale

The Big Tech versus the Nation-States: Clash of Economic Interests and Struggle to Compete on a Global Scale

Армянская АЭС в фокусе геополитических интересов на Южном Кавказе

The present research paper studies the impact of geopolitical processes on the development of Armenian “peaceful atom”. Nuclear energy has a key role in diversifying the energy system and ensuring the energy security of Armenia. The presence of nuclear capacities in the territory of Armenia is a strategic priority, taking into account the complex interstate relations in the South Caucasus and the danger of Armenia’s involvement in regional conflicts. However, at present stage of development of nuclear energy, Armenia faces certain challenges. On the way to answering these challenges Armenia deals with complex geopolitical processes and regional trends in the development of nuclear energy. The results of the study show the impact of geopolitical processes and regional transformations on the development of Armenian “peaceful atom”. At present, all states of the region, except for Georgia, are implementing or planning national programs for the development of “peaceful atom”. Plans and actions aimed at the development of nuclear energy in the South Caucasus necessitate the importance of further development of Armenian “peaceful atom” in order to maintain the country’s competitiveness at regional level. At the same time, nuclear energy in Armenia becomes a place for the clash of interests of certain geopolitical actors and an area for their competition. While the Russian participation is of decisive importance for the functioning and the development of nuclear energy in Armenia, the USA and the EU try to weaken the Russian participation in this area by providing their vision for the the development of the industry and implementing their own projects in the Armenian energy sector. Тhe integration processes in the EAEU and the EU, in turn, create certain obstacles, opportunities and prospects for nuclear energy in Armenia and lead to the cooperation with international structures, regional and geopolitical actors.

Women Leadership and Conflict Resolutions in Nigeria: A Case Study of Amaigbo Women Association, Imo State, Nigeria

Social experts have undoubtedly agreed that conflict is inherent in every human relationship due to clashes of interest. Many studies have also proven that women are the major players in conflict existing in social relationships. In view of this, peace and conflict resolution experts are of the view that women should be given fairground in the management of conflicts if there should be a floor for peaceful co-existence in our various communities. This paper examines the extent to which women leadership affects conflict resolutions amongst Amaigbo Women Associations in Imo State. In this respect, conflict resolution is measured with dimensions such as conciliation, mediation, and arbitration. Three hypotheses were formulated, and a structured questionnaire was distributed to seventy-two respondents in the thirty-six women associations studied. Two respondents, each consisting of the Chairperson and Secretary, were purposively chosen from the thirty-six women associations. Seventy-two copies of the questionnaire were produced and administered, but only sixty-two copies were retrieved and used together with the information obtained through an interview for analysis. The findings revealed that the role of women associations is very relevant to peacekeeping and conflict resolution in our society. The implication of the findings is that women associations were highly engaged in the use of mediation; they also used the conciliation process sometimes but moderately used arbitration in resolving conflicts amongst the people of Amaigbo and its environs in Imo State. Based on these, the study recommends, amongst others, that women associations should be given powers and authority to engage in peace-building and conflict resolution roles, especially in the areas of conciliation, mediation, and arbitration.

Legal basis for ensuring public security and order at the regional level and the place of administrative and legal norms among them

It has been noted that ensuring public security and order is the State's prerogative and involves an inevitable clash of public and private interests. At the same time, the specifics of the region and the variety of relations that arise within it are based on the norms of many branches of law, the key place among which belongs to administrative law. The legal framework for ensuring public security and order at the regional level has been proposed to be considered as a legal acts systemic set of different legal nature, the norms of which are aimed at regulating public relations in the relevant area.
 It has been stated that administrative law norms are key to the system of legal framework for ensuring public security and order, and this is confirmed by the following: firstly, the provisions of most legal acts are aimed at regulating the activities of public authorities and defining their administrative and legal status, including powers, functions, goals and objectives, etc; secondly, the legal framework for ensuring public security and order forms the strategic directions of the state policy on creating a secure environment in each individual region; in addition, such legal frameworks regulate the relationship between public authorities and society and local governments, defining the most effective models of cooperation to maintain security and order within the respective territory.

RUSSIFICATION IN MODERN DAYS : ANALYZING GEORGIA AND UKRAINE SEPARATISTS AS RUSSIA STRATEGY AGAINST NATO’S EXPANSION

Since the demise of the Soviet Union the cold war, a glimpse of hope in any improvement of Russia and the West relation sparked. However, it did not last as the relations between these two parties soured over times and tension rises. Under Vladimir Putin, Russia has three main goals to achieve: 1.) reassert Russian global great power status since the cold war; 2.) Gain supremacy over the former Soviet Union territories (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan) 3.) Establishing sphere of influence in the international system in order to achieve dominance. The tension between Russia and NATO back to the first attempt of NATO’s enlargement by the fall of the Berlin wall in November 1989 followed by Soviet acceptance of German reunification in NATO in July 1990. However, if NATO continues their enlargement, Russia might feel isolated from the European political and security sphere of influence. Moreover, since NATO’s enlargement itself created clash of interest with Russia, conflict between Russia and NATO may ensue.
 

Sider Jost, Jacob. Interest and Connection in the Eighteenth Century: Hervey, Johnson, Smith, Equiano

Sider Jost, Jacob. <i>Interest and Connection in the Eighteenth Century: Hervey, Johnson, Smith, Equiano</i>

Russia and the West: Clash of energy interests through the lens of realist and liberal approaches

By the beginning of the 2010s, the powerful positive impetus inherent to the Russia-Western relations in the energy sector has waned. Substantial disagreements arose on all major issues of the agenda, from the views on the prospects for the Russian fuel and energy complex development and participation of foreign capital in it, to the implementation of concrete gas transportation projects and to assessments of opportunities for legal and institutional regulation of energy relations in Europe and the world. The Russian military operation in Ukraine in 2022 has greatly exacerbated all these tensions, rendering virtually impossible any form of cooperation in the energy sector. These circumstances raise questions about the driving forces, ideological imperatives, and the very logic of the energy policy development both in Russia and the West. The present paper compares two different interpretations of these issues based on insights from the realist and liberal theoretical frameworks. The first section highlights basic theoretical and methodological premises of these approaches in general and outlines their potential application to the energy issues in particular. Then the author assesses the explanatory potential of each of these approaches with regard to the key issues in relations between Russia and the West in the energy sector. The author admits that many steps taken by Russia, as well as the US and the EU can be well explained from the viewpoint of liberal approach (e.g. attempts of some EU countries to depoliticize energy cooperation with Russia or the EU measures to prevent monopolization of its energy market by Gazprom). However, political realism provides a more compelling explanation of previous dynamics of international relations in this field, their current state and prospects. The policy of energy transition, implemented by Western countries to lower their carbon dependence, fits particularly well the logic of the realist approach, although potential tensions between Russia and the West in that regard have not yet fully materialized.

Geopolitical interaction of russia with the Countries of transcaucasia at the turn of the 20th — 21st Centuries

The article considers a set of problems associated with building geopolitical interaction between Russia and the countries of the Caucasus at the turn of the 20th-21st centuries. We also studied the specifics of relations between the countries included in this region (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia). Our analysis covers the range of geopolitical interests pursued by large states in the Transcaucasia region. In particular, we considered the clash of interests of Russia and Turkey, as well as Western countries in the South Caucasus. The region under consideration has a prominent level of conflict, which has developed historically due to the territorial dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the ownership of the territories that are currently part of the NKR. At the same time, destabilization in the region is not beneficial to either side of the dispute. The purpose of the study is to determine the ways of developing Russia’s relations with the countries of the Caucasus in the context of the escalation of the conflict.