Civilian Control Research Articles

Sharing Saddles: Oligarchs and Officers on Horseback in Egypt and Tunisia

AbstractResearch on the military's removal from politics overemphasizes the attitudes and interests of officers. Civilians are portrayed as incapable of confronting refractory men with guns. This essay compares regime transitions in Egypt (2011–2013) and Tunisia (2011–2014) to show that unified civilian elites strengthen and polarized elites undermine civilian control of the armed forces. Research for the cases is based on interviews with Egyptian and Tunisian businesspersons, party members, and civil society activists; the International Consortium of Investigation Journalists's tax-offshoring database; loan disbursements from the IMF and World Bank; and secondary sources in Arabic, French, and English. The cases reveal novel insights about the military's removal from politics in fledgling democracies. Pleasing Egypt's officers did not shield President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood from a coup in July 2013 because Morsi and the Brotherhood threatened the wealth and power of civilian politicians and oligarchs. In Tunisia, Islamist and non-Islamist political and economic elites pushed democratization for fear of another Ben “Ali-style kleptocracy. Even during crisis in 2013, united civilian elites contained opposition calls for army intervention. The study's findings suggest that democratizers are not at the mercy of soldiers, but rather civilian leaders have the power to sideline their armies.

Rhetoric Matters: Inviting Military Overreach with the Sheepdog Analogy

ABSTRACT Military personnel encounter analogies meant to help them understand their role and tasks. One such depicts military “sheepdogs” protecting ordinary-citizen “sheep” from predator “wolves.” But simple analogies of this kind combine surface appeal with ideological implications that make them hazardous. The sheepdog analogy's simplistic trichotomy is liable to undermine warfighters' battlefield restraint, both in how they fight and whom they fight. They may improperly expand the realm of “wolves” to be attacked, and exert less self-control in attacking. Worse, they may develop a sense of moral superiority and chafe resentfully and contemptuously under civilian control. Despite the sheepdog analogy's superficial attractions, it could end up undermining respect for democratic processes and constraints, civil liberties, and the Constitutional system that soldiers are sworn to defend. Nor can it be saved by well-intentioned revisions. Hence, it ought to be eliminated from circulation to the extent possible. Furthermore, a broader consideration of the conditions required for any acceptable warfighter analogy recommends avoidance of all beguilingly evocative simple tropes for soldier identity. Their intended constructive messages and effects are ever liable to be overtaken by unintended ones that subvert soldiers' rightful understandings of their relationships to other human beings and to the body politic.

Savremeni odnosi između državne vlasti i vojske iz ugla nauke o politici

The subject of the research in this paper are contemporary aspects of the relation between branches of the state power and the Armed Forces. The general starting hypothesis was: "If the state power holders do not have stable support in economic and political actors of the social structure and do not ensure their interaction with social, political, cultural, information and communications and security system, then the execution of the modern role of the Armed Forces in the political system is difficult." Almost all main analytical and synthetic methods of knowledge have been used in the paper, and the comparative method when it comes to general scientific methods. From the data collection methods the operational method of document content analysis has been used. The paper emphasizes several main findings, first of all, that the Armed Forces and other elements of the defence system in the process of protection of vital social values should be under constant supervision and civilian control of the legitimately elected legislative power, and the executive power should provide conditions, budget and supreme command and through ministerial instructions give guidelines and priorities for the development of the Armed Forces and directly control them. The judicial power sanctions anti-constitutional and illegal actions of the Armed Forces members, as well as other citizens of the society, but also protects the rights and freedoms of those who seek justice.

ОРГАНІЗАЦІЙНО-ПРАВОВІ ЗАСАДИ ПІДВИЩЕННЯ ЕФЕКТИВНОСТІ ВЗАЄМОДІЇ УПРАВЛІННЯ ДЕРЖАВНОЇ ОХОРОНИ УКРАЇНИ З ІНШИМИ ОРГАНАМИ, ЯКІ ВХОДЯТЬ ДО СКЛАДУ СИЛ БЕЗПЕКИ І ОБОРОНИ УКРАЇНИ

A theoretical analysis of legal and organizational and managerial problems of improving the effectiveness of the Department of State Protection of Ukraine with other bodies of the security and defense sector of Ukraine, taking into account the strategic planning documents in the field of national security priority areas to protect national interests. It is stated that the current state of cooperation requires the implementation of measures to harmonize the legal framework, development of criteria for assessing the effectiveness of interaction, implementation of activities based on program-target approach, development of effective communication system, optimization of monitoring and mutual information, ensuring coordinated process of development and adoption of regulations strategic planning documents based on a risk-oriented approach, introduction of mandatory discussion of the results of interaction not only at the departmental level, but also with representatives of other bodies that are a part of the security and defense forces in compliance with democratic civilian control. The necessity of regulating at the legislative level the status of state protection objects as a component of critical infrastructure and determining key aspects of interaction of the State Protection Department of Ukraine with other subjects of critical infrastructure protection is argued, given that the problem of critical infrastructure protection is complex to be solved comprehensively. All components of the security and defense sector must be involved. It is pointed out that an important factor in improving the efficiency of regulation of these relations is the adoption of the Law of Ukraine “On Critical Infrastructure and its Protection”.

Constitutional foundations of the security system in a modern state

The paper presents an analysis of the reform of the national security system of the Republic of Serbia. The leading method in this study is the system analysis method, which allowed the author to analyse the features of the modern national security architecture of Serbia and the procedure of interaction of its components. Studying the current regulation of security issues in the Republic of Serbia, the author comes to the conclusion that, on the one hand, as a result of the reform in Serbia, a new national security system has been created that meets European standards and is able to adequately respond to modern challenges and threats to international and domestic peace and security. But, on the other hand, currently, the activities of the security agencies of Serbia are under multi-vector civilian control, which, undoubtedly, constitutes one of the most important features of a democratically organised state.

Turkey’s Melancholy Economic Indicators Camouflaged by Militarization as a Foreign Policy

After Ataturk’s death (November 10, 1938), the Turkish military saw itself as the unquestioned sole guardian of Ataturk’s principles - secularism and national unity. The Turkish military protected the country against authoritarian and anti-secular policies in the 1950s, extreme anarchy in the 1960s and 1970s, and rise of Islamist-based political parties with anti-secular ideologies in the 1990s. The Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) had gained certain prerogatives and privileges after each coup, but the 1982 Constitution drafted by the military ensuing the 1980 coup d'etat created formal (institutional) and informal (non-institutional) mechanisms for the military to exert power in domestic, foreign, and defense policies. The developments in 2007 marked the starting point for a shift in balance of power in civil-military relations; in spite of the military’s high alert on the AKP’s anti-secular ways, the April 27 midnight e-memorandum (e-coup) failed to deter the AKP to select Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul as the ruling party's candidate for the presidency in 2007; but more importantly, the military failed to protect the country’s laicistic – secularist order. Then Prime Minister Erdogan waged a legal war against senior military officers including four-star generals for allegedly plotting a coup against the AKP government in 2003 and 2004. The military lost this battle too, through Ergenekon and Balyoz (Sledgehammer) investigations and related trials, many high-ranking military personnel had been accused, arrested, and prosecuted for plotting to overthrow the AKP government; and for the first time in Turkish history, and to everyone’s disbelief, senior military officers were actually prosecuted in civilian courts by civilian prosecutors. According to President Erdogan’s new foreign and defense policies, today Turkey is not backing away showing its military muscle even this may mean irritating many of its neighbors and NATO allies. The AKP government under President Erdogan’s leadership has devoted itself through relentless efforts to reduce the TSK’s political power; in the process, the Erdogan administration has taken full advantage of the EU’s Copenhagen Criteria (i.e. civilian control of the military is a condition for EU accession negotiations) to strip of the military’s both formal and informal mechanisms. Today, the military is bent to President Erdogan’s will, who selects military personnel and gives orders to commanders of the armed forces; additionally, Erdogan has made a number of structural changes to reshape the military as he has envisaged. As Turkey insists spending on military ($20.4 billion in 2019), a sustainable economic recovery remains a distant dream.

Lessons from the Post-Totalitarian Transformation of Intelligence Services

The editors are delighted to present studies on transformation processes in the structures, legislation, management, and oversight of intelligence and state security services in Hungary, Indonesia, Poland, the South African Republic, and Ukraine.1 Various contributors felt encouraged to share data and analysis on ongoing processes of intelligence reform and the evolution of surveillance. Yet, as the authors note, the weakness of civilian control could induce the services to continue using this extended power in the post-Covid situation. [...]contributors alarm that regulatory activities of many countries, including the EU, in the realm of Artificial Intelligence do not match the pace of development of these technologies. Skilled in research, policy analysis, and project management, she holds a Master of Science degree in Public Policy Analysis from the Rochester Institute of Technology.

ПРЕДМЕТ ДЕМОКРАТИЧНОГО ЦИВІЛЬНОГО КОНТРОЛЮ НАД СИЛАМИ ОБОРОНИ

The purpose of writing this article is to define the concept and features of democratic civilian control over the defense forces. It was found that the legal relations that arise during the consolidation and definition of the subject of democratic civil control are complex and governed by the rules of various branches of law. To correctly determine the subject of the studied type of control, it is necessary to distinguish the external manifestations of activity of these officials, which are subject to measurement, generalization and analysis. One such manifestation is the behavior of persons subject to legislative provisions on the exercise of democratic civilian control over the defense forces. The subject of democratic civilian control over the defense forces is an element of the objects of control, which is directly covered by the organizational behavior of both military officials and other categories of servicemen and employees of military formations, as well as civilians empowered by Ukrainian law to make decisions. relating to the defense forces. The subject of democratic civilian control over the defense forces must meet the following requirements: objectivity, measurability, specificity, repeatability of results in the case of application by other subjects of control of the same control methodology. The subject of democratic civilian control over the defense forces has its source in the social relations that arise in the security and defense sector. The relationship between the object and the subject of the specified control is determined by the scale of activities carried out to achieve the objectives of control. At the same time, the subject of democratic civilian control over the defense forces is always smaller in scale than its object. An analysis of the current legislation governing the control of the defense forces shows that a sufficient legal basis for the implementation of the above requirements has not yet been created. Gaps in the legal regulation of security and defense control activities need to be filled. This requires amendments to the Law of Ukraine "On National Security", aimed at specifying the system of evaluation of the results of control over the activities of the defense forces.

Healthy Eating Index and Nutrition Biomarkers among Army Soldiers and Civilian Control Group Indicate an Intervention Is Necessary to Raise Omega-3 Index and Vitamin D and Improve Diet Quality.

Diet quality and nutrition status are important for optimal health and military performance. Few studies have simultaneously evaluated diet quality and biochemical markers of nutritional status of military service members. The Healthy Eating Index (HEI) can be used to assess dietary quality and adherence to federal nutrition guidelines. The aim of this study was to assess soldiers’ diet quality and nutritional status and compare results to a civilian control group. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted with 531 soldiers. A food frequency questionnaire was used to calculate HEI scores. A blood sample was collected for analysis of select nutrition biochemical markers. Non-parametric analyses were conducted to compare the diet quality and nutritional status of soldiers and controls. Differences in non-normally distributed variables were determined by using the Wilcoxon signed-rank test. Results: Soldiers had an HEI score of 59.9 out of 100, marginally higher than the control group (55.4). Biochemical markers of interest were within normal reference values for soldiers, except for the omega-3 index and vitamin D. Conclusions: This study identified dietary components that need improvement and deficits in biochemical markers among soldiers. Improving diet quality and nutritional status should lead to better health, performance, and readiness of the force.

Talking about Ideal Civil-Military Relationship: Comparation Cases between Military in Indonesia and India in Dealing with Covid-19 Pandemic

The relationship between civil and military has many dimensions, and this relationship may be ideal. This article uses Huntington and Feaver's preferences to explain the ideal civil-military relationship in India and Indonesia through case studies of handling the COVID-19 pandemic. The choice of the two countries was due to Indonesia and India showing the dynamics of the relationship between civilians and the military from being quite harsh to be ideal. The ideal civil-military relationship can be described as a military subject to civilian control. However, this does not mean that the civilian government has total power over the military; Instead, the control in question illustrates that the military is a professional institution and is ready to protect its citizens. Civilians no longer see the military as being in the position of who will guard the guardian, but how to control your guardian so that there is no escalation of conflict or coups between the military and civilians. Through these ideal civil and military relations, the military-assisted handling of the pandemic has yielded satisfactory results for both countries.

Intelligence bodies of the state in the mechanism of ensuring the constitutional rights and freedoms of man and citizen: international standards and legislation

The place and role of state intelligence bodies in the mechanism of ensuring constitutional rights and freedoms of man and citizen according to international standards and in the light of the newly adopted Laws of Ukraine «On the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine» and «On Intelligence» are studied. It is proved that in Ukraine, as in other post-Soviet states that did not have intelligence legislation, but began to create it after the declaration of independence, the process of constitutional and legal regulation of intelligence agencies consisted of four stages (transitional, initial, basic and modern). Describing each stage, the authors stressed that the Ukrainian legislator is now in the fourth stage, which is characterized by the improvement of already adopted legislation on intelligence activities or the adoption of completely new laws based on new versions or amendments to constitutions (basic laws). It is emphasized that Ukraine has been one of the first states in the territory of the former USSR to adopt the fourth (modern) stage since the adoption of new legislative acts on the activities of intelligence agencies. Undoubtedly, the impetus for this was the amendment of the Constitution of Ukraine on the strategic course of the state to become a full member of Ukraine in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which radically changed the direction and direction of intelligence use of available forces and means. It is noted that the newly adopted legislation was developed not out of thin air, but based on a set of already adopted regulations that fully reflect the complex threatening situation around Ukraine and clearly indicate the place of intelligence agencies in a single system of national security. It was necessary to summarize all the adopted preliminary normative material and summarize it in new legislative acts, which would in a new way regulate all issues of intelligence functioning in modern difficult conditions. The main positive points in the newly adopted laws are identified, namely: 1) granting categories that were previously used only in the theory of intelligence, the status of legal categories, which indicates the beginning of the process of forming a completely new set of special legal terms; 2) inclusion in the text of a separate article on the observance of human rights and freedoms in the conduct of intelligence activities; 3) inclusion in the Law of Ukraine «On Intelligence» of a separate section on the peculiarities of democratic civilian control over intelligence; 4) granting the right to intelligence agencies to conduct intelligence affairs. It is proposed to consider in the Ukrainian legislation some legal provisions of the legislation of European countries regarding parliamentary control, which, according to the authors, will significantly increase the effectiveness of control. It is substantiated that the Law of Ukraine «On Intelligence» should contain: - a list of principles of intelligence activities must be defined; - the obligation of the authorized judge of the court to draw up a decision on the refusal to grant permission to conduct an intelligence event is more correctly formulated; - the right of intelligence agencies to provide training, retraining and advanced training of persons involved in confidential cooperation, in the manner prescribed by law for intelligence officers, is more clearly defined. It is concluded that the newly adopted laws provide comprehensive guarantees of compliance with the provisions of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950 and fully reflect the needs of intelligence agencies in the legal regulation of their activities in modern conditions.

Participation of the Turkish Military in the Economy of the State: Case of Indirect Praetorionism

Based on the example of the Turkish military’s involvement in the country’s economy, this article seeks to complement the concept of praetorionism and to highlight the mechanisms of indirect praetorionism. The Turkish army plays an important role in the country’s economy, while the military pension fund OYAK is considered one of the country’s business giants. It provides an opportunity to maintain disproportionate institutional autonomy and weakens civilian control mechanisms. This provides the military with additional instruments of political influence and encourages the emergence of hidden mechanisms of praetorianism. The article seeks to understand new phenomena and trends in the interaction between the society and the military, as the involvement of the Turkish army in the country’s economy changes the concept of praetorianism and provides new, indirect ways of intervening in public policy. Because of how the Turkish military controls business companies using a privileged position in the country’s economy, corruption mechanisms that influence the mechanisms of the redistribution of economic resources and the pursuit of rents have an indirect impact on the political system of the state. In this way, military entrepreneurship has transformed the conceptual structure of praetorians and complemented interventions with indirect forms of influence, such as corruption, economic dominance, and the distortion of economic reforms.

Anit Mukherjee. 2020. The Absent Dialogue: Politicians, Bureaucrats and the Military in India

India is widely—and rightly—recognised for being one of only a few postcolonial states that has avoided interference by its military in its politics. At one time or another, most have experienced some kind of intervention, coup d’etat, or period of military rule. In India, there have been occasions when generals have overstepped the mark and there are present concerns about the politicisation of the armed forces, but it has been remarkably successful in keeping its armed forces under civilian control. Indeed, so strict is that control that some analysts and officers suggest that India’s military is not just constrained from interfering in politics, but also held back from becoming a more effective fighting force. A swathe of failings has been attributed to this ‘civilian dominance’, as it is sometimes called, from the procurement of unsuitable weapons to the appointment of subpar senior officers.

Huntington in Canada: The Triumph of Subjective Control

Samuel Huntington theorized in The Soldier and the State that rather than make the military in the image of society (subjective control), both superior civilian control and military outcomes would result if the military was allowed its own sphere and culture, shaped by military requirements (objective control). Since 1963, the Canadian Armed Forces have argued for objective control, while political leadership and the country have largely paid little attention to military demands for greater social independence. An examination of defense policy, the “civilianization” crisis, the Somalia Inquiry, and diversity legislation and programs demonstrate the triumph of subjective control. This article concludes that subjective control has had costs to civilians in military shirking and to the military in alienation from its parent society. Huntington remains useful, but it is time to consider modern alternatives to understand civil-military relationships.

Internationally vulnerable Korean water deer (Hydropotes inermis argyropus) can act as an ecological filter by endozoochory

Seeds dispersed by endozoochory by large herbivores are disseminated over long distances, which has potential impacts on vegetation dynamics within a region. The Korean water deer (Hydropotes inermis argyropus) is a dominant deer species in South Korea, but is considered a vulnerable species internationally. In the present study, we aimed to elucidate the role of Korean water deer in seed dispersal in lowland areas where land-use change is occurring. We assessed seasonal differences in seed dispersal in Korean water deer, and the traits of seeds dispersed in this manner. We identified species dispersed by controlled germination using Korean water deer fecal samples from the Civilian Control Zone adjacent to the Demilitarized Zone between South and North Korea, a mixed lowland habitat of forest and open area. A total of 208 fecal pellet groups were collected throughout the year from April 2017 to March 2018. We found a total of 35 plant species from the deer feces. More seeds and species were dispersed in fall, the main seeding period in South Korea. Dispersed plant species were mainly forbs that were specific to lowland areas and had medium (1–2 mm) seeds with no specific dispersal adaptations. Our results suggest that Korean water deer preferentially disperse particular plant species. They disperse disproportionately more graminoids, species from open areas, shorter than 2 mm, with no special adaptation, and specifically without fleshy/edible fruits, which may result in ecological filtering. We conclude that Korean water deer, as an endozoochorous seed dispersal vector in the lowland of South Korea, can affect plant populations and communities in the region.

Selective assertiveness and strategic deference: explaining judicial contestation of military prerogatives in Pakistan

ABSTRACT How do we explain variation in judicial assertiveness towards politically powerful militaries? This article argues that the judiciary’s willingness to assert itself against the military is contingent upon the type of military prerogative being challenged. Focusing on Pakistan, I find that courts are more willing to contest military prerogatives connected to the military’s political authority, than prerogatives connected to its institutional autonomy. This selective assertiveness is strategic, as concerns about military retaliation against the judiciary are more likely to outweigh judicial preferences, on questions of the military’s institutional autonomy than on questions of the military’s political authority. I test this hypothesis using an original dataset of 720 high court and supreme court judgments pertaining to military prerogatives from Pakistan. I then discuss a sample of judgments selected from the dataset to demonstrate how variation in judicial assertiveness is guided primarily by strategic concerns about the likelihood of military retaliation against the judiciary. In studying the interactions between the judiciary and the military in Pakistan, the article provides a new perspective on the sources of judicial assertiveness and restraint, and the role the judiciary can play in bringing militaries under civilian control in authoritarian and post-authoritarian states.

Цивільно-військові відносини та деякі особливості демократичного цивільного контролю над силами оборони України

У статті на основі аналізу системи цивільно-військових відносин в Україні та демократичного цивільного контролю над силами оборони, передусім над Збройними Силами України, розглядаються особливості цивільного контролю в умовах правового режиму воєнного стану та напрями подальшого вдосконалення цивільного контролю над силами оборони в Україні.

Structural implications of traditional agricultural landscapes on the functional diversity of birds near the Korean Demilitarized Zone.

Bird assemblages are sensitive to changes in landscape composition and the environment, such as those that result from drought. In this study, the relationship between landscape composition and avian functional diversity in traditional agricultural ecosystems in the Civilian Control Zone (CCZ) of Korea was examined. In addition, the resilience of biodiversity to changes in landscape elements resulting from drought conditions was investigated. The traditional agricultural landscape (TAL) of the sites studied was divided into three types: TAL 1 had a high proportion of rice paddies, TAL 2 included large forest areas, and TAL 3 represented areas with drylands. Of these, TAL 1 showed the highest species richness and functional richness, but these measures were most vulnerable to drought. Meanwhile, TAL 2 showed that the bird communities were more tolerant under drought event. This study shows that to conserve and enhance the diversity of birds in traditional agricultural landscapes of Northeast Asia, active management of forest areas is needed to protect bird populations. In addition, commercial pressures to develop this area will require urgent biodiversity conservation plans to protect the unique biodiversity of the Korean CCZ. This study thus provides landscape management guidance for conservation planning.

МЕТОДИКА ЕКСПЕРТИЗИ РЕЗУЛЬТАТІВ ЕКСПЕРТНОГО ОЦІНЮВАННЯ

In modern conditions, namely, in the transformational processes of managing defense resources, aimed at developing the capabilities of the armed forces, making managerial decisions in the organizational systems of military and civilian control, the method of expert assessment is widely used.The expert assessment method is the basis for the work of commissions to check the state of military and industrial facilities, their level of readiness and security, including on the rational allocation of resources, the use of economic opportunities, mobilization training, and the like. The expert assessment also retains its relevance for the future during research exercises, checking the combat and mobilization readiness and security of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, facilities and sectors of the national economy and other state institutions that ensure the national security of the state and its components - military and economic security. Over the years of application, the mechanisms of expert assessment have been thoroughly worked out, requirements have been formed for the procedure for selecting experts, their level of competence, assessment procedures, the procedure for processing the assessment results and other activities. However, in expert assessment it is assumed that all experts are certainly qualified and objective. And if there are subjective errors in their conclusions, then they are levelled out by increasing the number of experts and repetitions of expert evaluation procedures.At the same time, under any circumstances and conditions of expert assessment, the role of the “human factor” remains, in other words, the possibility of bias, corruption in the actions and assessments of experts is not excluded. Especially such factors are possible in the course of managing large material and financial resources, in the case of a limited number of experts. And the consequences of these factors can lead to the irrational use of material values, significant damage, including in the process of developing the capabilities of the armed forces, combat and mobilization readiness.Thus, when applying expert assessment, especially in measures to manage the distribution of large material and financial resources, the problem of a reliable examination of the results of expert assessment is urgent. Such an examination, preferably, in addition to being reliable, should not be cumbersome, expensive, simple, and accessible for practical use.In this paper, on the basis of the analysis of “mechanisms of reasonable control” developed in the theory of active systems, a mechanism for checking (examination) of the results of expert assessment is proposed.

Renegotiating societal-military relations in Pakistan: the case of the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement

ABSTRACT This article examines the Pakistani military’s changing response to the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), to better understand pathways to military accountability and democratic change. An apolitical, non-violent civil-society movement, the PTM challenged the military’s domestic-security practices for over a year, eliciting uncharacteristic concessions despite the apparent motive, opportunity and precedent for repression. Curiously, though, the role of civil society in renegotiating military behaviour has been overlooked in mainstream civil–military relations, which focuses on coup propensity at one extreme and harmonious democratic configurations at the other. Using first-hand interviews with PTM activists, security officials, commentators and politicians, this study argues that the PTM’s unique appeal to societal and constitutional legitimacy constrained military responses, creating an opportunity to contest military behaviour publicly in a fashion impossible for conventional political elites. Although the military eventually resorted to force, this was itself facilitated by attacks on the underlying parameters of the PTM’s societal legitimacy, underscoring the importance of societal-military relations in the space between civilian control and coup d’état.