Citizenship Class Research Articles

Picking up threads—women pursuing further studies at the University of Zimbabwe

The study aims to identify the motivating factors and the barriers encountered by women returning to study at tertiary level at the University of Zimbabwe. Data were collected from two main sources—survey questionnaire and in-depth interview. The study reveals that women in Zimbabwe are returning to study to empower themselves economically, improve their skills at work and to elevate their status in society. It is evident that work overloads and financial constraints hinder their participation. The study shows that these barriers are mainly a result of the gender expectations created by cultural and social values, which have relegated women to second class citizenship and confined them to the home. The government of Zimbabwe, Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and women's agencies' efforts to remove gender discrimination are frustrated by a male-dominated society that is yet to fully accept women as equal partners. Apparently some women seem to accept the situation they are in thus defeating the efforts of those who are trying to uplift them. Out of the study, recommendations are made for policy makers and programme providers to consider in the effort to enhance development of women.

Class and Politics in Historical and Contemporary Perspectives: The Twenty-First Annual North American Labor History Conference

The twenty-first annual North American Labor History Conference took place in Detroit, Michigan, at Wayne State University on October 21–23, 1999. Within the conference's overarching theme of “Class and Politics in Historical and Contemporary Perspectives,” panels addressed subjects as varied as labor in postwar Japan, masculinity and class formation, the impact of deindustrialization on class consciousness, migration and citizenship, and US labor law in the late eighteenth century.

Citizenship rites: feminist soldiers and feminist antimilitarists

In the United States, the question of women in the armed services has been continuously and hotly debated. Among feminists, two fundamentally differing views of women in the military have developed. Feminist antimilitarists tell us that militarism and patriarchy have together pressed women into second class citizenship. Meanwhile, feminist soldiers and their advocates regard martial service as women's right and responsibility and the ticket to first class citizenship. Citizenship Rites investigates what is at stake for women in these debates. Exploring the perspectives of both feminist antimilitarists and feminist soldiers, Ilene Feinman situates the current combat controversy within the context of the sea change in United States politics since the 1970s-from ERA debates over drafting women to recent representations of military women such as the film GI Jane. Drawing on congressional testimony, court cases, feminist and antiracist political discourse, and antimilitarist activism, Feinman addresses our pressing need for an analysis of women's increasing inclusion in the armed forces while providing a provocative investigation of what this changing role means for women and society alike.

SERVIÇOS DE SAÚDE MENTAL PARA AFRO-AMERICANOS: UMA PERSPECTIVA CULTURAL/RACIAL

Os afro-americanos vêm progredindo muito em direcào a uma verdadeira cidadania desde 1965. Contudo, os serviços de saúde mental para essa população têm sido tendenciosos,incompletos e deficientes, porque as similaridades com os curo-americanos têm sido enfatizadas, ao passo que as diferenças têm sido largamente ignoradas. Este artigo aborda algumas dessas diferenças, incluindo a identidade cultural/racial e o ‘eu cultural’ que afetam a avaliação, osdiagnósticos psiquiátricos e a psico-terapia ou outras intervençoes. Um modelo de avaliaçãointervenção ilustra como a informação cultural pode melhorar o atendimento aos afro-americanos. Esse modelo exemplifica uma aplicação de psicologia cultural que pode contribuir para uma mudança na prática profissional, no treinamento e na pesquisa dentro de uma sociedade multicultural. Sugestões de diretrizes que emergem desse modelo apontam para áreas que necessitamser enfatizadas no atendimento e na pesquisa.

Civil Society as Democratic Practice: North American Cities during the Nineteenth Century

Civil Society as Democratic Practice: North American Cities during Nineteenth Century On threshold of twenty-first century, many scholars and citizens are grasping for some sense of societal purpose more substantial and satisfying than aggregated narcissism that triumphed in last. Yet, various formulations of object of this quest, Social capital, civic engagement, the public sphere, or civil society, strike contradictory chords of meaning. Social capital might ring pleasantly in ears of social scientists, but to some humanists, it emits a discordant economistic sound. Civic engagement might recall pieties of a citizenship class convened a half century ago, which alternately comfort and repel. Gold-plated philosophical terms like civil society and the public sphere come enmeshed in a thicket of theoretical writing, much of it bound to parochial Western political theory. While range and variety of issues that this special issue of journal calls forth is to be applauded, such heterogeneous expectations can also lead to confusion and miscommunication. Thus, at outset, let me state my own particular interpretation of what is at stake in contemporary discussions of social capital.

Politics, Political Leadership, and Public Management

Political institutions are distinctive entities. They are both instrumental to and of a regime. They are the principal means by which a polity can achieve its collective purposes. But, political institutions also exert a formative effect on a regime. A people that seeks to govern itself through representatives, for instance, must create a representative assembly, and in doing so the people give the assembly a particular character. But then, by virtue of its composition, its structure and operation, and the purposes it chooses for the polity as expressed in the laws it passes, the representative assembly has a far-reaching impact on the character of the polity, and how it develops over time. Woodrow Wilson stated it quite elegantly in notes for a major treatise he never wrote. Institutions are subsequent to character. They do not create character, but are created and sustained by it. After being successfully established, however, they both confirm and modify national character, forming in no small degree national thought and national purpose--certainly national ideals (Link, 1971, 234). Public administration is as much a political institution as any legislature, court, or office of an elected executive. Administration is clearly a means to reach collective ends, but it exerts a formative influence as well. It does so in two ways. First, it contributes to the identification, creation, and refinement of collective purposes. Second, it is actively involved in shaping people's preferences and in structuring the vast array of relationships among citizens in both their public and private lives. Of course, citizen preferences and the continually evolving dynamic of relations among citizens influence the expression of collective purposes both directly and indirectly through the various avenues available in a democracy. One of these avenues can be the decision-making processes of administrative agencies. Through internal collective processes of their own as well as participation in external processes, administrative agencies help to decide what goals a nation, a state or province, or a locality should pursue and what values should be upheld or disparaged. A park service, for example, may be the principal organizational vehicle for preserving the natural heritage of a nation. At the same time, it is also involved centrally in defining what a nation's natural heritage consists of and in crafting and recrafting the meaning of preservation over time. The service's efforts to establish common understandings and goals arise out of scientific research conducted by the service itself or by other researchers, and out of responses to interactions with park visitors, and individuals and firms seeking access to natural resources for economic gain. In carrying out the law, administrative agencies often create particular categories or classes of citizenship and define the proper relationships among those classes. An immigration law may define in general who is a natural-born citizen, a naturalized citizen, a legal visitor, or an illegal immigrant. Typically, an immigration service must flesh out the details and try to clarify differences at the ambiguous margins of the definitions. More that immigration service must also define the duties, obligations, and restrictions that pertain to each. In doing all this, it also shapes behavior, the perceptions many citizens hold of one another, and the experiences they may have in particular contexts, such as employer and employee. Public administration as a political institution helps to lend a regime its distinctive character. Popular images of public bureaucracy often depict a monolith that is remote and indifferent to the lives of citizens and communities. As an identifiable entity, however, public administration is highly differentiated, with many of its faces turned fully toward the public. As Woodrow Wilson observed in his university lectures, Administration, therefore, sees government in contact with the people. …

The Significance of Race: Legislative Racial Discrimination in Louisiana, 1803-1865

This article provides a survey of racially discriminatory legislation in Louisiana from 1803, when the Louisiana Purchase was concluded, through the end of the Civil War in 1865. It reveals but a portion of the state history of official racial discrimination in that period. Court decisions, acts of local government, societal custom and culture must also be viewed to create a more complete picture. The historical period covered in this article reflects several phases of the development of Louisiana law. The first is the territorial period from 1803, when the Louisiana Purchase was concluded, through 1812, when Louisiana became a state. During this time, the legislative acts are those of the territorial legislature. The second is the period from statehood in 1812 through the conclusion of the Civil War in 1865. The period from reconstruction to the 1970s will be addressed in a subsequent article. As a result of the laws surveyed here, tens of thousands of people were held in slavery with the full support of the legislature and its statutes. Free blacks were relegated to second class citizenship and kept few in number by other legislative acts. While this review of legislative acts illustrates only a portion of the total picture of racial discrimination to which citizens of color were subjected, it does show the solemn legislative will determined to keep Louisiana's citizens of color, free and un-free, as powerless and enslaved as possible.

Institutional dimensions of social exclusion in the welfare state: An assessment of trends in the Netherlands and Germany 1985–1992

Abstract The concept underclass has become widely used to describe and analyse new conditions of poverty and marginality in the United States and increasingly in Europe as well. Yet, the concept remains ambiguous and subject to debate. This article contributes to the debate. Locating the underclass in the theory of citizenship and social class, the author examines the connections between social citizenship rights and the institutional structure of two corporatist/continental European welfare states, the Netherlands and Germany. She then examines the changing institutional context of several dimensions of social citizenship rights, in particular, unemployment benefits, social assistance and housing, to assess the degree to which these institutions may exclude economically weak populations. Although the Netherlands and Germany are representative of the continental European welfare state, the institutional structures and networks that provide the benefits of social citizenship to economically weak population...

Lutte de classes et citoyenneté dans la France contemporaine

Jean-Claude Delaunay, Class Struggle and Citizenship in Contemporary France In France at the present time, the relation between class struggle and citizenship is in flux because of important changes in the definition of geographical space. Review of the evolution in the articulation between class struggle and citizenship over the past two centuries reveals the uniqueness of the present period.

Henry Mcneal Turner Versus the Tuskegee Machine: Black Leadership in the Nineteenth Century

African American nation building between 1865 and 1899 was intended to be a part of a new nation coming together out of the national fragmentation that characterized the antebellum period. Reconstruction and its aftermath destroyed that goal. African Americans found themselves confronting not full citizenship after 1865 and 1877, but the need to find alternatives to the emerging problem of second class citizenship. African American leadership, according to historian Vincent P. Franklin, has, at times, been closely aligned with the African American masses. At other instances that leadership lacked consistency.(1) By 1899, African Americans were in a state of transition from an entire generation that known slavery as well as freedom to a people seeking the boundaries of full citizenship in the United States. vision of the earlier generation, after freedom was obtained in 1865, was to build a free-thinking African American society within the social, economic, and political structures of the United States. Black Nationalism was one method utilized by African Americans to combat the problems of post-Reconstruction America. In 1899, white violence against African Americans was still a major part of the national effort to define the place and status of African Americans. It was also a transition point in Black Nationalism as the representatives of African American autonomy after the Civil War - preachers, teachers and ministers - were challenged for the right to lead, mold, and determine the direction of the African American masses as a force in Southern United States society. Bishop Henry McNeal Turner, a preacher, and Booker T. Washington, a teacher, were both instrumental in defining Black Nationalism. Turner represented a newly freed African American populace whose primary experience was slavery. Bishop Turner served the African American lower class and gave them a voice through his ministry, religious and political organizing, vision, and support for emigration. Henry M. Turner was working to build an African American community within the structure of a newly unified nation - the United States. Additionally, he was part of an African American community attempting to define freedom and first class citizenship. frustrations generated by racial violence and other obstacles to African American advancement caused Turner and the lower class to be disillusioned with the United States. Henry McNeal Turner represented the values of the grassroots and their goals and was, perhaps, more aligned with the aims of African Americans than Washington. Booker T. Washington provided a different approach to Black Nationalism. Washington served a new class of people. The Wizard of Tuskegee sought to train the middle class and elite to teach, guide, and lead the African American masses. He also helped construct an African American society seeking ways to deal with a new question, segregation. White racial violence in 1899 pulled Turner and Washington again upon the regional and national stage. It forced each man to respond. Violence helped define the place of African Americans in United States society. It also influenced the direction of Black Nationalism as it moved from a circumstance involving the freedom of African Americans to a movement shaped by segregation. This study examines the transition from freedom to segregation and the violence that brought the change into focus. By 1899 Bishop Henry McNeal Turner's star was setting behind the onrushing presence of Booker T. Washington. W. E. B. DuBois and others yet to rise in opposition to accommodation. Bishop Turner's influence, as scholar Gayraud Wilmore suggested, would not be matched by the radical churchmen in the Niagara Movement and later . . . the NAACP. These leaders would garner their support from the rising African American middle class, while Turner had the grassroots. Even DuBois characterized the Bishop as the last of his clan.(2) Turner represented the antebellum and Reconstruction ministerial leadership that experienced slavery and limited access to education. …

An open letter to the powers that be

ABSTRACT This paper examines a case of discrimination against a deaf person at senior management level in education to illuminate the mechanism of discrimination and how, even when challenged, it can become a full-blown and deliberate victimisation and oppression. It questions the status of non-disabled ‘experts’ who mislead disabled people by encouraging them to adhere to unrealistic role concepts and expectations in pursuit of the perfect role model of the skilled disabled professional who can function in the absence of appropriate support, by isolating them from their own context, self-image and sense of humanity as disabled people. It further attempts to show the nature and extent of language abuse, institutional cultural monopoly and double standards which relegate disabled people to third class citizenship within diseased institutional frameworks, and suppress the possibility of a diversity of knowledge, skills, understanding and learning which makes for a more healthy ‘affective climate’ in educati...

A CIDADANIA DO TRABALHADOR ACIDENTADO: (RE)CONHECIMENTO DO DIREITO AOS DIREITOS SOCIAIS

Procura-se apresentar neste estudo o difícil caminho percorrido pelos trabalhadores acidentados na descoberta da cidadania em que o reconhecimento ao direito se apresenta como uma luta pela igualdade de uma cidadania de primeira classe, ou seja, o acesso à justiça e aos direitos sociais. Esta luta inicia-se no momento do acidente no mundo do trabalho, no qual prevalecem condições inseguras e insalubres, e passa para instituições de saúde, espaço de um sofrimento humano tenebroso e quase animalesco, onde os acidentados descobrem a abissal desigualdade em relação aos direitos sociais. Descoberta a desigualdade de acesso a esses direitos, os trabalhadores lesados física, social e juridicamente encontram nos sindicatos os meios que operacionalizam os seus direitos de cidadania, levando-os da condição de cidadão de segunda classe para a de primeira classe. É nos sindicatos que os trabalhadoes reafirmam o seu direito ao trabalho e encontram ainda o espaço de articulação, organização e regulação da luta pelos direitos sociais.

Back to the Future: Statutory Sick Pay, Citizenship and Social Class

ABSTRACTIt is commonly argued that democratic-welfare capitalist societies face a continual tension between market individualist and need-oriented welfare values. If this is so, the attempt by the British Conservative Government of the 1980s to administer a brisk restorative to the welfare state with a purging dose of market principles seems likely to generate a tenacious opposition. This paper uses the transfer of sick pay responsibilities to employers through the 1983 Statutory Sick Pay scheme as a case study, to examine with what success market-based ideologies have encroached on people's conceptions of welfare citizenship.

The Palestinian Refugees: An Uprooted Community Seeking Repatriation

The two million and a half Palestinians can be classified as either refugees outside their country Palestinians under occupation or refugees under occupation in their own country. About 600000 are living in camps; 313000 are accorded second class citizenship in Israel; and about one million are under occupation in the West Bank and Gaza. The rest whether established or not are living like all other Palestinians in a state of exile and uprootedness. To some the existence of Palestinian refugees is a legend; to several nations associations and groups the Palestinians are mere abstract numbers. To themselves the Palestinians are an uprooted community who see repatriation as the only solution to their problem. In this paper an attempt will be made to discuss the Palestinian refugees problem which arose as a result of the 1947-48 and 1967 wars and the socioeconomic background and the conditions under which the refugees have been living the reasons for their exodus the obstacles to their repatriation and their prospects for the future. The author will rely on United Nations documents and Arabic and Israeli sources but most essentially on two sociological surveys in which he participated. (excerpt)

Two Negro Problems Instead of One: A Challenge to Negro Colleges

The reason for this anomalous situation is partially explained by the expansion of the American economy since World War I and the tremendous increase of Negroes receiving higher education. These economically and educationally favorable circumstances have permitted the development of a small but very vocal Negro middle class which is apart from the masses of Negro people. This group of middle-class Negroes has met every requirement for first class citizenship. They are refined, well dressed, well behaved, and ambitious. They have moderate incomes, drive late model automobiles, travel in pullman cars, in airplanes, and live in modern homes. If they were second generation Europeans they would have been completely integrated into American life. But due to the unwillingness of Americans to digest peoples of color, this group experiences most painfully the evils of second-class citizenship.

Citizenship and Social Class, and Other Essays.

Citizenship and Social Class, and Other Essays.

Citizenship and Social Class: And Other Essays.

Citizenship and Social Class: And Other Essays.

Citizenship and Social Class and Other Essays. By T. H. Marshall. (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1950. Pp. 154. $2.50.)

Citizenship and Social Class and Other Essays. By T. H. Marshall. (New York: Cambridge University Press. 1950. Pp. 154. $2.50.)