Democratic Citizenship Research Articles

Modeling the Student Leadership, Citizenship, and Democratisation in Islamic University in Malaysia

This study is to analyse the impact of student leadership and citizenship on the process of democratisation in Islamic universities in Malaysia. The necessity to comprehend the complex character of student leadership, particularly its manifestation at Islamic universities, is underscored by the global reports on this matter. Inquiries regarding citizenship and democracy present difficulties, highlighting the intricate nature of the issue. The intricacies of how leadership is seen, its influence on results, and the promotion of engaged citizenship introduce further complexities. It is essential to comprehend the correlation between leadership, citizenship, and outcomes, while also considering the ethical aspects. This study examines the concepts of student leadership, citizenship, and democratisation within a specific setting. It utilises a survey that includes 593 individuals randomly selected from three institutions in Malaysia. The data analysis was conducted using SPSS, which involved performing descriptive, correlation, reliability, and regression analyses. These studies yielded useful insights into the relationships between variables. Ultimately, this study investigates the concepts of student leadership, citizenship, and democratisation within the specific environment under examination. By employing a survey design that incorporates a substantial sample size, the methodology guarantees reliable and strong conclusions. Descriptive data demonstrate favourable attitudes, whereas regression analysis highlights the substantial impact of citizenship and student leadership on predicting democratisation. The internal consistency is enhanced by a high level of reliability. These insights emphasise the significance of citizenship in influencing the process of democratisation, providing vital direction for educators to foster active and democratic citizenship among students.

ЭВОЛЮЦИЯ ПРЕДСТАВЛЕНИЙ О СУЩНОСТИ МЕСТНОГО САМОУПРАВЛЕНИЯ В ОБЩЕСТВЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ДИСКУРСЕ

The article analyzes the socio-political discourse of local self-government in the post-Soviet period of Russia’s development. The aim was to study the transformation of ideas about the functions of local government in the socio-political discourse of 2014-2023. The research method was quantitative and qualitative content analysis of texts. As it turned out, in the associative series with the concept of “local self-government”, word forms associated with the meanings of local democracy, civil society, democracy, and political participation of citizens were least used. To a much greater extent, the concept of local self-government turned out to be associated with concepts describing it as local public administration related to the performance of the function of providing services to the population, solving socio-economic problems. As a result of the study, the hypothesis was confirmed that the idea of transforming local self-government is the lowest link in the system of public power has support in political discourse. In the public consciousness, the function of this institution as a “school of democracy” was almost completely replaced by the idea of it as a “grassroots” management unit, engaged mainly in providing services to the population and solving socio-economic problems. Such a painless rejection of the democratic component in a broader context confirms the hypothesis that the formation of local self-government in the first half of the 1990s was not democratic, but politically situational in nature, associated with the interests of a relatively small number of actors, the lack of formation of local communities in the post-Soviet period, and the weakness of the “middle class”, therefore unable to become social the base of local government. This gave rise to the objective inevitability of the subsequent evolution of the institute of local self-government into the “lower floor” of the regional public administration system, bringing the “superstructure” institute of political management in line with its basic basis.

한원진 인간본성론의 현대적 의의: 나바에츠(D. Narvaez)의 관점

The purpose of this study is to discuss the modern significance of Han Won-jin's theory of nature by interpreting it from the perspective of Narvaez. Until now, Han Won-jin's theory of nature has been interpreted as meaning that the nature of humans and animals is different by contrasting with the two. This can also be said to be a meaningful work in the history of philosophy. However, there seems to be little discussion on the implications of the argument that human and animal nature are different in terms of moral education. In particular, although it is a very interesting argument to argue that human nature is not only different from animals, such as Han Won-jin, but that each person has a difference in nature, it is difficult to find a case that reveals the implications or modern significance of the word. Assuming that each person has a different nature, that is, a moral virtue, it can be assumed that each person has a different moral judgment ability or moral response ability [虛靈知覺]. From this, it is possible to explore why moral education is necessary for everyone beyond the class limits of the Joseon Dynasty along with the necessity of moral education. In addition, Narvaez's model of moral experts is a good criterion for making such an attempt. Aristotle's virtue ethics, the philosophical origin of this model, is not only consistent with the nature of Confucianism, but also the series of processes from beginners to experts is in large part consistent with the content of royal lectures and discussions based on Han Won-jin's concept of nature. In addition, this model has great implications for estimating that modern and contemporary intellectuals' struggles to protect nationality and democratic citizenship against the Japanese colonial period and military dictatorship are directly connected to Joseon Confucianism, especially Han Won-jin's theory of nature. Therefore, this study explored the moral educational meaning of Han Won-jin's theory of nature based on Narvaez's model of moral experts.

학교민주주의의 재개념화를 위한 시론: 신유물론 관점에 입각한 성원권 확장을 중심으로

This study aimed to explore what insights new materialism might provide for advancing the discussion on school democracy with a specific focus on the issue of extending membership to nonhuman beings. It reviews the literature that sought to move away from a minimalist approach to school democracy and confirms that schools could be a place for experimentation and imagination for a new democracy. Then, it discusses what it might mean to extend the membership of school democracy to nonhuman beings through a theoretical framework informed by new materialism as follows. First, extending the membership of school democracy to nonhuman beings requires an onto-epistemological turn. Second, it shifts democratic subjectivity from something fixed to something created “through” actions performed in a specific context. Last, it is critical to cultivate response-ability in order to practice school democracy based on this onto-epistemology. Based on these discussions, this study re-conceptualizes school democracy as a space-time in which all school members, including nonhuman beings, renew their subjectivity as a democratic citizen by attending and responding to each other with a sense of entanglemt.

사회과 저경력 교사의 토의·토론 수업 역량 강화를 위한 연수 프로그램 개발 연구

The purpose of this study is to analyze the characteristics of the training program developed to enhance the democratic citizenship education competence of low-experienced social studies teachers through discussion and debate, and to derive implications for the development and implementation of teacher training programs for low-experienced teachers in the future. To this end, the analysis focused on the training program development process and content structure, and the responses of training participants. As a result of the analysis, the teachers who participated in the training gave a very positive evaluation of the training program. Not only was the satisfaction with the content and method of the lecture very high, but it was also highly evaluated in terms of its usability in work. The training instructors recognized that the logical arrangement of the training program was outstanding and that the satisfaction of training participants was high due to the training program being structured around activities and participation. However, they evaluated that the lack of training time, the lack of understanding of the participants’ needs and demands, and level difference between programs(courses) by the instructors’ individual capabilities needed to be improved. Based on these analysis results, field orientation, integration, and cooperation were presented as principles of improving the training system for low-experience social studies teachers and suggested implications for the development and operation of training programs based on this.

Reconsidering the Meaning of ‘Visual Literacy’ in the Age of AI : Applications to Liberal Arts Education and Possible Extensions

Literacy is an important driving force when it comes to attaining a critical eye for the real world, as well as for analyzing problems in the past and making predictions for the future. Since literacy is evolving in a new paradigm for human lifestyles and abilities, in no small part thanks to the rapid development of AI(Artificial Intelligence) and robot technology, this study begins with a review of the change in the meaning of literacy. Next, we consider the meaning of ‘visual literacy’, in an era when AI reads and analyzes information such as images and texts, as well as visual recognition, voice recognition, and decision-making through algorithms, and creates art in a new way. The ultimate purpose of this study is to argue for the need to change the meaning of ‘visual literacy’ as a driving force for visual communication based on imagination in terms of technological utilization, critical thinking, and ethical social problem solving. Therefore, the content of this study emphasizes both a utopian and dystopian aesthetic vision, as well as critical thinking, in terms of potential and expandability of AI, rethinking the meaning of ‘visual literacy’ at the ethical level with human autonomous judgment and a sense of responsibility. The results of this study demonstrate the need for us to apply ‘visual literacy’ in a way that combines imagination and critical thinking, as well as our need to develop a new way of visual cognition necessary for the acquisition and use of digital technology in terms of the role of liberal arts education in universities. Through this study, I argue that the application of ‘visual literacy’ to foster democratic citizenship qualities can help us expand new possibilities for the role of liberal arts education in the era of AI by giving us the authority to understand and utilize digital media based on imagination for image and text information processing technology and visual communication.

통일교육 패러다임 전환론의 문제점 분석 및 대안모색을 위한 연구

This study was conducted with the aim of examining the paradigm shift theories of unification education. Each of these paradigm shifts had the following problems. The paradigm shift from security to peaceful unification has issues such as incompleteness of paradigm shift, the still central position of security, and the unclear status and conceptual establishment of the concept of “unification” when transitioning from security education to unification education. The paradigm shift to unification education by various theories of education has a problem either the maintenance or replacement of unification education, and there is also a problem that it does not present the systematic relationship between education and unification education by various theories of education. Following the emergence of post-modernity, the theory of paradigm shift in unification education has problems such as appropriateness of alternatives, appropriateness of application to the Korean modernity, and problems that do not show great difference in content from the existing new paradigm of unification education.
 In order to achieve the correct shift in the paradigm of unification education while overcoming these problems, this study suggests several things as follows.
 First, in the era of post-Cold War inter-Korean reconciliation, unification education needs to achieve a complete paradigm shift from security to unification, which refers to education for “unification” itself, which converts division consciousness to unification-oriented consciousness, and education that seeks to shift awareness from division to unification.
 Second, in order to properly realize the paradigm shift to unification education in various theories of education, such as democratic citizenship education and peace education, it is necessary to include it in the systematic connection of unification education through education theory by and sub-education for unification ideology.
 Third, the paradigm shift to post-division education following the emergence of post-modernity needs to be pursued in the context of inclusion and convergence in unification education.

2022년 개정 교과과정상 민주시민교육의 의미와 민주주의 역사 활용 가능성

The 2022 revised curriculum pursues self-directed students with inclusivity and creativity in an ideal way. This is because, amid the advent of the 4th Industrial Revolution artificial intelligence era due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the climate crisis, a new change to a practical educational paradigm such as on-site acceptance, diversity, and student-customization of school education was required. However, the importance of democratic citizenship education, which intends to promote community self-discovery, awareness of social participation, and practice solidarity, has increased. This paper examines the contents of the 2022 revised curriculum from the perspective of democratic citizenship education and compares the history of student democracy, a characteristic of the region's historical culture, with the contents of the new curriculum as the subject of democratic citizenship education that can be conducted by the Gwangju Metropolitan Office of Education. To this end, I introduce the purpose of the revision and future talent appearance in the general overview of the 2022 revised curriculum announced by the Ministry of Education (2021), and analyzes the relationship between the four tasks and democratic citizenship education. In addition, I explore whether the Gwangju Metropolitan Office of Education can educate students in the history of participating in social issues in the Japanese colonial era independence movement and the post-liberation democratization movement in light of the 2022 revised curriculum. As a result, it is argued that the unique culture of the regional level can be the subject of democratic citizenship education necessary for the formation of students' community self.

A social network analysis of early twentieth-century elite Black male civil society

ABSTRACT This study provides new empirical evidence on the relationships between early twentieth-century Black voluntary membership associations. Specifically, we utilize data on elite Black men’s fraternal, professional, intellectual, and reform association memberships derived from the first Who’s Who publication for Black citizens to consider how these individuals’ organizational memberships may have helped to foster Black civil society, creating networks of activism and engagement with the potential to enhance democratic citizenship. We find that the three major fraternal orders—the Prince Hall Masons, the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows, and the Knights of Pythias of North and South America, Europe, Asia, and Africa—had the greatest numbers of identifiers; these associations often were closely connected to professional and reform organizations such as the National Negro Business League and the NAACP. Important regional distinctions also emerge. These findings have important implications for the development of Black social, cultural, and political capital at the turn of the twentieth century.

Lottocracy or psephocracy? Democracy, elections, and random selection

Would randomly selecting legislators be more democratic than electing them? Lottocrats argue (reasonably) that contemporary regimes are not very democratic and (more questionably) that replacing elections with sortition would mitigate elite capture and improve political decisions. I argue that a lottocracy would, in fact, be likely to perform worse on these metrics than a system of representation that appoints at least some legislators using election – a psephocracy (from psēphizein, to vote). Even today's actually existing psephocracies, which are far from ideally democratic, are better suited than a lottocracy would be to meet the demands of democratic citizenship (politics must be legible to ordinary people, who must have low-cost opportunities to participate) and the demands of democratic leadership (powerful representatives should be specialized and constrained by competitions for popular support). Democrats therefore have weighty instrumental reasons to reject lottocracy and work to democratize psephocracy, instead.

Between militant democracy and citizen vigilantism: Using citizens’ assemblies to keep parties democratic

Abstract The essential role of parties in democracies makes it important to keep them democratic. This article argues for sortition-based citizens’ assemblies (CAs) organized in and by civil society to formulate democratic standards for political parties to follow, to evaluate them individually and to criticize them publicly if they do not. This is a third and potentially complementary way to keeping parties democratic, placed between militant democracy on the one hand and citizen vigilantism on the other. Militant democracy is challenged by the fact that few democratically problematic parties are ostensibly anti-democratic and therefore likely to fall under the legal criteria for issuing party bans and other legal sanctions. Militant democratic measures are also likely to be ineffective and are vulnerable to abuse. Citizen vigilantism, whereby active democratic citizens take on the responsibility for protecting democracy, deals better with the ambiguous nature of democratically problematic parties but suffers from a lack of democratic authorization and clear standards of critique. While not perfect, the proposed model remedies many of the shortcomings of both approaches. Contributing to an emerging literature on CAs as instruments in the protection of democracy, the article evaluates the model’s normative justifiability, feasibility and likely effectiveness.

The World Asks Something from Us: An Interview With Gert Biesta About Encountering Subjects in Education and Mental Health Work

This interview with Gert Biesta is part of an ongoing research initiative to explore the relationship between reality, social construction, and professional practices within the mental health field. Biesta’s work has been a critical source of inspiration for this project. Biesta’s work centers on the purpose and aims of education, emphasizing subjectification or the process of engaging with one’s own freedom and becoming a subject capable of navigating the world. Biesta argues for a world-centered rather than child-centered or curriculum-centered education. This is not only because education should provide students with the knowledge and skills necessary to act effectively in the world, but most importantly, because the world is where our existence as human beings takes place. Biesta thus engages with ethics and the connection between education and broader philosophical themes and challenges instrumental approaches in favor of seeing education as having intrinsic value for human growth and democratic citizenship. Although Biesta’s work is primarily concerned with educational questions, his ideas transcend education and can prove productive in other domains. In the interview, we extend the conversation to mental health, seeking areas where Biesta’s ideas resonate. In the concluding paragraph, the authors highlight the parallels between education and mental health, particularly their shared emphasis on subjectivity and the challenge of navigating reality. It is suggested that education and mental health intersect in their concern for “subjectness” and how individuals must relate to what the world demands of them.

Johanna Dunaway and Kathleen Searles. News and Democratic Citizens in the Mobile Era

Johanna Dunaway and Kathleen Searles. <i>News and Democratic Citizens in the Mobile Era</i>

The d-word: surveying democracy in America

ABSTRACT Political science has a “d-word” problem. Democracy is a central construct in political science, yet researchers have not settled on a single, unified definition. Furthermore, scholars increasingly fear mass publics are dividing on their meanings of democracy. This study uses two nationally representative American public and expert surveys to determine how Americans construe the word democracy. Using Blackbox transpose analysis, it finds that Americans conceive of liberal democracy – a democracy with civil liberties and political rights – more so than of democratic institutions by themselves. Additionally, the publics’ ratings are highly consistent with ratings provided in parallel expert surveys. However, partisanship, education, and political interest colour how democratic citizens perceive different countries to be.

‘삶의 양식으로서 민주주의’를 경험하는 학급자치회의

Purpose: To make the class an experience of becoming a space for democratic life, this study designed the operating principles of a self-governing council that can foster democratic citizenship and analyzed how students experience democracy while conducting self-governing meetings according to theestablished rules.&#x0D; Methods: The researcher employed an action research method and analyzed data from a total often self-governance meeting transcripts, student records, and in-depth interview materials.&#x0D; Results: As students formed a strong cooperative relationship with teachers, they recognized themselves as partners with teachers possessing decision-making authority, and demonstrated a tendency to treat each other as equal citizens while experiencing mutual respect among students. The agendaof the classroom self-governance meetings exhibited a shift from passive and constraining autonomy to proactive autonomy involving discussions on structural constraints. The dialogue culture formed through nonviolent dialogue and the circle process helped to form and maintain an attitude to accept various values and position, along with attitude of mutual respect and treating each other as equal citizens.&#x0D; Conclusion: As students experienced democracy in their school lives, they recognized themselves as agents of school transformation and became agents of innovation capable of reshaping the school community. Therefore, effective democratic citizenship education should be integrated into teachertraining, and the national curriculum should be meticulously designed to facilitate students' growth as democratic citizens within their school lives.

언론사 사설로 본 과거청산 담론 분석과 민주시민교육적 함의

This study divides past settlement into two types (criminal prosecution model - reconciliation model) and integrates the 5 principles of solving the “Gwangju problem” (punishment of responsible persons, compensation for victims, investigation of the truth, restoration of victims' honor, reconciliation and integration). pursuit) was analyzed. To this end, by analyzing 139 editorials of the Dong-A Ilbo, one of the major daily newspapers, from 1993 to 2022, it is diachronic how the tasks of liquidation of the May 18th over the past 30 years have been recorded and expressed through the ways and aspects of change. It was analyzed and evaluated from this point of view. As a result of the analysis, Dong-A Ilbo editorials related to the settlement of the past posted the most editorials related to truth finding among the 5 principles, followed by editorials on punishment of those responsible (perpetrators), followed by demands for restoration of the victim's honor, demand for compensation for victims, and reconciliation and integration. It was confirmed that the amount of publication was classified in the order of pursuit. It is interpreted as a reflection of the will that, in order to truly settle the past, first of all, it is essential to find out the truth and fair punishment for those responsible. In particular, the Dong-A Ilbo's editorials were identified as focusing on the original role of the media as a public communication medium rather than adhering to value-oriented discourses according to political tendencies regarding changes and trends that are receiving great attention both socially and politically. Through this analysis, this study aims to help our society and community reexamine the democratic and historical meaning of May 18 in the history of Korean democracy, gain knowledge about social issues that have arisen in the public sphere, and further increase awareness of the universal values pursued by human society. We wanted to provide a foundation for rediscovery. In addition, for this purpose, after the discourse analysis discussion process, the reasons for emphasizing the ‘necessity of democratic citizenship education’ were briefly presented.

역량 중심 교육과정의 역할에 대한 고찰

The purpose of this study is to examine how the concept of competency promoted by the OECD is reflected in the 2015 revised curriculum and the 2022 revised curriculum and whether there is continuity between them. This consideration is to examine the change in the role of competency that acts as a catalyst for creating new knowledge through utilizing knowledge depending on the situation. The research finds that the curriculum is evolving towards building a human model that nurtures democratic citizenship with an emphasis on compassion and responsibility, shifting from the pursued values and goals. As the concept of competency that appeared in the 2015 curricula has been expanded to the 2022 curricula, it was found to be linked to and continuous with OECD Education 2030. In the 2022 revised curricula, it can be said that this connection was further strengthened with the emergence of the student agency and transformational capabilities of OECD Education 2030. In OECD Education 2030, competencies are placed at the center of the learning compass, surrounded by core standards including knowledge, attitudes, skills, and values, suggesting an expansion of the concept of competencies beyond mere skill and knowledge acquisition. These changes were reflected in the 2022 revised curricula, and it can be said that the competency-oriented education area has been expanded

A manifesto for communication studies

Abstract In this article, a case is made for confident self-expression as a practice of democratic citizenship that is no less important than literacy. This article then considers what is entailed in ‘doing citizenship’ as opposed to ‘being a citizen’.

Small Transport Operators as Democratic Actors: Work, Politics, and Governance in Delhi

AbstractThe paper broadly illuminates how livelihood pursuits and acts of democratic citizenship mutually constitute each other for the urban working poor in South Asia and argues this through the “democratic action” done by the auto‐rickshaw drivers in Delhi. The paper shows how the drivers work their livelihoods and maintain stable work conditions while also trying to protect its very possibilities in the future. The paper does this by tracing first how government regulation envelopes the everyday livelihoods of these drivers, forcing them to master regulation. The drivers go on to perform two kinds of work—challenging regulation on its own terrain and performing electoral activities in lieu of changing regulation and policy. The paper argues that we can understand these two kinds of activities as pertaining to substantive and procedural democracy. The paper draws upon 24 months of dissertation fieldwork in Delhi with auto‐drivers, other small transport operators, bureaucrats, lawyers, politicians, and others associated with the small transport economy.

Agnosticism and Pluralism about Justice

Political liberalism views a public policy as justified when reasonable citizens subject to it have sufficient reasons to endorse it. But this endorsement condition does not specify how reasonable citizens in democracies are to exercise their equal say in deciding which policies to support prior to enactment. Citizens may regard many policy options as reasonable but only one as truly just. The dominant view among political liberals, which I call agnosticism, takes no stand on how citizens ought to rank these reasonable alternatives to determine which to support. Agnostics see all criteria for comparing reasonable policies as on a par, whether they be theories of justice or coin flips. I show how Quong’s (2011) analysis of reasonableness leads to agnosticism. I then develop the pluralist alternative, which holds that citizens should support the reasonable policy they regard as most just. What I call pluralism sees multiple conceptions of justice as correct, or “most reasonable.” I show that pluralism offers a compelling alternative to agnosticism in that it can both make sense of an individual citizen’s duty to support what they regard as just policy and respect the fact that citizens reasonably disagree about what the most just policy is.