Civilian Leaders Research Articles

Seguridad Nacional y Construcción del Estado-Nación: El Rol del Centro de Altos Estudios Nacionales en la Historia Contemporánea del Perú

This article aims to analyze and highlight the contributions of the Centro de Altos Estudios Nacionales (CAEN) in the construction of the nation state and the consolidation of national security in Peru. It addresses the growth of the institution from its founding as the Centro de Altos Estudios Militares (CAEM) to its transformation into CAEN, and explores its roles and achievements in the context of the Peruvian reality. To do so, a methodology based on a documentary review of historical and academic sources has been used, analyzing how philosophical and political theories have influenced its development; in addition, a multidisciplinary perspective has been incorporated to understand the relationship between development and security in the Peruvian context. It is concluded that this institution has played a central role in the training of military and civilian leaders capable of facing the challenges of national security from a comprehensive perspective. Its contributions have been significant in terms of socioeconomic development and in the creation of public policies oriented towards equity and social inclusion, since the strategic approach and reforms promoted by the CAEN have contributed to a vision of Peru as an integral entity, which considers its diverse populations, cultures and problems.

Civil Leadership for Vibrant Communities: Building Bridges through Deliberative Dialogue

Civil Leadership for Vibrant Communities: Building Bridges through Deliberative Dialogue

Policing the police: Why it is so hard to reform police departments in the United States?

Why has it been so difficult to reform U.S. policing? We provide a theoretical argument that understanding of the entrenched militarisation and accountability problems of U.S. police departments would benefit from using theory in comparative research on civil–military relations. American police forces undermine local democracy by encroaching upon the decision-making powers of city officials in ways that resemble militaries in fragile democracies. Applying historical and contemporary evidence and existing scholarly research on policing, we explain police militarisation was initiated by civilian leaders of city governments to garner governmental legitimacy, and by-proxy police support, in racialised contexts. Trading off city governments’ institutional strength in order to maintain legitimacy produced opportunities for police insubordination or subversion of city government oversight of police activity. Consequently, cities with low public legitimacy and/or weak municipal institutions, faced with high demands by militarised police departments, may be more likely to experience police subversion of democratic accountability over police activity.

Organizational Culture and Big Data Analysis as antecedents to Swift Trust in Civil- Military relations during National Disaster Management

This study investigates the inter-relational effects of Big Data Analytics (BDA) and Swift Trust (ST) on Collaborative Performance (CP) during disaster management, framed within the Chaos and Complexity Theory. It focuses on both formal and informal organizational cultures, exploring the mediating role of organizational culture on the ST-CP relationship and the moderating role of BDA on the relationships between ST, organizational culture, and CP. The study highlights the critical importance of BDA capabilities for effective collaboration, providing insights for policymakers and administrative officials. Additionally, it underscores the significance of ST creation for military and civil leadership to achieve desired collaborative outcomes. Disasters, characterized by natural chaos, necessitate swift decision-making and resource management through predictive analysis.

Leadership Approaches from the Perspective of its Particularities in the Military Organization

Abstract The activity of a manager within an organization is influenced by their general and specialized knowledge as well as the skills necessary for organizing, leading, and guiding subordinates. The most important organizational resource is the human being. The consequences of wrong decisions made by military managers in peacetime cannot be as grave as those made during wartime. In war, we no longer speak of the quality of life of the personnel but particularly of their lives. Unlike civilian leaders, military leaders have the prerogatives to ask their subordinates to risk their lives if the situation demands it for the mission’s accomplishment. A manager must have the ability to work with people. They must also be aware of the problems that people face within the organization, get involved in solving these issues, empathize with them, and know what motivates them the most to encourage them to surpass themselves in the actions undertaken. When you take care of your soldiers, ensuring they are well dressed, equipped, fed, and cared for, you demonstrate good administrative skills. It is hard to imagine a good leader being a poorly prepared administrator or manager, even if this practice involves delegating competencies to subordinates. In this context, the concept of leader-manager is utilized.

Bridging the divide: Exploring inequities between sworn and civilian leaders in a Canadian police service.

Policing in the 21st century has rapidly become more complex, accountable, and changeable. Concern has emerged across the globe over the sustainability of public policing. Empirical research has supported that effective leadership at all levels of an organization is necessary to achieve success. Much has been said about the importance of effective leadership in policing. This paper explores an unexpected key finding from a mixed-methods, explanatory sequential design doctoral study that examined the self-efficacy beliefs and the factors that have influenced the leader effectiveness of sworn and civilian police leaders in a major Canadian police organization.

The Insights of Neo-Colonial Divorce between Niger and France through Defensive versus Offensive Diplomatic Mechanisms Perpetuated by Continuous Ambitions of Exploration, Expropriation and Exploitation of Natural Resources in Niger 2000-2023

The West African country called Niger is blessed with seven neighbouring countries which surrounded all its frontiers in spite of the fact that it is a landlocked country with no direct access to the sea. The rich natural resources like uranium attracted several Multinational Corporations (MNCs) to set up for the Exploration, Expropriation and Exploitation (3Es). Yet, the country remains one of the poorest and under developed for 63 years after independence but was crowned in the position of Heavily Indebted Poor Country Initiatives (HIPC). Unfortunately for France as the main consumer of Niger’s resources through the use of pro-French leaders of the country, the 21st Century was not going to be the same as it recently happened in the previous four decades of the 20th Century. To that effect, a New Generation of West African Leaders (NGWAL) from Mali, Burkina-Faso and Mali individual decided to take the bull by the horns with main objective to overthrow Purported Pro- French Civilian Leaders (PPFCL) in order to end all the mechanisms and networks of neo-colonialism as impediments to National Development and Unity (NDU) which in turns fuelled periods of social unrest and political instabilities since the 1960s. Therefore, Niger was not left out in this neo-colonial dance of the third decade of the 21st Century as it happened in 2023 with strong sentimental feelings in favour of the suffering Nigeriens. The scrutinized of specialized sources of information enable us to use a historical approach with our findings that Niger is on good footing towards new structural developmental agenda without any single dictatorial prescriptions from the neo-colonial men of Western Europe.

Amplifying Education: A Case Study in Advancing Academic Centres at Norwich University

Norwich University, the oldest private military college in the United States, aims to prepare future military and civilian leaders to navigate leadership and educational challenges successfully. One method of preparing leaders is through academic centres. Drawing on seven years of data from the John and Mary Frances Patton Peace and War Center and six years at the Center for Global Resilience and Security at Norwich University, this article shows how this task is accomplished by formally establishing research centres that exist outside of regular academic programming. The centres are uniquely positioned to understand the priorities of the US Reserve Officer Training Corps Cadet Command and the US Department of Defense to prepare future junior military leaders to be prepared for twenty-first-century security challenges. Particular attention is given to how experiential learning, leadership laboratories, and research have prepared cadets to be effective junior military leaders. For each core area, we apply Bloom’s hierarchical models to maximise cognitive, affective, and sensory learning objectives. Examples are provided to elucidate the paradigm and outlined objectives further. The article concludes by highlighting the impact of centres across the Norwich community. Keywords: Experiential Learning, Leadership, Academic Centres, Student Research, Norwich University

Evaluating the Effectiveness of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance in Preventing the Resurgence of Military Coups in West Africa

Many African countries underwent a shift from military to civilian leadership in the 1990s in response to calls for democratic changes from both domestic and international arenas. Unfortunately, the military dictatorship has made a comeback in Africa with a stunning surge of new military coups that have succeeded, along with several failed or abandoned attempts. Six (6) successful coups in the West African sub-region between 2012 and 2023 have complicated attempts to shed the region’s image as a “coup belt.” This research is primarily qualitative. For this research, the researcher used the qualitative research method by reviewing books, articles, and online interviews. This study aims to examine and challenge the ideas, theories, and policies that the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS) has implemented to thwart the rise in military takeovers in the region. The research also covers the military’s functions and how military action affects civil society. Considering the reasons, which include diminishing optimism, growing levels of insecurity, falling economies, and persistently low performance in human development, the research study concludes with these findings. The Economic Community of West African States and other relevant stakeholders that are interested in reducing military coups should invest more in finance. Rather than trying to employ coercive tactics to end the ongoing military coups in West Africa. In the same vein, they should also focus on resolving the root causes of conflicts and investing in local communities, rather than sacrificing them for hidden geo-strategic interests or agendas.

Pedagogical Discourse on the Reform of General Secondary Education in Soviet Ukraine through the Prism of Child Protection in the 1920s: the Struggle against Unification

The article reveals the leading ideas of Ukrainian teachers and civil leaders (V. Arnautov, Ya. Chepiha, T. Harbuz, H. Ivanytsia, Ya. Riappo, M. Skrypnyk, O. Zaluzhnyi, etc.) on reforming school education for the sake of development and protection of a child in the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic (USSR) in the 1920s. It has been proven that after the defeat of the Ukrainian Revolution (1917–1921) and the capture of the territory of Ukraine by the Bolsheviks, the pedagogical discourse focused on the idea of creating a new labour school. It should be based on the following principles: labour, active, social education to protect the child, communist, the principle of Ukrainization and at the same time the imposition of Russification, etc. Ukrainian educators, looking for active methods of teaching children in a labour school, turned mainly to European and world pedagogical science (A. Binet, J. Dewey, F. Freeman, G. Kerschensteiner, E. Meumann, P. Natorp, F. Seidel, Ch. Spearman, W. Stern, L. Terman, E. Thorndike etc.). Pedagogical discourse was aimed at opposing the unification of school education according to the Russian model. The policy of Ukrainization was effective, so the all-Union authorities intensified ideological pressure, seeking to curtail this process. The struggle for the Ukrainian school ended tragically for Ukrainian teachers. This eloquently testifies to how the Soviet ideology during the reform used the ideas of social protection of the child, Ukrainization of the educational process to establish its own ideological and socio-political goals of the totalitarian society.

Upholding Constitutionalism in Precarious Times: Case study of Malawi Defence Force

This paper seeks to understand the role of the military in a democratic state. It focuses on how the military performs under the civilian leadership put in place through a duly elected process in Malawi. Evidence has shown that some civilian leadership have gone overboard to influence the military to act contrary to the constitutional mandate. This paper examines the role played by the Malawi Defense Force in upholding the constitution. Data was collected using an interview guide with key informants and archival research. Data was analysed using content analysis. The results suggest that on a number of occasions between 1994 and 2019 there have been occasions also referred to as ‘critical junctures’ where the civilian leadership attempted to influence the military to go outside its constitutional mandate and act in the interest of civilians in power. Key notable events include the death of the Head of State in 2014 and during the 2014 elections where the incumbent president ordered the closure of the Tally Centre arguing ‘immense irregularity’. The paper concluded that for the continued professional work of the MDF operated within the dictates of the law that guides their operations.

Populism and civil–military relations

ABSTRACT Scholars largely view populism as a democratic game and study it through the lens of civilian mass politics, thereby, dismissing the role of the military elite. Nevertheless, populist mobilization may introduce new dynamics into the political landscape of countries that have a long history of politically active militaries. This article scrutinizes the degree and type of civilian control of the military in populist settings. It primarily contends that incumbent populists tend to limit the veto power of the military. However, civilianization in populist regimes does not occur through a consistent reform agenda geared towards democratic governance of the security sector. Populists instead seek to gain personal control of the military through individual, communal, or ideological ties to civilian leadership. The personal model does not aim to hinder the military’s political influence. On the contrary, it politicizes the army and seeks to use it under civilian authority towards shared goals. However, populism operates on shaky ground due to the institutional decay it causes.

Security Sector Reform in 2023 Thailand: Guaranteeing No Civilian Control

Abstract: Thailand has yet to undertake security sector reforms that place security forces under effective elected civilian leadership. Instead, it has prioritized improving security force efficiency through digital technology, thus minimizing civilian oversight. This study examines Thai security sector actors and the evolution of civil-military relations and general security sector reform in Thailand. It then analyzes two areas where security sector changes are being contemplated. The paper argues that the military’s long-entrenched political power will likely prevent any security sector reform facilitating civilian control from being implemented unless civilians acquiesce to military control over security sector reforms.

Social learning and the complex contagion of political symbols in Twitter: The case of the yellow ribbon in Catalonia

In this paper, we empirically test whether the spread of political symbols in Twitter is due to complex contagion. We analyzed behavior consisting of editing the Twitter account name to include an icon with a yellow ribbon; a symbol that represents the demand for the release of imprisoned Catalan politicians and civil leaders. To test this hypothesis, we used a behavioral, non-reactive, relational, and dynamic dataset of a large sample of potential users. First, we show that the probability of displaying a ribbon is associated with the proportion of peers who also display it (friends that share their support for the political cause). Second, we rule out alternative explanations as simple contagion and homophily. To rule out simple contagion, we run three empirically calibrated, agent-based simulations. We use our dataset to rule out homophily. And third, we suggest that adoption cannot be interpreted as the result of a compliance mechanism or as the result of normative pressures. Instead, the most plausible micro-level generative mechanism that leads to a complex contagion pattern is a peer learning process. Our study makes several contributions to the field. We show how digital data can be effectively used to identify new explananda and test the plausibility of competing behavioral explanatory mechanisms. We also contribute to the development of the theory of complex contagions. Our study widens the set of conditions for complex contagion and the set of reasons to explain why complex contagion might occur.

Colombia’s Pro-military Narratives in the Post-peace Agreement

A decade after the start of the peace talks between the Colombian state and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) insurgency, the country’s military has not been immune to the polarised debates surrounding the final 2016 peace agreement, particularly as today the country experiences a significant rise in polarisation, social discontent and organised armed violence that is blamed by multiple sectors of Colombian society on the peace agreement itself. This commentary traces the origins and development of recent pro-military narratives in Colombia, explaining how apprehensions by the military to the 2016 peace agreement translated into a ‘stab-in-the-back’ notion, portraying the military as victims of a betrayal by the civilian leadership. The consequence of this narrative has been a galvanisation of the support of various societal actors of the military, including by politicising the military institution, to defend Colombia’s decades-old militarised national security approach.

The Analysis of Civil-Military Cooperation in Implementation of Indonesia National Defense Policy

The global multidimensional shift requires the management of general national defense policies. Threats, disturbances, obstacles, and challenges are categorized according to their multidimensional patterns and categories. The potential of these challenges to destroy state sovereignty requires strong and synergistic civil-military collaboration. This study aims to examine civil-military cooperation in Indonesia in relation to the implementation of national defense policies in responding to changes in global threats. This study uses a qualitative method. This study uses an analytical descriptive methodology supplemented by secondary sources. The findings show that Indonesia has attempted to improve democracy, resulting in changes in the principles and practices of civilian authority over the defense sector, which have far-reaching implications for civil-military cooperation. Under democratic civilian leadership, it is critical that military and civilian institutions have the necessary resources to carry out their obligations effectively. Due to several several weaknesses and inhibiting factors, namely integration in sharing information between related agencies, then the division of tasks and coordination of command-and-control units and units that have not yet been formed, this is also due to the absence of a legal umbrella or regulatory mechanisms for implementing activities that involve various elements within them. depends on binding rules and becomes the legal basis for acting and there is no integration in planning joint tasks by creating joint task programs in training and joint working groups so that each agency knows their duties and responsibilities, and can deploy resources or assets owned for the smooth running of the task.

Praying for Civil Authorities (1 Tim 2:1-7): A Contextual Study

Most exegetes regard 1Timothy 2:1-7 as a general command for Christians to pray for all people and kings or rulers. This paper will demonstrate how Paul exhorts the church in Ephesus to pray for all people, including kings, in order to fulfill God's mission of bringing salvation to all humanity in the text under consideration. In the same vein, Christians in Nigeria must equally pray for themselves and civil leaders in order to exercise their mission in a country riddled with ills that dehumanize the image of God in the human person. To elaborate on the meaning of this passage, the grammatical structure of the text will be examined. This article argues that if 1Tim. 2:1-7 is read and understood, Christians in Nigeria would know that authority comes from God to humans, therefore they would appreciate and pray for civil authorities. Hence, the work uses contextual exegetical approach. This method combines rhetorical and literary analysis in the quest for theological meaning. Furthermore, it is a synchronic approach, this is because, it seeks to co-ordinate the different levels of meaning, the literary and theological, the historical and the hermeneutical with a view to drawing out the meaning and message of biblical text at the level of its composition and for today.

Frontier communities of Southern Ukraine in the 18th – early 19th century: a response to empires

The article proposes the analysis of new practices of the frontier population of the Southern Ukrainian region during the formation of the linear border and the attempts of the Russian and Ottoman Empires to control frontier communities and territories. It is shown that the boundary line did not actually divide, but rather united frontier corporations in developing a joint response to attempts at intervention by government institutions. From the beginning of the 18 century. The Zaporozhіan Sich and the Crimean Khanate united and worked out similar solutions to solve the problem of active military presence and interference in their own internal affairs by imperial structures. Joint resistance to the intentions of Russian and Ottoman officials from the Crimean Khan and the Kosh otaman of Zaporozhian Sich due to the establishment of delimitation signs in 1705 began a new tradition. Imperial governments had not only to reckon with the wishes of frontier communities, but also to depend on them. Diplomatic accords and international agreements were only formal, the realities of border life did not depend on them. Efforts of diplomats to establish a border line during the first half of the 18th century had no practical success. International treaties (Istanbul, Belgrade, Kyuchuk-Kainardzhii, etc.) testify to the existence of practices of changing religious affiliation from Orthodox to Muslim and vice versa. The relevant articles of the treaties emphasized the change of religion as the only condition for the possibility to stay in the respective country. However, it is unlikely that such practices were numerous. Over time, they were no longer under attention. The appearance of a more or less clearly defined border with the corresponding border institutions was traced only after the Russian-Turkish war of 1768-1774. The everyday practices of the frontier people did not change. The borders were rather imagined. Migrant border communities, as well as individual settlers, used border institutions only at their own will and to acquire official status. From the beginning of the 19 century a religious affiliation is no longer a criterion to pay attention to during the crossing of the border and permanent residence. Christian communities (Zaporozhian Cossacks, Nekrasivites) chose as a place of permanent residence the lands under the Muslim ruler. Religious rhetoric was used only by the military and civil leaders of the region, officials to increase influence on making a specific decision. At the beginning of the 19 century the state border and its institutions became denser, but still permeable. The border areas remained free for migratory flows. The strength of the region and its people became especially noticeable in the 19th century when the Russian Empire tried to unify the lands under its control. However, exactly here, in the South of Ukraine, that the empires had to adapt to the traditions of the free region and adjust their policies in accordance with the wishes of the frontier communities. During the 19 century the frontier specificity of the region remained decisive for the historical development of the region.

시진핑 시기 중국의 군개혁과 중·인 국경분쟁

Unlike other civilian leaders, Xi Jinping pushed ahead with sweeping military reforms after taking office as General Secretary of the Communist Party and Chairman of the Central Military Commission. This was a reaction to the situation in which the chairman had not been able to secure control of the military since Deng Xiaoping. Through anti-corruption, Xi Jinping eliminated high-ranking officials who used the military as a tool for personal gain, and tried to eliminate trafficking of official posts and factions within the military. In addition, through structural reorganization, the power of command of the military commander, who had been ineffective, was clarified. The 4 headquarters that interfered with the commander's command system were dismantled and reconstituted as an organization that assisted the military commission. The defense- oriented 7 military districts were also reorganized into 5 theater to prepare for both peacetime and wartime. And the army was established to break the grand army principle, strengthen the status of other forces necessary for modern warfare, and rearrange the composition of troops for them.
 The theater is not just a defense system, but a system responsible for operations. Accordingly, the eastern theater was responsible for Taiwan, the southern theater was responsible for the South China Sea and Vietnam, the western theater was responsible for India and Central Asia, the northern theater was responsible for the Korean Peninsula, and the central theater was responsible for the mission of the strategic reserve force. In general, it is evaluated that the risk of war in the Taiwan Strait, which is in charge of the Eastern Front, is the highest. However, the area where the largest number of troops are actually deployed is in the Western Front. There are two group army, as well as Xinjiang and Xizang military district. This is because west operation area is vast and its borders are very long, even though China has continuously pushed for weapon modernization. In addition, India is the only country that China does not have a border agreement with, and continues to confront each other across the LAC. In addition, the region should be responsible for operations in Central Asia in case of emergency. Therefore, west are organizing units and distributing weapons with the possibility of a small-scale armed clash or conflict rather than a large-scale war. In fact, it is judged that the possibility of an armed conflict in this area is much higher than in the Taiwan Strait.

The role of Sá Carneiro in the building of the Portuguese democracy: Memory(ies) of the agents of change through the press

This article aims to analyse how the press has depicted Francisco Sá Carneiro, founder of the Social Democratic Party, regarding his role in the construction of Portuguese democracy. Debates on the Portuguese transition to democracy focus almost invariably on its revolutionary phase and on the relative importance of its actors and agents of change. Nonetheless, little attention has been paid to the role of civilian leaders during or after the 74-75 Revolution. In addition, the impact of the media on the historical memory of the Portuguese transition remains an underexplored research topic. Considering the importance of the media in shaping public opinion and in the process of building the historical memory, we will undertake a qualitative analysis of piece of news published on Sá Carneiro and his role in Portuguese democratization. Our research will focus on Portuguese and Spanish largest newspapers in order to perceive if Sá Carneiro’s memory also changed abroad. This article argues that the press hasn’t paid much attention to Sá Carneiro’s role in the democratisation process, echoing mythologized visions of the centrist leader.