Civil Military Research Articles

Civil–Military Collaboration in the Initial Medical Response to the Earthquake in Haiti

Two days after Haiti's devastating earthquake, a medical relief team made up in part of four emergency physicians and four emergency nurses from Stanford University Hospital and three emergency physicians from Columbia University Medical Center traveled under the auspices of the International Medical Corps, a nonprofit organization based in Los Angeles, to provide emergency medical support. After an all-night bus ride from the Dominican Republic, the team arrived at the Hopital de l'Universite d'Etat d'Haiti in Port-au-Prince on the morning of January 17. The scene we faced was apocalyptic. Approximately 800 victims were within the hospital compound, most of them . . .

Cultural Stress: How Interactions With and Among Foreign Populations Affect Military Personnel

The purpose of this article is to expand civil—military and military health research’s concepts of stress with the addition of a theoretical construct of the concept known as “cultural stress.” Military research often discusses combat and operational stress and its effect on soldiers but does not address unique culturally induced stressors created by the modern military’s interaction with indigenous populations. Civilian research discusses stress as it relates to “culture shock” but does not account for unique pressures facing servicemen in both peacetime and wartime environments. This article synthesizes these concepts to produce a new conceptual basis of “cultural stress” from which further empirical research can be conducted.

The role of metacognition in the relationship between objective and subjective measures of situation awareness

The present paper is concerned with the relationship between subjective and objective measures of situation awareness (SA) within the context of a realistic command and control (C2) scenario. A 2-day scenario involved a joint military–civilian C2 exercise relating to the (crisis) management of a large event held in a metropolitan area. The role of participants comprised both the acquisition and maintenance of SA of each crisis event and the coordination of an appropriate course of action. Two measures of SA were collected at the end of each day–Situation Awareness Rating Technique (SART) and Quantitative Assessment of Situation Awareness (QUASA). No correlation was found between QUASA confidence and accuracy scores. However, SART SA, SART S(upply) and SART U(nderstanding) scores showed a negative correlation with QUASA accuracy scores. These results are interpreted in light of Koriat et al.'s (Koriat, A., et al., 2008. Information-based and experience-based metacognitive judgement: evidence from subjective confidence. In: J. Dunlosky and R.A. Bjork, eds. Handbook of metamemory and memory. New York: Taylor & Francis, 117–135) framework of information- and experience-based metacognitive judgements and practical implications for the subjective measurement of SA are discussed. SA is a critical real-world concept, yet its measurement remains ambiguous. The relationship between subjective and objective SA measures was examined within the context of a realistic C2 scenario. Using theories of metacognition, unique insights were gained into how subjective SA plays a strategic role in the acquisition of SA.

The St. Aubyn mineral collection (c.1794-2010) at Plymouth City Museum and Art Gallery

Sir John St. Aubyn (1758-1839) was a collector and a facilitator to science and the arts. His particular interest was for mineralogy and this lead him to create a sizeable mineral collection containing many interesting specimens. Some of these have been collected in the field by Sir John St. Aubyn, but most of the specimens have been bought from dealers or as whole collections in auction rooms. We know that St. Aubyn bought a proportion of John Stuart's, 3rd Earl of Bute (1713-1792) mineral collection from Dr. William Babington (1756-1833) in 1799. He also purchased a smaller mineral collection from the son of Richard Greene� (1716-1793) in the same year. Richard Greene is an important man to all of us, because he opened the first public museum in England. He was also a good friend of Erasmus Darwin (1731-1802). Before his death, Sir John St. Aubyn employed Isaiah Deck of Cambridge to auction his mineral collection. In 1834, Isaiah split the collection and gave two smaller collections to Sir John's wife Juliana and to his daughter Mrs. Parnell. Then a larger collection went to the Civil Military Library at Devonport. Luckily parts of the original collection still exist today in Saffron Walden Museum and in Plymouth City Museum. The minerals that are now in Plymouth City Museum and Art Gallery (PCMAG) came to the museum in 1924, on a permanent loan from Devonport. In 2007, PCMAG secured a grant from the Esm�e Fairbairn Foundation, enabling the museum's natural history department to conduct a variety of work on this historic collection. In the following article, I will recount my journey through time as I removed centuries of dust to reveal a collection of scientific and cultural importance.

Third-Generation Civil—Military Relations

Counterinsurgency strategies employed by the US military in Afghanistan have led to the US military embarking on civil governance reform. This has created new forms of civil—military relations with Afghan and international counterparts. These relations appear less dramatic than ‘conventional’ civil—military relations, in that they do not create the same visible alignment on the ground between military and non-military identities. In addition, the increased merging of civil and military work areas creates a new complexity that stems from semantic confusion. This complexity is mostly about norms and principles, in that the core puzzle is the more general question of what kinds of tasks the military should and should not do, rather than about violent consequences to civilians and questions of neutrality. This article proposes the term ‘third-generation civil—military relations’ to capture and examine the conceptual challenges that stem from the merging of military and civil work areas in Afghanistan’s reconstruction.

Thoughts of Home: Civil–Military Relations and the Conduct of Nigeria's Peacekeeping Forces

The aim of this paper is to cast new light on the conduct of Nigeria's peacekeeping forces over the past 20 years by examining the Nigerian military's relationship with its own citizens. Time and again while on operations in Liberia and Sierra Leone, these forces have abused human rights and engaged in criminal activities. That they have continued to do so is evidence of the culture of contempt prevalent in the Nigerian military. The paper argues that this culture is, in part, the result of the military's treatment of its own civilian population. Its repeated interventions in the political process and actions in the Niger Delta and while performing police duties elsewhere, have given rise to abusive patterns of behaviour which its officers and men have then taken with them when deployed abroad.

Informal Civil—Military Relations in Latin America: Why Politicians and Soldiers Choose Unofficial Venues

This study examines the phenomenon of informal civil—military relations. Informal behaviors are those that normally do not occur within the chain of command, are not mandated by law, and do not conform to official procedures. Politicians and soldiers discover that formal, institutional routines are sometimes too constraining and that they can advance their interests more effectively by amending, circumventing, or violating those routines. The party most aggrieved by the rules of the game initiates an informal solution. Whether the other side goes along depends on how divergent its preferences are with the aggrieved party. Greatly divergent preferences result in unilateral informalities, less divergent but still negotiable positions yield bilateral-conflictive encounters, and convergent preferences result in cooperative ventures. Case studies on Chile, Argentina, and Bolivia exemplify three different kinds of informal encounters and their impacts on civilian policy choices and military interests.

La guerra dei matti. Una ricerca su un manicomio di provincia

- Beyond the sum of the deaths and of the economic damages caused by war, war accounting has always shown little regard to the mental health traumas caused by these events. And yet many research studies, based both on the major nineteen century conflicts and on the more recent ones, show that psychic traumas provoked by war can persist with their victims often for many decades. My specific research took into consideration the patients of the Neuropsychiatric Hospital of Racconigi, between 1938 and 1947. This mental hospital hosted psychiatric patients from the Cuneo Province during this specific period. More than 2,500 cases have been taken into consideration of which hundreds were soldiers and civilians committed to this hospital after taking part directly in war actions or as victims of war actions, namely soldiers coming back from the Russian military campaign and civilian survivors of the Boves' slaughter. This research has been possible thanks to the noteworthy helpfulness of the sanitary institution that maintains the medical records of this hospital, including individual case files containing medical documents, public acts and private letters. These historical sources, scarcely used in research, have allowed me to look into the human and cultural atmosphere of the time and to analyze the complexity of the power relations among patients, their relatives, public authorities and medical doctors.Key words: War, mental traumas, psychiatric hospital, medical records, soldiers, civilians.Parole chiave: Guerra, traumi mentali, ospedale psichiatrico, cartelle cliniche, soldati, civili.

The particularities of the professional activity of military civil engineer

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Civil—Military Relations in the United States and Russia

The key to understanding civil—military relations in polities such as Russia and the United States is military culture. Military culture includes a variety of characteristics or norms of behavior. Some such as executive leadership, respect for military expertise, and a clear chain of command are critical and exist in both the American and Russian militaries. Looking at two periods in both countries (Yeltsin and George Bush II, and Putin and George Bush I), this article maintains that in those instances when military culture was ignored in either country (e.g., a lack of executive leadership, little respect for military expertise, and lack of a clear chain of command), conflict not only existed but also was acerbated. Conversely, in cases where the civilians were firmly in charge but respected military culture, conflict was minimized. Senior military officers felt free to express their opinions and had the perception that their views were always taken seriously.

Base Politics: Democratic Change and the U.S. Military Overseas. By Alexander Cooley. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008. 321p. $29.95.

On September 5, 1995, three United States military personnel abducted and raped a 12-year-old schoolgirl on Okinawa, an island in the Pacific that houses roughly 75% of the U.S. military facilities in Japan. After a month and a half of smaller rallies, more than 85,000 demonstrators gathered in late October that year to protest not only the crime itself but also the presence of the U.S. bases on this string of islands that sit a thousand miles south of mainland Japan. Despite the enormous tragedy of this incident, the widespread international attention it received, and the Okinawan governor's refusal afterwards to renew land to the bases, more than 48,000 U.S. military personnel, their dependents, and civilians remain today on the island, which is roughly the size of Los Angeles. Tragedies at other U.S. bases overseas have similarly not altered the bilateral contracts with the host nation. In 1998, for example, a marine airplane accidentally severed a ski-lift cable for a gondola in Cavalese, Italy, killing all 20 passengers aboard, but this incident did not negatively impact the presence of the U.S. military in that nation.

A ‘Model Campaign’ Reappraised: The Counter-Insurgency War in Dhofar, Oman, 1965–1975

This article examines the Dhofar campaign in Oman (1965–75), and the role Britain played in assisting the Omani royal government against left-wing insurgents. Using existing secondary sources and declassified British government papers, it reassesses the contribution of British military advisers and special forces to the counter-insurgency (COIN) campaign, the balance between military action and civil affairs, the external dimension of the conflict, and intelligence and covert operations. It concludes by assessing whether the Dhofar War offers any guidance to Western armed forces involved in contemporary COIN campaigns such as those in Afghanistan and Iraq.

The Future of Civil–Military Intelligence Cooperation Based on Lessons Learned in Iraq

As part of the infrastructure for monitoring the movements of Private Security Companies (PSCs) in Iraq, a unique intelligence interface has been constructed to enhance cooperation between the military and PSCs. Using a wide range of existing intelligence-sharing agreements and guidelines for handling classified information, PSC contractors working with the US military have been able to provide unclassified intelligence products to the wider PSC community. Using lessons learned in Iraq as a contractor building this interface, the author explains how institutional difficulties were overcome and argues that the US military should be better prepared to share intelligence with the wide range of organizations it can expect to work with in future unconventional warfare or nation-building operations. Some of the lessons learned in Iraq can also be applied to the US Department of Homeland Security's Regional Fusion Centers, where many of the same difficulties with intelligence-sharing and integration with commercial organizations are being encountered.

Civil–Military Relations in India: The China Crisis and After

The pattern of civil–military interaction in India is informed by the notion that civilians should refrain from involvement in operational matters. The emergence of this trend can be traced back to the defeat against China in 1962. In its aftermath, the belief that the debacle occurred because of civilian interference took hold. Thereafter, politicians restricted themselves to giving overall directives, leaving operational matters to the military. The Indian ‘victory’ in the subsequent war with Pakistan was seen as vindicating this arrangement. This essay argues that the conventional reading of the China crisis is at best misleading and at worst erroneous. Further, it contends that the subsequent war with Pakistan actually underscores the problems of civilian non-involvement in operational issues. The historical narrative underpinning the norm of civilian abstention is at the very least dubious.

Military–Civilian Collaboration in Trauma Care and the Senior Visiting Surgeon Program

Military–Civilian Collaboration in Trauma Care and the Senior Visiting Surgeon Program

Thailand’s Path to Literacy

In 1932, during the reign of the King Rama VII, the Kingdom of Thailand, which until then had been an absolute monarchy, changed into a constitutional monarchy with a peaceful revolution led by high-ranking military officers and civil servants, all of them commoners. After the revolution King Rama VII abdicated. The Revolutionary Party proclaimed the so-called Six Principles as guidelines for national development, one of which stated, ‘‘Education shall be provided fully for the people’’. According to the first national census conducted by the Ministry of Interior in 1937, out of the population of 14,464,105 there were 6,888,548 illiterate people, accounting for 47.63% of the total population. The new government saw the eradication of illiteracy as an urgent priority and an essential prerequisite for enabling the people of Thailand to become active democratic citizens. In 1940 the government declared that citizens had the duty to learn to read and write the Thai language and to assist others in becoming literate. From then on adult education played a vital role in eradicating illiteracy. As part of this effort, the Adult Education Division, attached to the Office of the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Education, was established on 6 August, 1940 to further mass literacy as its main goal. A literacy campaign was then launched during the years 1940–1947, as the first systematic attempt of the government to tackle the illiteracy problem. The target clients were mostly adults. In this period, basic literacy was defined as the ability to read and write simple Thai sentences in adult language, as well as to understand the essential duties of the citizen in a

EU Civil–Military Cooperation and the Fight against Organised Crime: Lessons to be Learned from the Bosnian Example

Civil–military coordination between missions with the same top end of command and belonging to the same organization should increase the effectiveness of both missions even more than in a traditional interaction between military and civilian organizations. Nevertheless, the two EU missions in Bosnia, EUPM and EUFOR, which were both engaged in the fight against organized crime, had to undergo a difficult process until a decent level of cooperation was achieved. The article tries to describe the problems encountered and to address key factors, such as different concepts of operation, problems in the chain of command, a lack of accountability and—most importantly—the human factor, that hampered this cooperation.

War in late antiquity: a social history

List of Figures. List of Maps. List of Tables. Preface. Acknowledgments. Selected Roman Emperors during Late Antiquity. Selected Persian Kings during Late Antiquity. Table of Significant Events. Glossary. List of Abbreviations. Introduction. 1. War and its Causes in Late Antiquity: An Overview. 2. The Evolution of the Late Roman Army: An Outline. 3. Ancient Sources for War and the Army in Late Antiquity: A Guide. 1. Emperors and Warfare. 1.1. Changing Patterns of Imperial Involvement in Warfare. 1.2. The Unchanging Ideology of Victory. 2. Military Loyalties and Civil War. 2.1. Retaining Soldiers' Loyalties. 2.2. Civil War and Military Unrest. 3. The Infrastructure of War. 3.1. Manpower. 3.2. Supplying the Army. 3.3. Fortifications. 4. The Economic Impact of War. 4.1. Economic Benefits of War. 4.2. Economic Costs of War. 5. The Experience of War. 5.1. Soldiers. 5.2. Urban Communities. 5.3. Rural Communities. 5.4. Women. 6. Soldiers and Society. 6.1. Soldiers and their Families. 6.2. Interaction between Military and Non-Military Elites. 6.3. Military-Civilian Interaction at Non-Elite Levels. 7. Army, Warfare, and Religion. 7.1. The Changing Religious Complexion of the Army. 7.2 The Army and Religious Policy. 7.3. A Christian Empire at War. Notes. Bibliography of Ancient Sources. Bibliography of Modern Works. Index of Ancient Sources. General Index

Civil–Military Relations and Institutional Decay: Explaining Russian Military Politics

The Russian military's extraordinary decline is widely known. The changing political role of high-ranking officers and the different treatment they have been subjected to by Russian presidents has received relatively little scholarly attention, however. This article analyses this phenomenon—including the military elites' electoral participation, relationship to the executive, and opposition to state policy—and offers a method for explaining it. To generate a more penetrating understanding of Russian particularities while expanding our theoretical reach, the article combines the civil–military relations literature with that of the institutionalist approach, and more specifically, the concepts of path dependence and institutional decay.

Democracy and Effectiveness: Adapting Intelligence for the Fight Against Terrorism

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsThomas C. BruneauDr. Thomas C. Bruneau is Distinguished Professor of National Security Affairs in the School of International Graduate Studies at the Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, California. After serving as Department Chairman from 1989 to 1995, he became Regional Director for Latin America at the school's Center for Civil–Military Relations, a post he has held since 1998. From 2000–2004, he was the Center's Director. Prior to joining the Naval Postgraduate School, he taught in the Department of Political Science at McGill University, Montreal, Canada, from 1969–1987. In 2007, he became the first U.S. government employee to visit the headquarters of Mongolia's General Intelligence Agency, where, by invitation, he lectured its professional staff on aspects of intelligence reform. Dr. Bruneau has written extensively on the efforts to exert democratic control over intelligence organizations.