Migrants In Cities Research Articles

Rural-Urban Migration and Poverty:The Case of India

Summaries What is the relationship between rural‐urban migration and poverty? This article takes up this question, which is by no means new, but about which there is no consensus. The importance of migration for urban as well as for rural areas, for poverty and for poverty alleviation policies is considerable, and the article indicates that more research is needed, particularly taking into account both sides of the migration streams. Rates of urbanisation, which have remained low in countries like India, underestimate the importance of migration. Migrants in cities continue to maintain close links with, and return to, their areas of origin, thus limitiing urban population growth and complicating analyses and policies. The article, focusing on migration to Calcutta but also drawing on all‐India survey data and other evidence, discusses the following issues: the role of poverty versus inequality in migration; the migrants' districts of origin; the socio‐economic background of migrants; the migrants' income and expenditure, compared to non‐migrating groups; and whether migrants are able to improve their income over time.

Women in the Development Process: Occupational Mobility of Female Migrants in Cities in Nigeria

This article explores changes in occupational status of female migrants in Nigeria. The data are based on migration histories of individuals in Ibadan, Benin, and Kano. I explore three aspects of the complex relationship between migration and occupational status: spatial experiences, types of skills brought to the cities, and occupational change experienced within the cities. The analyses show that migrants came from both rural and urban origins. In two cities, interurban movements were more common than rural-to-urban. Interurban male migrants were more likely to arrive in the cities with established urban skills than rural-urban migrants. Women, both interurban movers and rural- urban migrants, arrived with either no occupational experience or only informal work experience such as farming or trading. While most men moved from traditional to modern sector jobs, most women’s occupational shifts were within the traditional sector or from not working to traditional and modern sector jobs. Overall, the analyses suggest that women do not gain in occupational status as do men in the three cities. These differences may be influenced by factors such as education, marriage, childbearing, and the community’s view of the woman’s economic role in society.

Sources of the Suburban Population: 1955—1960 and 1965—1970

The beginnings of this project go back at least a decade. At some point I became unhappy with both the popular and professional assumption that America's suburban population has come from the nation's central cities. Clearly, the geographic spread of many urbanized areas did result from the outward mobility of people-primarily whites-from the inner city to the outer city, to the suburban ring, and sometimes to the metropolitan fringe. The unanswered question was: how many suburbanites did not come from the Center City? As the study progressed, other questions arose and came to predominate. These new topics included 1) the changes in suburban population patterns from the decade of the 1950's to the 1960's, 2) the geographic distribution of various metropolitan growth patterns across the nation, and 3) the possibility of developing an historical theory of metropolitan growth from these data. The investigation focused on twenty-eight major metropolitan areas.' The 1960 and 1970 SMSA Census Tract Reports provide data on where people lived five years earlier-i.e., where people lived in 1955 when questioned in 1960, etc. Four useful kinds of responses to this question were reported: percent of people over five years of age living in the same place as before (the Residentially Stable Population), the percentage who previously lived in the Center City of the same metropolitan area (the Center City Migrants), the percentage who lived five years before in some other suburban or fringe location within the same metropolitan area (the Intra-Suburban Migrants),

The Adapting Style of City Migrants in South Asia

The rapid growth of population and over-urbanization in South Asia were completely different from Western urbanization caused by pulling labourers into cities from rural area under industrialization. The over-urbanization in South Asia was caused by pushing rural population into cities where the lives were easier and occupational chances much greater.In this paper the author tried to analyse the motives of city migrants, their style for adapting in cities, and to interpret changes in their value-consciousness.Hitherto, studies on city migrants were taken up only from the view points of population, their ecological residence style, economic, social, cultural sides of lives. So the author tried to make dynamic analysis out of these static interpretations. This paper is the preliminary trial to this purpose.City migration in South Asia states is specified by its intensification to the primate city. With natural growth and migration, the population of the city was rapidly grown, but the economic basis for pulling population remained unchanged. This led to not urbanization, but ruralization of the city, and squatter and slum were formed.Now the author analyse the so o-economic factors for city migration. The primary push factor is rural exodus motives formed by population pressure. But pull factors from city is also working. Kinships and friends living in cities cause one of pull factors.City migrants are divided into three types. The first is called shattle pattern of migration. In societies where extended family is general pattern, migrants go and return from rural area to cities, and inversely. The second is lonely resident pattern. In this case an individual resigns his native village and lives uprooted in cities. The last type is group immigrants. A group of similiar racial, religious and regional background migrates into cities. But the author takes regard only of individual immigrants, then, shattle pattern, short-range lonely immigrants residence pattern and lonely resident immigrants are recognized. Among them, the most typical pattern is residence pattern. The author also tried to analyse their migration motives and their adaptation pattern to working places and the city culture. Value and style of action have changed from rural type at the first stage to urbanized pattern.

Contraception and Pregnancy: Experience of Young Unmarried Women in the United States

We have previously described the sexual experience of unmarried U.S. teenagers based on interviews obtained in 1971 from a national sample of 4,611 young women 15-19 years of age.1 That article dealt largely with the sexual behavior of 2,839 white (i.e., nonblack) and 1,401 black never-married teenagers who, as a group, constitute 92 percent of the total sample (eight percent were or had been married). We found that about 28 percent of never-married young women aged 15-19 report having had sexual intercourse. This proportion rises from 14 percent at age 15 to 46 percent by age 19. (The proportion of teenagers who have premarital intercourse is higher, since about 60 percent of married teenagers report having had intercourse prior to marriage. Teenagers who come from poverty homes are not much more likely than their more affluent sisters to be sexually experienced. Faithful church attendance, rural background and a high level of confiding in parents are negatively associated with sexual experience. Migrant status and central city residence are associated positively with sexual experience. Socioeconomic factors are generally less significantly associated with sexual experience among whites than among blacks. We found that race ac-

Birth Rates among Rural Migrants in Cities

Birth Rates among Rural Migrants in Cities