Civilizational Differences Research Articles

MODERN COMMUNICATIVE PRACTICES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: THE CIVILIZATION DIMENSION

The article examines the effectiveness of communication practices in modern international relations against the background of civilizational features of the interacting parties. The authors found out the actual state and nature of communications at the international level between the East and the West, they discovered the causes of conflict, and formed a conclusion on this basis. The researchers answered the question - how to reach a new level of effectiveness of communication practices in international relations and how to achieve congruent communications in the intra-societal system? The purpose of the article is to clarify modern effective communication practices taking into account the inter-civilization factor in international relations. The relevance of the article lies in the need to search for new approaches in international communications based on the synergy of communications to solve global problems of our time, create safe living conditions for the world community. As a result of the study, the authors revealed the ineffectiveness of modern communication practices. This statement is true for both international communications and communications in the internal environment of political, intra-societal systems. The subjects of international relations often simply do not take into account the civilizational differences of their partners, therefore they cannot come to an agreement with them on important issues of life, first of all. Among these differences, we should highlight: cultural, ethnic and religious characteristics of communicants - representatives of the East and the West. Modern international conflicts arising on the basis of civilizational and cultural confrontations between the East and the West push us to develop a new paradigm of communication practices. These practices should be based on congruent interaction of communicants, on the elimination of their civilizational and cultural differences as the cause of unsuccessful communications. Politicians are now forced to take into account not only the political, economic and power resources of the interacting parties, but also cultural, religious and ethnic characteristics. The focus of researchers should be on issues that include not only minimizing disagreements and balancing interests between states, but also searching for the broadest possible agenda and identifying common interests at the global and regional levels.

Реализация инициативы «Один пояс – один путь» как способ взаимного мирного познания цивилизаций

The Belt and Road Initiative in the new era is not only a mutually beneficial way to promote global economic cooperation, but also a peaceful path to mutual understanding and exchange among civilizations. Participation in the construction of the project helps participants in the international process to understand the civilizational differences between them and build their behavior with an understanding of the global point of view. Thus, this issue is not only of theoretical significance for the development of human civilization, but also from a practical point of view. The new concept of civilization proposed by China, with its enormous energy, is actively promoting a new direction for the development of human civilization.

The Role of Institutions in the Civilization Schism (the Case of Christianity)

The geopolitical transformations of recent decades have added to the topicality of the study оf civilizational differences between the East and the West relevant. Religion is often cited as a contributing factor to these differences. This can be confirmed by the example of the split of the Christian Church into the Roman Catholic and Orthodox churches and, as a consequence, the emergence of the Western and the Eastern Christian civilizations. As a rule, the authors “isolate” religion from the social system, considering it independently of all other spheres, as the primary factor that triggers the emergence of civilization. In this work, the emergence of a new Western and Eastern Christian, is considered within the framework of the institutional approach, as a process of formation of a certain complex institutional structure that regulates the life of society and consists of a whole complex of interconnected and interdependent economic, political, and socio-cultural institutions, including religion. This process can begin in the bowels of the “mother” civilization, causing its crisis. The stages of development and resolution of such a crisis are analyzed using the example of a split in the united Christian world using a matrix approach. This approach assumes that civilization is characterized by a civilizational matrix formed by an institutional core that simultaneously contains market and redistributive institutions on the basis of dominance/complementarity, and a shell that includes cultural-religious and national-demographic characteristics, the naturalclimatic and material-technological environment. The necessity of both strengthening dominant institutions in the institutional core and creating balancers (complementary institutions) for the sustainable development of civilization is shown.

SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE ISLAMIZATION OF KNOWLEDGE

Since the 1970s, Muslim intellectuals have offered alternatives to Euro-American dominance in the realm of knowledge. A new movement known as the “Islamization of Knowledge” was founded arguing for an epistemological revolution that hinged on the ideals of Tawhid (unity) and the sacralization of “secularized” disciplines and subjects. This article offers some critical reflections on this intriguing undertaking. In our view, the Islamization of Knowledge project was structured primarily around the idea of civilizational difference and a partial reading of the history of knowledge formation. The notion that knowledge can be “Islamized” or has been “secularized” is equally problematic because human knowledge incorporates both secular and sacred dimensions. Duality exists only in the minds and practices of knowledge producers and policymakers.

THE ROLE OF MEDIA CULTURE IN PROMOTING SOCIAL VALUES IN MEDIA FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE “VALUE PARADIGM”

This research aims to explore and understand the vital role played by media culture in promoting and transmitting social values from the perspective of the "Value Paradigm." Therefore, it is essential to empower and equip media culture with the goal of shaping individuals and instilling in them critical thinking, social values, correct attitudes, and skills from media sources. The "Value Perspective" imparts an ethical view of media culture, attempting to recognize the exclusion of the "values" variable from its components, derived from the cultural and civilizational context of this vision from the outset. Excluding this variable from the analysis and interpretation process has led many media studies in the Islamic environment to produce distorted copies of Western studies. This "paradigm" does not oppose foreign theories but enriches them with variables that express cultural and civilizational differences and distinctions in social, economic, political, and cultural experiences

Differences in the civilizational development of the West and the east of Europe (Russia)

In the conditions of the SVO, interest in civilizational differences has grown, the course "Fundamentals of Russian Statehood" has been introduced in universities. The article substantiates the thesis that the culture of the Russian civilization (in the spheres of religion, literacy, writing, law, world perception, art, education systems, science, crafts, etc.) rose from the culture of the GreekByzantine civilization. The differences between Greece and Rome in ancient times, Russia from the West of Europe in the Middle Ages, Russia from Western civilization in modern and postmodern times are shown. The differences in the interpretation of Christianity in Catholicism-Protestantism from Orthodoxy are highlighted. From the slavery of Rome, the domination of the barbarians, the crusades, the Inquisition, the witch hunt, absolute scholasticism in philosophy, papocaesarism with its absolutism of papal power and totalitarian attitude towards the flock-subjects and – most importantly – genocide against "their" and other peoples arose. In contrast, Byzantium and Russia with their "caesaropapism" and "symphony of the authorities" relied on a sensitive borrowing of customs and culture of neighbors, the receptivity of other views and beliefs. Thanks to this, the West has always been rigidly antipathetic to any deviations from the "general line" of power, up to total terror, fascism, Nazism, racism and the slave trade. The Russian civilization, relying on the values of ancient Greece and Byzantium and the Mongolian Yassa, preferred the values of empathy (internationalism and collectivism) and therefore was guided primarily by the New Testament. It is this axiological contradiction that determines the age-old Russophobia of the West in relation to Russia, which prevents the legitimization of racism-hegemonism of the West.

The West, Russia and China: Inheritance systems and ways of economic development

The current confrontation between Russia-China and the West requires a study of civilizational differences that determine national identities and attitudes towards social-economic values. This confrontation has deep cultural roots; thus, the Russian-Western intense rivalry in the 18th - 19th centuries was based on different perceptions of social reality, different value orientations and priorities in economy, politics and other spheres. Sociologists and social philosophers have studied factors that determined civilizational differences between non-Western and Western societies, namely the Russian world and the Anglo-Saxon world for decades, emphasizing their confessional differences, fundamentally divergent geopolitical interests, opposite political systems and so on. In the social-economic perspective, property rights are a significant basis of civilizational differences. The West has always considered its clear stand on property rights as the only possible. However, this position can be based on either economic considerations or moral criteria. Such differences are reflected in inheritance systems, although sociologists rarely focus on them. The division between heirs in equal parts complies with the moral standards of our society and is known as the path of ‘communal good’. Another way is to transfer the greater part of property to one member of the family in order to avoid its fragmentation, which is reasonable in the economic perspective but not always morally acceptable; this is the path known as ‘rational evil’. Thus, inheritance systems are among the most crucial civilizational differences between Russia and the West. The civilizational analysis is fundamentally important under the current confrontation between the West and Russia- China, and the position on private property and inheritance system determines civilizational differences. In Western Europe, the right of primogeniture was in force for a long time, and its cruel laws dictated that all real estate and most of the other property was inherited by the eldest son. This rule contributed to the earlу development of capitalism based on wage labor. On the contrary, in Russia, China and many other non-Western countries, the inheritance was divided among all children. Although it was disadvantageous for the social-economic development, it did not contradict conventional moral standards and did not destroy family relationships. In post-industrial societies, the institutional context has radically changed and the division of property among relatives does not

Multi-faceted Eurasianism: a comparison in practice

PurposeAfter the collapse of the USSR, Eurasian integration projects, proposed by Russia, Kazakhstan and Turkey, began to develop in the post-Soviet space. Hence, there is growing interest in Eurasianism as an ideology. In this context, the study of the use of the Eurasianism's ideas in practice becomes relevant. The argument of this article is that Russia, Turkey, and Kazakstan have their own interpretations of Eurasianism's ideas to develop the ideological basis of their own integration projects. The purpose of the article is to answer the question: How is the Eurasianism used in integration projects of Russia, Turkey and Kazakstan?Design/methodology/approachThe concept of Eurasianism has been viewed in terms of constructivism. On the basis of the principles of social constructivism, and in particular the works of constructivist ideologue Alexander Wendt, a comparative analysis was made. The ideas of Eurasianism in the integration processes of Russia, Kazakhstan and Turkey has been carried out based on the criteria such as the role of common ideas, identity, consciousness, memory and culture. The examples of mentioned countries were compared, to consider the development of the ideas of Eurasianism in practice.FindingsThe ideas of Eurasianism have a significant impact on the integration processes of the post-Soviet space. Eurasianism advocates for important factors such as respect for cultural and civilizational differences between different nations, their equality in the overall union and common development opportunities. Such factors are undoubtedly important for the success of integration projects. The reflection of many individual thoughts of classical Eurasians and Neo-Eurasians can be seen in the statements of various ministers and leaders of Russia, Kazakhstan and Turkey. The initiatives of these countries in creating integration projects also show the influence of the Eurasian concept.Originality/valueIn the 1990s, the study of Eurasianism gained new significance in academic circles. Articles and periodicals devoted to this concept were published. However, all parallels between variations in concepts of Eurasianism have been conducted on a theoretical level. The importance of this article lies in the fact that conceptual differences are compared in practice. Researchers had not previously considered the study of the relevance and productivity of Eurasianism in practice by comparing examples and experiences from different countries. The novelty of this article lies in its attempt to solve this problem.

INTERNATIONAL PROBLEMS ON THE PAGES OF «NASH LEMKO» («OUR LEMKO»): THE UKRAINIAN-RUSSIAN CONFRONTATION

The purpose of the article is to find out the peculiarities of the interpretation of the past and current state of Ukrainian-Russian relations by the authors of «Our Lemkо». The research methodology is based on the combination of principles (historicism and objectivity) and methods (philosophical, general scientific and special-historical) of scientific research, which are usual for works on the historical science. The scientific novelty of the article consists in an attempt to comprehensively reconstruct of the problems of Ukrainian-Russian relations, presented on the pages of the flagship Ruthenian periodical of the interwar period, the magazine «Nash Lemko». Conclusions. Summarizing the reconstruction of Ukrainian-Russian relations presented on the pages of «Nash Lemko», we will point out its conceptual thoughtfulness and content saturation. In the first case, the editors were concerned with the consistent affirmation of Sobornist thinking among their readers. Through this prism, Moscovia became the eternal enemy of Ukrainians, which destroyed its unity by all possible means with the aim of further physical subjugation and spiritual extermination. This worldview model was carefully substantiated by the magazine's publicists with numerous examples from the Middle Ages to modern times. They consistently proved to the reader the civilizational difference between European Ukrainians in terms of their values and the barbaric world of Russian despotism. Affirming the optimism of life among the Rusyns, who were impoverished by the troubles, the authors of «Our Lemkо» emphasized the historical invincibility of Ukrainians in this unequal and cruel struggle, based on the ethical principle of the teleological superiority of good over evil. Finally, let us point out the success of the national policy of the publishers of the Ruthenian periodical, because despite the powerful leveling influences and the lack of their own statehood, the Lemkоs mostly remained with the Ukrainian national choice.

ამერიკის შეერთებული შტატებისა და რუსეთის ურთიერთობები ახლო აღმოსავლეთის რეგიონში

The main global geopolitical discourse of the 20th century was to divide the world into two parts, the spheres of influence of Soviet and West. The United States was the leader of the West, which was perceived by Russia as a major geopolitical opponent. The political leadership of Russia, at first with inertia, and then thoroughly continued this course of Soviet Union. The US authorities showed a relatively less reactional policy on the Russian Federation than it did to the Soviet Union. However, the final cooperative agreement on the main geopolitical issues has not been reached between the two states. The Persian Gulf and the Middle Eastern region in general have always been a wide area of interest to Russia. Such a persistent interest in the region is due to a very simple reason – the Middle East is the southern flank of Russia's borders. Consequently, Russia's foreign policy will always have a leading influence in the region. Consequently, the US – Russia interests also appear in this region. One of the leading directions in Russia's geopolitics is the United States. Currently, there is a highly tense relationship between the US and Russia due to the Ukrainian war. Nevertheless, both large international actors are more or less aware of how much their relationship depends on the fate of humanity as a whole. Russia and the US were allies in World War II. This historical memory also exists between them, but ideological and civilizational differences have not allowed the parties to lay the groundwork for somewhat peaceful and fair world. Relationships between them are more rivalry than cooperation. At present, Russia has imposed heavy economic sanctions from the US and the West.

Unsettling Affect

Unsettling Affect Pamela K. Gilbert (bio) Despite long-standing critiques of dominant theories of emotion, the basic structure of emotions is persistently considered by many commentators and even researchers, such as those in the social sciences and artificial intelligence, to be largely settled. Our understanding of emotion and affect is indebted to universalizing physiological theories emerging from the Enlightenment, and subsequently, from evolutionary science. Each of the authors in this forum is interested in unsettling our sense of how feelings work and signify. Alisha Walters and Zachary Samalin detail how the history of emotions depended upon nineteenth-century beliefs about embodied racial and civilizational hierarchies. Such beliefs about emotion were also undergirded by and instrumentalized in the imperial context, as Samalin, Walters, and Sukanya Banerjee show. Often they relied on definitions of modernity that imposed the burden of anteriority and primitivism on racial alterity. Sympathy was and is both centered and critiqued as a mode of community building and bridging racial divides. Rachel Ablow, Banerjee, and I each examine some of its prerequisites, opposites, and alternatives. Finally, although several of the essays here examine particular feelings, or histories or assemblages of feelings, the concept of affective potential has a history as well, as Elisha Cohn demonstrates. By exploring oppositions swirling around these terms and structures, these essays collectively invite us to consider the affordances of those histories and to question their deployment in the present. Samalin limns the history of Darwin’s research in “Affect Theory’s Colonial Sources.” Whereas Darwin’s liberal universalist project still underlies much discussion of emotion, so too do Enlightenment liberalism’s investments in racial [End Page 592] hierarchy and domination. Darwin’s sources all over the world were steeped in racial theories which, as Samalin shows, were tightly connected to “assertions of civilizational difference”; in turn, stadial theories of development tended to be organized around concepts of affect (562). Together, these two types of theories mediated the nexus between individuals and cultural groups. The study of emotion has long claimed objective universality while simultaneously relying on appeals to feeling itself as evidentiary, as Walters makes clear. In “James Hunt, Robert Knox, and the Feelings of Empirical Race Science,” Walters argues that while race science called for a future of objectivity, it depended upon a present of “unruly” feelings (555). She discusses the Celtic section of Knox’s The Races of Men (1850), in which race comes to be defined through the feelings marking the dangerously emotional Celtic body and its supposed proclivity for violence. The period mobilized such feelings in the service of an imperial modernity. Banerjee’s “Loyalty” notes the importance of that feeling in Adam Smith’s writing as a precondition for sympathy. She explores the ways in which loyalty is positioned as uneasily contractual and performative yet natural and customary, deriving from deliberate alliance on the one hand and on predefined allegiance on the other. Arguing that loyalty is fundamental to modernity’s many-layered institutions—the family, the state, the economy—Banerjee shows how this “associational attachment” must also insist upon exclusions in turn grounded in loyalty itself (qtd. in Banerjee 568). Sympathy has of course long been an important term—perhaps even the most important—in discussions of the history of emotion as well as in literature and aesthetics. Saidiya Hartman, among other current critics, has taught us to be less trusting of sympathy, which at best “fails to expand the space of the [Black] other but merely places the [white] self in its stead” (Hartman 20). Yet, as Ablow observes, the importance of sympathy as a generator of social action is still a fundamental assumption underlying present social science discussions. But the critique of sympathy’s centrality was nascent in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century thinkers; then, too, the question of what alternatives might inspire action often swirled around questions of race. Ablow shows us how the counter discourse against the effectiveness of sympathy extended into the literary world. In “Unsettling Sympathy,” Ablow shows how Martineau avoids such appeals in her novel about the Haitian revolution, emphasizing instead the “insane contradictions” created by slavery (qtd. in Ablow 576). Ablow argues that the text incites only horror in the...

Comparison of Huang Zongxi and Thomas More’s Political Philosophies Contents, Effects and Respective Backgrounds

In both Renaissance England and the transition period from Ming to Qing in China, a wave of governmental idealism emerged that constantly evoked scholarly interests. The extent to which Huang Zongxi and Thomas More defined their state idealism differently deserves serious consideration, as an examination of the difference may shed light on the fundamental Sino-European divergences. I hope my work will not only shed light on the two men's thoughts, but also help to further our understanding of civilizational differences between China and the West. In previous research, Huang Zongxi had been widely compared with the French thinker Rousseau. According to some, these two men lived in the same “breath”, with Huang being the “Chinese Rousseau”. This widely held perception, however, is mistaken in several ways. Huang’s work Waiting for the Dawn should not be seen as mere critiques against imperial china, but as a blueprint for a Chinese version of Utopia. Instead of emphasizing the revolutionary elements in Huang’s work as in most previous research, this paper focuses on its continuation with traditional Confucian thoughts, noting key convergences. Thomas More’s Utopia, on the other hand, offered an ideal example for comparison. With similar historical and personal contexts, I believed Huang and More reflected civilizational difference between pre-modern China and Europe. While China and the West slid gradually into hostility and distrust, it is an important task for scholars to examine their respective political traditions. This essay aims to compare Huang Zongxi’s Waiting for the Dawn with Thomas More’s Utopia, noting both convergences and divergences.

The Dividing Lines

Abstract This article points at the significance of sharp contrasts in Andrzej Bobkowski's depiction of various aspects of reality, both material and psychological. The demarcation lines run along civilizational differences, social status, nationality, as well as age and former experiences, even, metaphorically, phenomena of nature. Such contrasts provide dramatic context to the events in Bobkowski's short stories while also illuminating seemingly paradoxical elements in his rebellious worldview and turbulent biography. The argument is made on the extent to which Bobkowski's use of contraposition informs both the content and the structure of his fiction.

О III РОССИЙСКОМ ФИЛОСОФСКОМ КОНГРЕССЕ: ДВАДЦАТЬ ЛЕТ СПУСТЯ

The article reconstructs the main events and ideas of the III Russian Philosophical Congress held in Rostov-on-Don in 2002. Quantitative characteristics of the events, topics of plenary and breakout sessions, colloquiums and round tables are given. The chronology of events and the emotional and intellectual atmosphere of the congress are being restored. The article is not limited to memorial tasks only. A number of theoretical positions containing an analysis of the socio-cultural situation at the turn of the second and third millennia, opening the space of modern social consciousness, are given. The realities of this world – reason, science, morality, their convergence and divergence and their civilizational differences are the subject of ongoing discussions. The discussion of the future of Russian philosophy, held at the congress, and its fate is characterized. Attention is focused on the problem of life meanings that are significant for society and central to philosophy. The role and significance of the ideas of the Russian Philosophical Congress held in Rostov-on-Don for modern intellectual life is substantiated.

PSYCHOLOGY OF MANAGEMENT OF SOCIAL CONFLICTS BY USING MEDIATION

The need to study mediationand its role in resolving conflicts is due to modern reality, since conflicts are often based on cultural and civilizational differences. Therefore, today and in the future, there are issues of social behavior, interethnic and interfaith dialogue in society. Mediation does not accept the paradigm of revolutionary changes and does not accept the forceful solution of problems. A conflict is interpreted as “one of the types of social interaction of individuals, social communities, and social institutions, in which the actions of one side, faced with the opposition of the other, impede the implementation its goals. The psychology of management help people through research in theory, practice, methods and cases, to achieve betterdecision-making, leadership practices and development,problem solvingand improve overallhuman relations. The phrase "cultural conflict", although it is found in cultural publications and in journalism, however, appears in a narrow sense as a general antipode of harmony, tolerance and an ideal to which one should strive. Without claiming to fully realize this goal, we hope that the efforts made within the framework of our research program will be useful in clarifying some necessary details of the future theoretical and cultural picture of the conflict as such and the role of mediation in its resolution. The goal set determined the nature of the following tasks: (i)in the context of the culturalapproach, to analyze the history of the formation of ideas about the conflict as a socio-cultural phenomenon and, in this regard, pay special attention to the evolution of understanding the role of mediation in resolving various social conflicts; (ii)to explain in a cultural context the reasons for the formation of mediation as one of the modern civilizational means of "alternative resolution of disputes (conflicts)"; (iii)to consider the features of the manifestation of conflictogenity in the life of modern society; (iv)reveal the nature and essence of mediation as an effective social institution in culture.Conflicts are studied within the framework of almost all scientific social disciplines. And the essence of the concept they consider will be constantly refined and analyzed in its special meaning. For many centuries, well-known thinkers, philosophers, scientists, reflecting on the nature of the unity of human society, one way or another brought to the fore cultural-philosophical and cultural fundamental problems of the theory of conflict.

Memorial communities in the global world

The article reveals the methodological potential of the cosmopolitan approach to the study of collective memory as one of the main prerequisites for the formation of group identity and identification of the foundations for the formation of global memory. For this purpose, the civilizational approach of S. Huntington, the paradigmatic approach of J. Heidt and the methodological apparatus of memory studies with its inherent intention to the problem of forming a group identity are used. These methodological tools helped to explain the whole spectrum of modern civilizational transformations and provided an impartial view of the sources of aggressive policy of russia towards Ukraine’s European choice and entire Western civilization. In view of this, the results of the study can be useful for developing a humanitarian policy appropriate to Ukraine’s European choice, in particular, for elaboration of a strategy for the development of Ukrainian memory policy. It must be developed taking into account the ultimate importance of global (universal) memory for overcoming international conflicts for the sake of peace and prosperity of all mankind and understanding the problematic nature of its emergence in the near future due to civilizational differences and economic inequality. Given this, it is important to the modern world to form supranational communities, whose members being aware of the decentralized nature of global processes and the risks involved will focus on creating a system of interstate mechanisms to overcome turbulence to preserve peace and increase human well-being. Despite the noble intentions of the supporters of the cosmopolitan world based on the principles of liberal democracy, their ideas and programs are discern with great caution, and sometimes even with open hostility in cultural environments and communities with different from European collective experience and historical memory. This, in turn, puts on the list of items the need to unite the entire Western world and construct a supranational pan-European identity as a prerequisite for the internal consolidation of European society around core values defined by shared historical memories that underpins European international policy

The Phenomenon of State Policy: The Essence and Types

The article is devoted to the phenomenon of state policy and its conceptual reflection in domestic and foreign literature. The author draws attention to the cultural and civilizational differences in interpreting the concept of state policy. In Western political science, the term “public policy” (public policy), identified with state policy, has become widespread. The term “state policy” is traditionally used in Russian social science thought. The author revealed state policy’s main features and properties and justified the differentiation of “state policy” and “public administration” concepts. The main theoretical and methodological approaches to the definition of the essence of state policy are summarized. The author expressed his definition from the position of the socio-philosophical approach. Further, the author presented the classification of types of state policy on various grounds. Finally, the author justified the necessity of closer interconnection for specific kinds of state policy of the Russian Federation with each other, taking into account the requirements of a systematic approach.

Философия в полицентричном мире: о VIII Российском философском конгрессе

The main issues discussed at the VIII Russian Philosophical Congress held in Moscow are considered, an assessment of its results is given. The appeal to the memory of outstanding Russian philosophers A.A. Zinoviev, V.V. Mironov, V.S. Stepin, I.T. Frolov, B.G. Yudin and other colleagues-philosophers gave the work of the congress the character of a philosophical reconstruction carried out in the space of personal knowledge. The question of the polycentricity of the modern world allowed us to proceed to the consideration of the civiliza­tional ideas of Russian philosophers. The issues of civilizational differences and relations between Russia and the West found a significant addition at the plenary session “A.A. Zinoviev’s Philosophy and Modernity”, at which A.A. Guseynov, V.A. Lectorsky, A.P. Kozyrev and others spoke. The recognition of civilizational diversity, as A.V. Smirnov specially noted, involves thinking about the poly­centricity of philosophy itself, about its role in ensuring the “coherence” of cul­ture as an integrity. The symposium dedicated to the memory of V.V. Mironov, “Metaphysics does not die”, allowed us to draw a number of generalizing con­clusions about the metaphysical foundations of philosophy and the need to un­derstand it as a form of cultural self-consciousness and civic identity.

Rise of China

A new world emerges to the detriment of the unipolar world led so far by the United States. In this context, what the new global order will look like, due to China's growing influence in the international arena, is a major topic of discussion for internationalists. The debate is mainly based on two alternative standpoints: China will adapt itself to the international system or China will build a new one according to its own values and norms. The aim of this research is to trace the line between (1) the narratives and debates on China's rise, and (2) the civilizational differences between the Asian country and the West, thus providing a framework for identifying possible ways in which China could impact the international system.

The dialectics of universalism and particularism: World society, religious traditions, and women’s political representation, 1960–2013

This study develops a model of macro-cultural identity inspired by the work of George Herbert Mead. The model puts world society theory, which emphasizes the homogenizing effects of ‘world culture,’ into conversation with civilization-analytic perspectives, which contend that religious and civilizational differences grow increasingly salient over time. The author regards these approaches as dialectically co-implicated. To test the model, the article analyzes cross-cultural heterogeneity in the effects of world society linkages on women’s share of parliamentary seats between 1960 and 2013. Countries are grouped into cultural zones based primarily on religious composition and secondarily on geographical region. The results generally support world society theory. Contrary to civilization-analytic perspectives, cultural resistance to women’s representation is most pronounced early but fades over time. Despite overall increases in women’s representation, there is little cross-cultural convergence, giving rise to improvement without isomorphism. The study concludes with a refined model of world society effects.